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Discussion: |
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Michael |
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Finkelstein* |
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suggested |
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to Professor Wing |
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that ifsanctions were |
suc |
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cessful |
in ending apartheid, |
would |
we |
not |
still face |
continued |
bloodshed |
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resulting |
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from tribalwarfare? |
Professor Wing |
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responded |
that tribalwarfare |
is a |
real possibil |
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ity,but such a possibility |
does not mean |
thatwe |
should |
accept |
the status quo or |
lift |
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U.S. |
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sanctions. |
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Yasuaki |
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Onuma** |
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questioned |
the legality under |
international |
law of |
the use |
of |
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sanctions |
and |
said |
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that Professor Oliver's |
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categorization was |
most helpful |
in this re |
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gard. |
The |
legitimacy of sanctions |
is linked to who |
is sanctioning?an |
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international |
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organization, |
a |
group of nations |
acting |
in concert |
or a |
country acting |
unilaterally. |
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Moreover, |
the legality of sanctions has differentbases. |
For |
example, |
the legal analysis |
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would |
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be differentwhen |
examining |
sanctions by theEuropean |
Community |
against |
the |
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United |
Kingdom |
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as |
a member |
state |
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in contrast |
to |
sanctions |
against Argentina, |
a |
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nonmember. |
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Professor Carter |
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reiterated that therewas no customary |
international law prohib |
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iting the use of economic |
sanctions. |
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The GATT |
agreement |
does |
have |
some |
limits, as |
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do a number of bilateral |
trade treaties. The |
concept |
of regional groups |
imposing sanc |
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tions |
is interesting,but one must |
be careful of the variables, |
such as those leading |
to an |
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Arab |
boycott |
of Israel. |
The |
United |
Nations |
is currently |
looking at |
the issue of con |
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straints on |
the use |
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of economic |
sanctions. |
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There |
are effortsunderway |
to define |
the |
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limits; for example, |
limiting use |
to national |
security-based |
grounds. |
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Professor Malloy |
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added |
that the sources of legality can be derived from any of the |
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categories |
offeredby Professor Oliver. |
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Professor Elisabeth |
Zoller |
of theUniversity |
of |
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Strasbourg |
also |
has offered a framework for analyzing |
the legality question. |
Professor |
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Malloy |
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furthernoted |
that true international organization |
sanctions had |
actually |
been |
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failures. The |
successes |
tended to be |
those |
sanctions |
imposed unilaterally. |
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According |
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to Professor Oliver, |
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the objective |
intended by |
the sanctions |
is relevant |
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to the question |
of |
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legality. Also, |
with |
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respect tomodern, |
"non-use |
of force" force, |
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there |
is the question |
of the extent |
towhich |
the proportionality |
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concept |
applies. |
On |
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this subject, Professor Oliver |
wished |
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to incorporate by reference the colloquy |
with |
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Elisabeth |
Zoller |
during |
the panel |
discussion |
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Self-help |
in International Trade |
Disputes. |
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In addition, |
theRestatement |
(Second) |
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ofForeign |
Relations |
Law |
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of theUnited States |
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has |
adopted |
the "rule |
of reason" |
as an overarching |
principle |
of state authority, which |
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Professor |
Oliver |
has |
some problems with as an old antitrust lawyer. |
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Mr. |
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Onuma |
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posed |
an additional |
question |
forProfessor Wing |
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regarding the heavy |
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burden |
imposed by economic |
sanctions |
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on |
themasses |
of the target country. Professor |
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Wing |
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replied |
thatwe |
impose sanctions |
for a variety of rationales; |
harm |
to themasses |
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is a |
variable, |
but may |
be outweighed |
by other considerations. |
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of sanc |
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Mark |
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Paist*** |
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asked |
Professor |
Carter |
what |
he meant |
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by |
scaling |
back |
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tions?as |
inadding |
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procedural measures |
to check |
theExecutive |
Branch |
or as |
in sector |
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specific, proportional |
sanctions. |
Aren't |
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there constitutional |
limits on |
procedural |
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checks? |
In arguing |
for sector specific, proportional measures, |
doesn't |
