прагматика и медиа дискурс / 语用学关键概念 Key Notions for Pragmatics (2009)
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XII Handbookof Pragmatics Htghltghts
Discursive pragmatics
Pragmatics in practice
This topically organized series of paperbacks. each starting with an up-to-date over· view of its field of interest, each brings together some 12·20 of the most pertinent HoP entries in its respective field. They are intended to make sure that students and researchers alike, whether their interests are predominantly philosophical, cognitive, grammatical, social. cultural, variational, interactional, or discursive, cam always have the most relevant encyclopedicarticles at their fingertips. Atfordability,topical organi zation and selecthrity also turn these books into practical teaching tools which can be used as reading materials for a wide range ofpragmatics-related linguistics course.s.
With this endeavor, we hope to make a further contribution to the goals underl}r ing the HoP project when it was first conceived in the early 1990s.
Jan-Ola Ostman (University ofHelsinki) &
JefVerschueren (Universit)f ofAntwerp)
Acknowledgements
A project of the HoP type cannot be successfully started,let alone completed> without the help of dozens. even hundreds ofscholars. First of all. there are the authors themselves, who sometimes had to work under extreme conditions of time pressure. Further, most members ofthe IPrA Consultation Board have occasionally, and some repeatedly, been called upon to review contributions. Innumerable additional scholars were thanked in the initial versions of handbook entries. All this makes the Handbook of Pragmatics a truly joint endeavor by the pragmatics community world-wide. vVe are greatly indebted to you all.
V e do want to specifically mention the important contributions over the years of three scholars: the co-editors of the Manual and the first eight annual installments, Jan Blommaert and Chris Bulcaen were central to the realization of U\e project, and so was our editorial collaborator over the last four years, Eline Versluys. Our sincerest thanks to all of them.
The Handbook ofPragmatics project is being carried out in the framework of the research program of the IPrA Research Center I Antwerp Center for Pragmatics at the University of Antwerp. vVe are indebted to the university for providing an etwironment that facilitates and nurtures our work.
Jan-Ola 6stman (University of Helsinki) &
JefVerschueren (University of Antwerp)
Introduction
The pragmatic perspective
JefVerschueren
University of Antwerp
Tile view behind thts series defines pragmatic-S briefly as tl1e cognitive. social, and wltural scie1tce of language and commrmication. 1l1is first volume introducessome of the mostsalient notions that are commonly encountered in the pragmatic literature, such as deixis, implicitness, speech acts, context, and the like. It situates the field of pragmatics in relation to a general concept of communication and the discipline of semiotics. It also touches upon the non-verbal aspects of language use and even ventures a cornparison ·with non-human forms of communication. This introductory chapter is intended to explain why a highly diversified field of scholarship such as pragmatics can be regarded as a potentially coherent enterprise.
This chapter presents some historical notes about pragmatics as a wide and highly interdisciplinary field of inquiry; a discussion of problems related to the delimitation of this field as well as to methodology and the status of evidence in pragmatics; a full explanation of the notion of 'pragmatics' underlying the Hand book of Pragmatics. i.e., one that defines pragmatics as a perspective on language rather than as a component of a linguistic theory; and a sketch of a proposal as to how such a perspective could lead to :a general frame of reference within which a diversity of research results can be fruitfully compared and which may itself lead to the formulation of useful research strategies.
Before attempting an historical sketch of the scientific heritage of pragmatics, we mustfirstspecifyinthesimplestpossible terms what its basictaskanditsgeneraldomain of inquiryare.Pragmaticsdoe.snotdeal with languageassuch butwith language useand the relationships between language form and language use. Obviously) using language involves cog titive processes, taking plac.e in a social world with avariety of cultural con
straints. This observation is the basis for the multidisciplinary formulation of the brief definition of pragmatics provided above.
\.Yithin the confines of this general field of inquiry, the basic task of pragmatics is to provide an answer to a question of the following kind: \1\f/tar is it to use language? Th understand what is involved in answering that question, and hence what kinds of scientific endeavors feed into the enterprise of trying to answer it, we tnay take as our starting point a somewhat trivial general observation that will later in this text lead to some basic building blocks for theory formation in pragmatics.
JefVerschueren
Talking, or using language expres-sively and/or communicatively in general, con· sists in the continuous making of linguisticchoices, consciously or unconsciously, for linguistic or extra-linguistic reasons. These choices can be situated at all levels of lin guistic structuring: phonological,morphological, syntactic,lexical,semantic, etc.They may range over variety-internal options; or they may involve regionally, socially, or functionally distributed types of variation. A tJ1eory of language use could and should therefore be conceived of as the stud)' of the mechanisms and motivations behind any such choices and of the effects they have and/or are intended to have. Such a task is extremelywide-ranging. In order to keep the theory 'linguistic' and to avotd having to include everything, therefore. usually a practical cut-off point will have to be found. For instance, one can go as far as to relate my saying 71w book is red to its typically expected association with mybelief that thebookis red, but itwould not be the task of pragmatics to start probing into my reasons for believing that the book is red, w1less this would be necessary for am understanding of other aspects of the discourse my utteranee fits into.
Before going into the historical background for dealing with such issues, and before identifying their implications for delimiting the field of pragmatics as well as their potenttal for further theory formation, two preliminary remarks have to be made about this •making of choices' as a basic intuition. First, the term may misleadingly focus attention exclusively on the production side of verbal behav· ior; it should be clear that also interpreting involves the making of choices. Sec
ond, choices are not necessarily either-or decisions. For one thing, the language user is compelled to make choices, no matter whether there are fully satisfactory choices available. Furthermore, many choices are indeterminate in the sense that their meaning may be apparent only once they are situated in the given cognitive, social. and cultural context. These remarks amount to the recognition of what we will later refer to as the negotiability involved in language use. (For more caveats. seeVerschueren 1999: SS-58.)
1.Pragmatics and its formative traditions
Anumberof traditionshave contributed,individually and collectively.to theformation of the field of linguistic pragrnatics. Allowing ourselves. for the sake of presentation to associate the tradition of pragmatics with its tame. an}'historical discussion inevi· tably starts from the classical definition of'pragmatics' by Morris (1938) as the study of the relationship between signs and their interpreters. Though the concerns that constitute the scope of pragmatics have a much longer history (see
erlich & Clarke
1996). pragmatics as a notion was born from an extremely ambitious project. It was in his attempt to outline a unified and consistent theoryofstglls or semiotic, which
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Since the motivation for Morris• theory of signs was to try to sketch a theoretical structure which could incorporate whatever of interest could be said about signs by linguists, logicians, philosophers, psychologists, biologists, anthropologists, aestheti· dans and sociologist. , it should be clear from this passage that pragmatics gets more than an equal share of the burden.
It is not surprising then, that the •formative' traditions which can be observed as having shaped pragmatics as we know it today, have their origins in many dif· ferent disciplines. For one thing, Morris' discovery of the language user was not an isolated development. It parallelled, and had a direct link with, the discovery of the human actor in relation to language and cultural and social behavior in the work of Mead, Malmowski, Boas, and Sapir.The interdisciplinarityis so fundamental, that any attempt at neatly ordering the follm...ing brief survey along disciplinary boundaries would grossly oversimplit)r the historical process. Yet we cannot avoid using a few disciplinary labels.
Even if wewere toignore the philosophical basis ofserniotic,c;, it cannot be denied that philosophy has provided some ofthe most fertile ideasin pragmatics. In addition to the to relate 'meaning' to 'use· (Wittgenstein 1953; see also Birnbacher & Burkhardt Eds. 1985), the philosophy of language produced two of the main theories underlying present-day pragmatics. 1l1e first one is
tiJeory, originally formulated by an Oxford 'ordinary language philosopher' (Austin 1962) and further developed by Searle {1969). 1l1e second is the logic of conversation (seeGrice 1975). Together, they provided the frame of reference for the consolidation of the field of linguistic pragmatics, which had become a fact by the time Bar·Hillel published Pragmaticsof naturallmtguages (1971) and Davidson & Harman published Semantics of natural lalfguage (1972), two classic collective volumes with predomi· nantly phHosophical contributions) but with a marked presence of a few linguists (e.g.• Fillmore, G. Lakotf, McCawley. and Ross) associated - to various degrees with the dissident movement of generative semantics. It wasindeedbyway ofgenera tive semalflics, however shortlived it may have been, that a philosophically inspired pragmatics caught root in linguistics as a respectable enterprise (a history eloquently described by R. Lakotf 1989).2
Speechacttheor)'-seeMarinaSbisa)saccount in this volume hasexertedan influ· ence which persists until today. It was the driving force behind the Anglo American prominence in pragmatics. This does not mean that speech act theory itself has not
2.Needless to say, the role of philosophy in the formation and further growth of pragmatics is
not restricted to the major traditions listed. Vastlr divergent contributions have indeed been made b)· philosophers throughout. Just compare Oascal (1983), Heringer (1978), Kates {1980), Martin (1979), Montague (1974),or Barwise & Perry (1983).
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tradition, \IVinch {19Sg), whose basic claim was that human behavior cannot be understood without acce.ss to the concepts in terms of which those engaged in the behavior interpret it themselves) and that language provides the necessary clues to those concepts.Giventhe similarity of thefoundations) itisnotsurprisingthatthe two traditions have significantly converged. vVhat they have produced, in conjunction, is for instance a highly dynamic notion of co1ttext which is destined to become a l'najor building block for theory formation in pragmatics in the years ahead (see Auer & diLuzio Eds. 1992, Duranti & Good'A'in Eds. 1992, as well as Peter Auer's contribution to this volume).
Psychology and cognitive science had been involved all along. Buhler's (1934) theory of the psychology oflanguage.especiallybymeans of the distinctionsit makes between various functions of language, has been directly or indirectly present in most pragmatic thinking. Suffice it to enumerate a few random observations on later developments. Winch's (1958) book on 'theidea of a social science' was published in a series called 'Studiesin philosophical psychology',and indeed it had as much to say about the mind as about society. One of the classical collections of articles pertinent to pragmatics
even though its title was Semtmtics- was published by a psycholo gist and a linguist and was labeled 'An interdisciplinary reader in philosophy, lin· guistics and pS)•chology' (Steinberg & Jakobovits Eds. 1971). Clark & Clark's (1977) textbook introduction to psyciJolit guistics had already fully incorporated whatever knowledge about language use) comprehension, production, and acquisition had been provided by pragmatics by that time, and it has had a thorough influence on much later work. Meanwhile. a clearlycognitive traditiolf was developing in endeav· ors as diverse as the study of patterns of metaphorization (Lakoff& Johnson 1980), inquiries intoaspects of meaning construction at the sentence level and in discourse (Fauconnier 1985; Givon 1989;Talmy 1978), and the writing of cognitive grammars (Langacker 1987). Recently we were reminded that the real airn of cognitive science was ''to prompt psychology tojoin forces withits sister interpretive disciplinesin the humanities and in the social sciences" to study 'acts of meaning' (Bruner 1990: 2), a quintessentially pragmatic concept. At various points in the process, the much older ideas formulated by Vygotsky (see 1986) on the relationships between indi vidual cognition and society were revitalized, with or without reference to language acquisition. Developmentfll psyclrolinguistics has been using and contributing to the growth of pragrnatics for decades (see Bates 1976 & Ervin·Tnpp 1973). and it is in Ochs' (1988) study of language acquisition in a Samoan village that we find one of the fullest examples of how the cognitive, the social, and the cultural combine in matters of language and language use. a matter already dealt with a century earlier in von Humboldt's work, and closely related to the concerns of linguists and anthro· pologists such as \A/horf, K1·oeber. Haas, and Emeneau. A psychological orientation, finally, also providesmeetingpointsbetweendevelopmental and pathological concerns
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(as in Bernicot et al. Eds. 2002, or Salazar Orvig 1999), leading back, as it were, to Bateson and \Vatzlawick.
So far we have not mentioned any formative traditions which have their roots in linguistics as such. There are at least three that cannot be ignored, though also those will be shown to have connections beyond the 'purel>•' linguistic study of language. First, there is a distinctly Frenclt school of pragmatics (closely related to the Geneva school already referred to). with roots in the work of Benveniste (1966} and with Ducrot (1972. 1973, 1980) and laterMoeschler (1996} andReboul& Moeschler(2005) as outspoken proponents. Benveniste'swork wasdearly influenced by Britishanalytical philosophy, as is Ducror's by the later developments of speech act theory. Influence in the other direction has been unjustifiabl)• scarce, since numerous original contri· butions have been made: Benveniste's concept of 'delocutivity: further developed by Anscombre (1979) as a tool to explain the self-referentiality of explicit performatives, Ducr·or's notion of tJte 'polyphonous' nature of utterance meaning. resulting fron1 an illuminating distinction between producer, locutor, and enunciator as distinct aspects of the speaker (wiili remarkable parallels to Bakhtin's 'voices'); Ducrots recasting of speech act tJ1eory into the mould of a general theory of argumentation, in the context of which dose attention is paid to the detailed study of the 'small words' which serve as argumentative structuring devices (an endeavor which the French and the Geneva schools have in common). Moreover, some ofilie traditional topics of linguistic prag matics, such as presupposition. have been subject to highly insightful analyses in the context ofthis tradition (e.g., Duerot 1972).
Second,Prague scl1oollinguistics (e.g.• Mathesius 1928;Danes Ed. 1974; Firbas 1983; Sgall &Hajicovci 1977)provided some key notions related to information structuringand perspectivization, whichhaveacquiredan established placein the pragmatic study oflan guage, such as 'theme-rheme 'topic-conunent and 'focuS: not to mention the contribu tions it made to the study ofintonation. The tradition was functionalist in the sense that language wasviewed from the perspective of thegoalsitservesin humanactivit)•.Though much of the work wasdevoted to linguisticdetails, its foundationswerelinked to cyber netics v.ith its notion of the goal-directedne.ss ofd)'namic systems. Moreover. there was astylistic component (e.g., Jakobson 1960) which brought the Prague school close to the concems of semioticsin general. And therelationshipwith other discipline. wasregarded as a highl)' relevant issue (as reflected, for instance.in Jakobsen's 1970 account).
Last but not least, we should notforget the tradition of FirtiJian lingwstics, hinging on a ''view ofspeech as a social instrument both for 'sense' and 'nonsense: work and play -practical, productive, creative' (Firth 1964: 15) and, following in Malinowski's footsteps) refusing to look at language outside of a 'context of situation'. Toda)) rnost fwutiorwl approaches ilf linguistics have direcl or indirect historical roots in Firthian linguistics or the Prague school or both (e.g.• Halliday 1973 & Dik 1978; for an over· view, see Dit·ven & Fried Eds. 1987).
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Many of the above trends have left an abundance of traces in the ma,ior works in mainstream linguistics, such as Bolinger's (1968} classical textbook
guage, or Lyons' (1977} Semantics.
2.Pragmatics as a repository of interesting topics
Many types of topics simply happened to become part ofthe field ofpragmatics as a result of the constitutive forces described in the previous section. lhe most common shortJland definition ofpragmatics as the study of lww language is used can ea...o;ily be extended in such a way as to include everything that linguists can possibly deal with. Remember that pragmatically oriented students of language felt the need to supple ment Chomsky's {J965) dichotomy between competence and performance with the notion 'competence to perform', 'communicative competence' (Habermas 1971. 1979• Hymes 1972) or 'pragmatic competence: the validity of which was even recognized by Chomsky in the following terms:
For purp<)ScS of inquiry and expos1tion, we may proceed to distingutsh 'grammatical compdencc' from 'pragmatk competence restricting the first to the knowledge of form and meaning and the second to knowledge of conditions and manner of appropnate Ub<:, in confonnitywith various purposes. Thus we mar think oflanguagc a
an instrument that can be put to use. The grammar of the language charactcriz the instrument. determining intrinsic ph)·sical and semantic propcrtie,o: of every sentence. The grammar thus expresses grammatical competence. A system of rules and pnndples constituting pragmatic competence determines how the tool can effectively be put to use. (Chomsk)• 1980: 224)
Most pragmaticians would disagree with this componential presentation because unlike many other tools, language is not a 'thing' which leads an independent and unchanging life once it has been 'made'. It requires constant adaptations to different purposes and circumstances ofuse. And for a descriptive account ofthe meaning and an explanatory account of the form of linguistic entities, it is often necessary to refer to conditions oftheir appropriate use. Strictlyspeaking. every aspect ofcompetence is part of one's competence to perform. In other words, also the so·called 'g•·ammatical competence'detennines theway in which language gets used. llms the form/meaning vs. use opposition is not unproblematic. ·while maintaining the contrast, Morris also recognizes this issue when introducing the notion ofa 'pragmatical rule:
Syntactical rules determine the sign relations between sign velncles; semanhcal rules correlate s1gn ,·ch1cles with other objects; pmgmntiml rulrs state the conditions in the interpreters under which the sign vehicle is a sign. Auy rulr wltcn trctunlly m use opemle5 ns a typr of bclravior. nncl m tlus scust Illere 1s a pragmntlcal cbmponent m all mles. But in some languages there are s1gn vehicles governed
