
- •5.2 The ‘parallel’ markets
- •Introduction: the nancial system
- •Introduction: the nancial system
- •1.1 Financial institutions
- •1.1.2Financial institutions as ‘intermediaries’
- •1.1 Financial institutions
- •1.1.3The creation of assets and liabilities
- •1.1 Financial institutions
- •1.1 Financial institutions
- •1.1 Financial institutions
- •1.1 Financial institutions
- •1.1.4Portfolio equilibrium
- •1.2 Financial markets
- •1.2Financial markets
- •1.2.1Types of product
- •1.2.2The supply of nancial instruments
- •1.2.3The demand for nancial instruments
- •1.2.4Stocks and ows in nancial markets
- •1.3 Lenders and borrowers
- •1.3Lenders and borrowers
- •1.3.1Saving and lending
- •1.3 Lenders and borrowers
- •1.3.2Borrowing
- •1.3.3Lending, borrowing and wealth
- •1.4 Summary
- •1.4Summary
- •2.1Lending, borrowing and national income
- •2.1 Lending, borrowing and national income
- •2.1 Lending, borrowing and national income
- •2.1 Lending, borrowing and national income
- •2.2 Financial activity and the level of aggregate demand
- •2.2Financial activity and the level of aggregate demand
- •2.2 Financial activity and the level of aggregate demand
- •2.2.2Liquid assets and spending
- •2.2.3Financial wealth and spending
- •2.3 The composition of aggregate demand
- •2.3The composition of aggregate demand
- •2.4 The nancial system and resource allocation
- •2.4The nancial system and resource allocation
- •2.4 The nancial system and resource allocation
- •2.5 Summary
- •2.5Summary
- •3.1The Bank of England
- •3.1 The Bank of England
- •3.1.1The conduct of monetary policy
- •3.1 The Bank of England
- •3.1.2Banker to the commercial banking system
- •3.1 The Bank of England
- •3.1.3Banker to the government
- •3.1.4Supervisor of the banking system
- •3.1 The Bank of England
- •3.1.5Management of the national debt
- •3.1.6Manager of the foreign exchange reserves
- •3.1.7Currency issue
- •3.2 Banks
- •3.2Banks
- •3.2 Banks
- •3.2 Banks
- •3.3Banks and the creation of money
- •3.3 Banks and the creation of money
- •3.3.1Why banks create money
- •3.3 Banks and the creation of money
- •3.3.2How banks create money
- •3.3 Banks and the creation of money
- •3.4 Constraints on bank lending
- •3.4Constraints on bank lending
- •3.4.1The demand for bank lending
- •3.4.2The demand for money
- •3.4 Constraints on bank lending
- •3.4.3The monetary base
- •3.4 Constraints on bank lending
- •3.4 Constraints on bank lending
- •3.4 Constraints on bank lending
- •3.5Building societies
- •3.5 Building societies
- •3.6 Liability management
- •3.6Liability management
- •3.6 Liability management
- •4.1 Insurance companies
- •4.1Insurance companies
- •4.1 Insurance companies
- •4.1 Insurance companies
- •4.1 Insurance companies
- •4.2Pension funds
- •4.2 Pension funds
- •4.2 Pension funds
- •4.3Unit trusts
- •4.3 Unit trusts
- •4.3 Unit trusts
- •4.5NdtIs and the ow of funds
- •4.6Summary
- •Issuing house
- •5.1The discount market
- •5.1 The discount market
- •5.1 The discount market
- •5.1 The discount market
- •5.1 The discount market
- •5.2 The ‘parallel’ markets
- •5.2The ‘parallel’ markets
- •5.2.1The interbank market
- •5.2.2The market for certicates of deposit
- •5.2 The ‘parallel’ markets
- •5.2.3The commercial paper market
- •5.2 The ‘parallel’ markets
- •5.2.4The local authority market
- •5.2.5Repurchase agreements
- •5.2.6The euromarkets
- •5.2 The ‘parallel’ markets
- •5.2.7The signicance of the parallel markets
- •5.2 The ‘parallel’ markets
- •5.3Monetary policy and the money markets
- •5.3 Monetary policy and the money markets
- •5.3 Monetary policy and the money markets
- •5.3 Monetary policy and the money markets
- •5.4Summary
- •6.1The importance of capital markets
- •6.2 Characteristics of bonds and equities
- •6.2Characteristics of bonds and equities
- •6.2.1Bonds
- •6.2 Characteristics of bonds and equities
- •Index-linked bonds
- •6.2 Characteristics of bonds and equities
- •6.2.2Equities
- •6.2 Characteristics of bonds and equities
- •6.2.3The trading of bonds and equities
- •6.2 Characteristics of bonds and equities
- •6.2 Characteristics of bonds and equities
- •6.2 Characteristics of bonds and equities
- •6.3Bonds: supply, demand and price
- •6.3 Bonds: supply, demand and price
- •6.3 Bonds: supply, demand and price
- •6.3 Bonds: supply, demand and price
- •6.3 Bonds: supply, demand and price
- •6.3 Bonds: supply, demand and price
- •6.4Equities: supply, demand and price
- •6.4 Equities: supply, demand and price
- •6.4 Equities: supply, demand and price
- •6.4 Equities: supply, demand and price
- •6.4 Equities: supply, demand and price
- •6.5The behaviour of security prices
- •6.5 The behaviour of security prices
- •6.5 The behaviour of security prices
- •6.5 The behaviour of security prices
- •6.5 The behaviour of security prices
- •6.6 Reading the nancial press
- •6.6Reading the nancial press
- •Interest rate concerns biggest one-day decline
- •6.6 Reading the nancial press
- •6.6 Reading the nancial press
- •6.7Summary
- •Interest rates
- •7.1The rate of interest
- •7.1 The rate of interest
- •7.2The loanable funds theory of real interest rates
- •7.2 The loanable funds theory of real interest rates
- •7.2 The loanable funds theory of real interest rates
- •7.2.1Loanable funds and nominal interest rates
- •7.2 The loanable funds theory of real interest rates
- •7.2.2Problems with the loanable funds theory
- •7.3 Loanable funds in an uncertain economy
- •7.3Loanable funds in an uncertain economy
- •7.4 The liquidity preference theory of interest rates
- •7.4The liquidity preference theory of interest rates
- •7.6 The monetary authorities and the rate of interest
- •7.5Loanable funds and liquidity preference
- •7.6The monetary authorities and the rate of interest
- •7.6 The monetary authorities and the rate of interest
- •7.6 The monetary authorities and the rate of interest
- •7.7The structure of interest rates
- •7.7 The structure of interest rates
- •7.7.1The term structure of interest rates
- •7.7.2The pure expectations theory of interest rate structure
- •7.7 The structure of interest rates
- •7.7.3Term premiums
- •7.7 The structure of interest rates
- •7.7 The structure of interest rates
- •7.7.4Market segmentation
- •7.8 The signicance of term structure theories
- •7.7.5Preferred habitat
- •7.7.6A summary of views on maturity substitutability
- •7.8The signicance of term structure theories
- •7.8 The signicance of term structure theories
- •7.9Summary
- •8.1 The nature of forex markets
- •8.1The nature of forex markets
- •8.1 The nature of forex markets
- •Indirect quotation
- •8.1 The nature of forex markets
- •8.2 Interest rate parity
- •8.2Interest rate parity
- •8.2 Interest rate parity
- •8.3 Other foreign exchange market rules
- •8.3Other foreign exchange market rules
- •8.3.1Differences in interest rates among countries – the Fisher effect
- •8.3 Other foreign exchange market rules
- •8.3.3Equilibrium in the forex markets
- •8.4Alternative views of forex markets
- •8.4 Alternative views of forex markets
- •8.6Monetary union in Europe
- •8.6 Monetary union in Europe
- •8.6 Monetary union in Europe
- •8.6 Monetary union in Europe
- •8.6.2The uk and the euro
- •8.7Summary
- •9.1Forms of exposure to exchange rate risk
- •9.1 Forms of exposure to exchange rate risk
- •9.2Exchange rate risk management techniques
- •9.3.1Financial futures
- •9.3 Derivatives markets
- •9.3 Derivatives markets
- •9.3 Derivatives markets
- •9.3 Derivatives markets
- •9.3.2Options
- •9.3 Derivatives markets
- •9.3 Derivatives markets
- •9.3.3Exotic options
- •9.4 Comparing different types of derivatives
- •9.4.2Forward versus futures contracts
- •9.4.3Forward and futures contracts versus options
- •9.5 The use and abuse of derivatives
- •9.5The use and abuse of derivatives
- •9.5 The use and abuse of derivatives
- •9.6 Summary
- •9.6Summary
- •International capital markets
- •10.1 The world capital market
- •10.1The world capital market
- •10.2Eurocurrencies
- •10.2 Eurocurrencies
- •10.2 Eurocurrencies
- •10.2.2The nature of the market
- •10.2 Eurocurrencies
- •10.2.3Issues relating to eurocurrency markets
- •10.2 Eurocurrencies
- •10.3 Techniques and instruments in the eurobond and euronote markets
- •10.3 Techniques and instruments in the eurobond and euronote markets
- •10.3 Techniques and instruments in the eurobond and euronote markets
- •10.4 Summary
- •10.4Summary
- •11.1 The measurement of public decits and debt
- •11.1The measurement of public decits and debt
- •11.1 The measurement of public decits and debt
- •11.1 The measurement of public decits and debt
- •11.1 The measurement of public decits and debt
- •11.2 Financing the psncr
- •11.2Financing the psncr
- •11.2.1The psncr and interest rates
- •11.2 Financing the psncr
- •11.2.2The sale of bonds to banks
- •11.2.3The sale of bonds overseas
- •11.2.4Psncr, interest rates and the money supply – a conclusion
- •11.2 Financing the psncr
- •11.3 Attitudes to public debt in the European Union
- •11.4The public debt and open market operations
- •11.6Summary
- •12.1 Borrowing and lending problems in nancial intermediation
- •12.1.1The nancing needs of rms and attempted remedies
- •12.1 Borrowing and lending problems in nancial intermediation
- •12.1 Borrowing and lending problems in nancial intermediation
- •12.1.2Financial market exclusion
- •12.1 Borrowing and lending problems in nancial intermediation
- •12.1.3The nancial system and long-term saving
- •12.1 Borrowing and lending problems in nancial intermediation
- •12.1 Borrowing and lending problems in nancial intermediation
- •12.1 Borrowing and lending problems in nancial intermediation
- •12.1.4The nancial system and household indebtedness
- •12.2 Financial instability: bubbles and crises
- •12.2Financial instability: bubbles and crises
- •12.2 Financial instability: bubbles and crises
- •12.3 Fraudulent behaviour and scandals in nancial markets
- •12.3Fraudulent behaviour and scandals in nancial markets
- •12.3 Fraudulent behaviour and scandals in nancial markets
- •12.3 Fraudulent behaviour and scandals in nancial markets
- •12.4The damaging effects of international markets?
- •12.4 The damaging effects of international markets?
- •12.5Summary
- •13.1 The theory of regulation
- •13.1The theory of regulation
- •13.2 Financial regulation in the uk
- •13.2Financial regulation in the uk
- •13.2 Financial regulation in the uk
- •13.2.1Regulatory changes in the 1980s
- •13.2 Financial regulation in the uk
- •13.2 Financial regulation in the uk
- •13.2 Financial regulation in the uk
- •13.2.3The 1998 reforms
- •13.2 Financial regulation in the uk
- •13.2.4The Financial Services Authority (fsa)
- •13.2 Financial regulation in the uk
- •13.3 The European Union and nancial regulation
- •13.3The European Union and nancial regulation
- •13.3 The European Union and nancial regulation
- •13.3.1Regulation of the banking industry in the eu
- •13.3 The European Union and nancial regulation
- •13.3.2Regulation of the securities markets in the eu
- •13.3 The European Union and nancial regulation
- •13.3.3Regulation of insurance services in the eu
- •13.4 The problems of globalisation and the growing complexity of derivatives markets
- •13.4 The problems of globalisation and the growing complexity of derivatives markets
- •13.4 The problems of globalisation and the growing complexity of derivatives markets
- •13.4 The problems of globalisation and the growing complexity of derivatives markets
- •13.4 The problems of globalisation and the growing complexity of derivatives markets
- •13.5Summary
- •Interest rates (I%)
- •Interest rates (I%)
- •Interest rates (I%)
- •Interest rates (I%)
13.2 Financial regulation in the uk
Equitable’s sales force and non-prots policies. In January 2002, policyholders voted
in favour of the compromise rescue package and this was approved by the High
Court the following month, paving the way for a £250m cash injection from the
Halifax. The package was approved at the annual general meeting in May 2002.
Members were told that the company was solvent, but increased exit penalties were
announced in July 2002 and further cuts in the income to be paid to with-prot
annuity holders were made in November 2002.
The FSA was criticised for its failure to spot problems and to follow up issues
that had been uncovered, although it was partly excused because the problem had
developed during the period in which the FSA was being set up (between January
1999 and December 2000), during most of which regulation was being carried out
on the FSA’s behalf by its predecessor, the Personal Investment Authority (PIA).
The mis-selling of endowment mortgages also began well before the FSA came into
existence. The problems associated with the sale of endowment mortgages have been
explained in section 12.1.3. Early in 2000, it became clear that many endowment
policies would not meet the mortgage in full at the end of the period. Policyholders
were faced with either having to meet the difference at the end of the period or to
make top-up payments to the insurance company to ensure that the mortgage would
be paid off. Estimates of the number of those facing a shortfall in their policies
and of the extra amounts they would need to pay depended on the rate of bonus
assumed for the rest of the life of the mortgage. It was clear, however, that the prob-
lem was very large.
The FSA required all companies to calculate the position of all policies at assumed
rates of 4 per cent, 6 per cent and 8 per cent to maturity and to advise all policy-
holders of their position during 2000. They also specied that the letters should set
out all the available options to policyholders and should not give more weight to
the possibility of solving the problem by increasing the premium paid. Companies
were only obliged to look at policies taken out from 29 April 1988, the date that the
Financial Services Act came into force.
Was this just an unfortunate result of the change in economic conditions and a
case of ‘let the buyer beware’? After all, people could have opted for straight repay-
ment mortgages but chose the riskier endowment repayment method in the hope of
receiving a higher return. Yet things were not as straightforward as this. In October
2000, the FSA admitted that hundreds of thousands of people might have been mis-
sold endowment policies. It became clear that many policyholders had not been told
that their policies carried any risks. They had been allowed by the insurance com-
panies to understand that their policies would denitely pay off their mortgages.
People who believed they had been mis-sold endowment mortgages were able to
apply for redress to the Financial Ombudsman Service or, where the company that
sold the policy had gone out of business, to the Financial Services Compensation
Scheme. Some insurance companies pledged to make up shortfalls whether or not
the policies had been mis-sold. People sold endowment mortgages before 29 April
1988 had little chance of receiving compensation, although some companies agreed
to allow the Financial Ombudsman Service to consider on a voluntary basis com-
plaints of mis-selling before that date.
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Chapter 13 • The regulation of nancial markets
Although mis-selling appeared to have been widespread, the FSA refused to instig-
ate a case-by-case review of the problem, despite criticisms by consumer bodies and
the FSA’s own Consumer Panel. The FSA argued that such a review was not needed
because the vast majority of policyholders were better off than they would have been
if they had taken up a simple repayment mortgage. So, even if they could prove that
the risks were not explained, they would not be entitled to compensation. However,
critics argue that if people, realising that they had been mis-sold an endowment
policy, now surrendered the policy and converted to a simple repayment mortgage,
they would lose. The chief ombudsman at the Financial Ombudsman Service said
that, provided these consumers could show they were mis-advised, they would be
entitled to additional compensation for the loss.
On 15 July 2005, the FSA (2005) reported that an independent research report
had found that most consumers whose endowment policy was still linked to their
mortgage, and who were facing a shortfall, had taken some positive action to deal
with it. The 2.2 million households in this position had an average projected short-
fall on their mortgage repayment of £7,200 . Sixty-nine per cent of these had taken
action to address their situation and a further 14 per cent intended to do so in the
future. Just over a million households had restructured their mortgage, savings or
endowment; other action taken included seeking advice or pursuing a complaint.
If there remained unhappiness with its behaviour over issues such as these, the
FSA could certainly claim in its defence that it had taken advantage of the new
provision in the FSMA permitting it to penalise companies for market abuse, giving a
clear message to rms in the market that it will not tolerate the mis-selling of products.
It has ned several companies for mortgage endowment and other failings. This,
the FSA could maintain, will help to overcome problems with the nancial services
market in the longer term even if all individual problems are not picked up and dealt
with as speedily as they might be.
The FSA has also sought to overcome general problems by paying great attention
to the objective of consumer awareness. Firms are able to mis-sell products to con-
sumers only because of the high degree of consumer ignorance regarding nancial
services. Clearly, if the FSA could help to reduce consumer ignorance it would also
help to overcome market abuse. Nonetheless, high-prole failures in markets such
as the cases dealt with here continue to be a problem for market condence, the rst
of the FSA’s objectives. See Box 13.5 for a favourable view of the FSA’s performance
in its rst six years expressed in a leading article in the Financial Times in June 2006.
-
Box 13.5
The regulator judged
Most employers reward productivity. But it is the curse of regulators that, though they are paid to
regulate, the more rules they manufacture or enforce, the more likely they are to be criticised. On
the other hand, if a watchdog fails to intervene, it risks being damned for its inaction.
In the six years since it was formally created from a merger of other watchdogs, Britain’s
Financial Services Authority has largely neutralised this double-edged curse. It has earned a
reputation, both at home and abroad, as a successful ‘light-touch’ authority. Are such accolades
well-deserved?
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