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that |
limit the |
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moral |
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force of the sanctions? |
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Professor |
Carter |
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said |
that the South Africa |
sanctions |
are |
supportable; |
however, |
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thePresident has sweeping powers |
in the export control area with |
very limited review. |
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We |
are no |
longer |
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in theWorld |
War |
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II |
environment, and |
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the President |
should |
not |
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Nuclear |
Regulatory |
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Commission. |
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Professor |
of |
International |
Law, |
University |
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of Tokyo. |
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Member, |
Virginia |
Journal |
of International |
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Law. |
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This content downloaded from 92.242.58.12 on Mon, 8 Dec 2014 04:38:44 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
213
have |
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the power to cut offexports of paper |
clips |
to Brazil. |
Sometimes |
export controls |
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are merely the economic |
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version of "shooting |
yourself |
in the foot." |
U.S. |
jobs |
are |
lost |
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and U.S. |
businesses |
hurt. The |
President's |
authority should be |
limited |
in the export |
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control area and improved |
inother areas. Why |
cut off trufflesto the Soviet Union |
but |
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allow Armand Hammer |
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to import a couple |
of billion |
dollars |
of Soviet |
ammonia? |
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Mr. |
Paist |
further asked |
whether |
Professor |
Carter |
supported |
any |
procedural |
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safeguards. |
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Professor Carter |
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indicated |
that his handout |
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provided |
a listing; for example, |
con |
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tract sanctity compensation, |
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sunset provisions |
and some right of review. |
Judicial |
re |
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view |
should be limited because |
themost effective sanctions |
are |
those that hit hard and |
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fast. |
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Professor Malloy |
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added |
that the longer the period |
of time to "layer |
in" sanctions, |
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themore |
likely the sanctioning |
state's commitment |
to solving |
the problem |
can |
be |
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called |
into question. |
Data |
suggest |
that "hard |
and |
fast" |
is themost |
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effective. The |
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Nicaraguan |
sanctions were |
a poor model?loose |
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sanctions |
that stopped no one except |
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the unsophisticated. |
What |
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theNicaraguan |
example |
showed was |
that the objectives of |
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theU.S. |
sanctions were |
domestic?designed |
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to look as |
iftheUnited |
States was |
doing |
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something. There |
are better ways |
to accomplish |
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such objectives. |
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Mr. |
Paist |
wondered |
whether |
Professor Wing |
considered |
economic |
sanctions |
an |
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end |
in themselves or a means |
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tomove |
to some military force. Professor Wing |
indi |
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cated |
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that sanctions were |
not an end |
in themselves. |
Sanctions |
are a means |
of achiev |
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ing stated policies. |
Furthermore, |
theUnited |
States |
should |
not use |
unilateral |
force to |
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invade South Africa. |
We |
need |
to |
look at multilateral, |
diplomatic |
approaches |
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to re |
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solve problems. |
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Scott |
Nuchow* |
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concluded |
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the panel |
discussion |
by discussing |
the legality of eco |
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nomic |
sanctions. According |
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toMr. Nuchow, |
economic |
sanctions are |
illegal in lightof |
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the developments |
in current international |
law, albeit on a theoretical basis. |
There |
is a |
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historical |
tradition of economic |
sanctions?blockades |
during theNapoleonic |
period as |
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well |
as U.S. |
actions |
during World |
War |
II |
to prevent shipment |
of |
steel and |
other |
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materiel |
to Japan. Accordingly, |
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sanctions |
are really a part of actual warfare and |
there |
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are limits on theiruse. For |
example, theUN |
Charter |
contains |
limitations, but permits |
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such use |
in certain instances for purposes |
of self-defense. Exceptions |
can be made |
in |
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certain new |
areas |
like human |
rights. |
Sanctions |
associated |
with |
human |
rights may |
be |
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permissible |
as exemplified by |
the treatment of South Africa. |
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Marynell |
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De Vaughn** |
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Reporter |
The European |
Community?International |
Personality |
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Preand Post-1992 |
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The |
panel was |
convened by itsChair, Desmond Dinan,*** |
at 8:30 a.m., March 30, |
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1990. |
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*Of |
the New |
York |
Bar. |
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**U.S. |
Department |
of Commerce. |
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Department |
of History, |
George Mason University. |
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This content downloaded from 92.242.58.12 on Mon, 8 Dec 2014 04:38:44 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions