Exclavity under globalization. Selected works

The Kaliningrad region of Russia and the EU enlargement

Given a complex combination of internal and external factors under the conditions of the Westphalian system, the external factors resulting from the character of international relations determined the destiny of exclaves. In the epoch of globalisation the situation is changing. The role of non-governmental actors (international corporations, political and public movements) in the political, economic and social life of the regions is becoming more important. The Westphalian system of sovereign states is being transformed under the influence of globalisation processes (including regionalisation, the strengthening of the role of various types of regions – supranational (the EU), subnational (already existing and new ones) and transnational, formed as a result of subnational cooperation between the regions; typical example - Euroregions)). The consequences of the on-going transformation and the degree to which it has been completed is a matter for dispute. It can be stated that object-regions, which used to be manipulated by national authorities (the governments of sovereign states), are now becoming subject-regions, pursuing their own policy - not only in the framework of their growing competence and potential, but first and foremost, through evincing their interests in the regional policy of the national centre.

3. The economy of exclaves is characterized by an insufficiently capacious regional market since the population of exclave regions is not big. It hampers the development of exclaves. On the other hand, if an exclave is more oriented towards the national market of its mother country, then it faces considerable transportation losses, complicated border-crossing (sometimes crossing the borders of several states) and customs procedures which, taken together, lead to transactional losses and rise the final cost of goods exported from the exclave region. If the exclave region orients towards the markets of the neighbouring sovereign states, then apart from numerous objective difficulties, it will inevitably face the danger of weakening its economic relations with its mother country. This may, in the long run, result in the weakening of its political links with the mother state. The problem of the economic

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development of the exclave can be solved by granting the exclave the status of a free or special economic zone (SEZ) or by introducing other special economic regimes, for instance, an offshore one. Naturally, the state should control such zones to prevent the transit of “direct import” (the import of ready made goods) disguised as locally assembled products to the mother country. Besides, the uncertainty arising from the exclaves’ dependence on various external factors hampers long-term economic planning and distracts investments. Provided the relations between the mother country and the foreign countries bordering on the exclave are stable and friendly, a zone of free trade may be created, or other economic mechanisms facilitating economic cooperation may be applied (e.g. Euroregions, pilot region status, the region of co-opera- tion).

4.Exclave position of the region has an impact on social and cultural characteristics of the population of the region. Geographic isolation of the region may weaken mental/spiritual and socio-cul- tural links between the exclave and its mother country. The geographical isolation and local specificities may lead, in the long run, to the formation of the exclave’s own identity. The population of exclave regions often experience the so-called “exclave syndrome”. It is caused by gradually weakening social links with the mother country and results in awareness of spatial separation from the population of the mother country (the national socium) while, at the same time, being exposed to the culture of foreign states. Different strata of the population of the exclave show different reactions to the syndrome ranging from autocracy and separatism to the attempts to enhance the exclave’s links with the mother country.

5.The location of exclaves “outside” their mother states, in complete or partial isolation from them is a source of potential conflict. The reasons for conflict may vary from the difficulty in reach-

ing the exclave, or in the national belongingness of the exclave, or for many other reasons. But exclaves may pose a threat to their neighbouring states, as they may be used as an outpost for military

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The Kaliningrad region of Russia and the EU enlargement

aggression, drug and arms trafficking, illegal migration. Exclaves may become a zone of instability as a result of internal ethnic, religious, social and environmental problems. Overcoming conflicts is a stimulus for the development of the exclave and the development of the exclave’s relations with the actors participating in the dispute.

6.Globalisation processes lead to a changing role and functions of state borders. It means that exclaves isolated by these borders find themselves in different conditions. For the development of any exclave it is necessary to be included into globalisation processes, otherwise autarchy may appear. Autarchy will inevitably result in a depressive economy and a growing number of social problems. If an exclave region may become “a development corridor” between two or more regions and play a central role in globalisation processes, then it can be stated that globalisation creates more favourable conditions for ensuring the viability of the exclave compared to the pre-globalisation period. Being integrated into the common economic space and, consequently, into the common political and social space (provided economic cooperation turns into a political one as it happened in the EU), exclaves get an opportunity to widen their contacts with their neighbours, to develop new forms of cross-border cooperation. It means that exclaves get a chance to overcome negative consequences of their exclave position.

7.The necessity to solve both inner political problems together with international political problems makes it obvious that the classical division of responsibilities and competences applied to inner regions cannot be applied to exclaves. Regionalism and regionalisation which are seen in the relations between the centre and re-

gions develop new and often acute forms (e.g. the threat of separatism).

In order to ensure sustainable development of the exclave it is necessary to provide a targeted comprehensive management and governance over its political, economic and social development. The strategy for the development of exclaves should be based on a balance of interests shown in and to the exclaves. Apart from solv-

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Exclavity under globalization

ing the tasks of ensuring the social and economic viability of the exclave, the strategy should include ways and means of preventing and resolving possible conflicts which may appear as a result of exclavity. On the whole, the regional policy of the state towards exclaves does not only refer to the domestic policy of the state, it should also touch upon important aspects of the national foreign policy which are vital for ensuring the viability of exclave regions surrounded by foreign states.

8. The exclave position of the Kaliningrad region has a long history. Consequently, the present day conflict around the Kaliningrad region is a continuation (under new conditions) of the conflict which has been developing since the moment when the region turned into an exclave. The present day conflict is a combination of two conflicts - exclave proper and the zonal one which is connected with the functioning of a special economic zone on the territory of the exclave. The issue of the Kaliningrad exclave is an open issue, being discussed at various levels - from the grass root level to the international political arena. Mass media widely cover all spheres of life of the exclave. The conflict around the Kaliningrad exclave is rather complex in its character; it is a political, economic, intercultural and environmental conflict. This is a multifaceted conflict as it is both an international conflict and a conflict between the Russian Federation (the centre) and its region, a conflict between different regions of Russia. It is also a group conflict (e.g. between different business groups or different strata of the population). A complex configuration of conflicting interests has appeared. Taking into account its multifaceted character, the conflict may be resolved with either no definite results, positive results or negative results. Ensuring the sustainable and dynamic development of the region (as it is declared in the general strategy for the development of the region as a region of cooperation) is possible only if it meets Russian federal interests and only to a certain extent meets the interests of other Russian regions. Besides, the interests of foreign partners, particularly the neighbouring

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The Kaliningrad region of Russia and the EU enlargement

states, Poland and Lithuania, and other countries of the Baltic Sea region should be taken into account.

9.Economic globalisation strengthened the development of regionalism in the Baltic Sea region, thus facilitating the implementation of a comprehensive project “Eurovision – 2010”, as well as some other projects – “The Baltic ring” in energy sphere, “The Baltic Gateway” in transport etc. As a result of the implementation of such projects, the regions, which used to act relatively independently, tend to form transnational subregions; euroregions are most well know among them. These transnational subregions develop common strategies, accumulate finance for solving common problems, they take part in the implementation of joint projects. The Kaliningrad region and its municipalities participate in the projects implemented in the Euroregions “Baltika”, “Neman”, “Saule”, “Sheshupe”, “Lyva-Lava”. There are all the necessary prerequisites for the strengthening of the integration processes and these prerequisites can be put to life.

10.Russian and foreign experts offer various scenarios of the development of the region. These scenarios do not take into account either the internal factors existing in the region or the possibility of turning the region from the object-region (the development of which depends on external factors) into the subject region (the region itself takes an active position and determines its own development interacting with the outside environment).

Actually, exclavity is not the factor which can launch a separatist movement, but it can facilitate its development. With reference to the Kaliningrad region, there is a number of facts (for example, a recent migration to the region of people from different parts of Russia, lack of ethnic background for separatism) which obstruct the emergence of separatism. But the social and territorial community of the region (the population of the region), which is still forming, may generate separatist movements under the influence of a combination of various negative external and internal conditions. The prevention of separatism is possible on the assumption of sustainable and dynamic social and economic development of the re-

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Exclavity under globalization

gion, provided by the effective federal policy on the Kaliningrad region and by further perfection of the Russian legislation.

11. If the process of European integration spreads further (such tendency is quite obvious), and Russia (it is becoming more and more clear) is not able to join this process enjoying its full rights, the exclave territory of the Kaliningrad region, situated on the borderline between the two large economic and politic spaces, may find itself in quite a difficult situation (that of “double” periphery of Russia and the EU). Taking into account the accession of Poland and Lithuania to the EU, we cannot completely exclude a possibility that a new (“velvet”) “curtain” will appear on the western border of Russia.

There are two possibilities for overcoming social and economic difficulties in the development of the Kaliningrad region as an exclave and reducing the danger of the region’s proneness to conflict. The first one lies in a more active social and economic interaction between Russia and the EU. The complementarity between the Russian and the EU’s economies, along with common values and common political interests for international security, facilitate this interaction.

Institutionalization of the conflict may contribute to its resolution. Otherwise decisions on recently emerged issues (visas, transit, etc.) will be taken spontaneously, as it happens now. That is why, a special treaty (an agreement) between Russia and the EU on the viability and development of the Kaliningrad region is of particular importance. The institutionalization of the conflict will contribute to a compromise resolution of it. It is the only possible way to prevent the emergence of intractable antagonisms.

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Exclavity under globalization

Abstracts of the analytic report

1.Koenigsberg region as part of the Russian Federation was established on April 7, 1946 when territories previously belonging to Germany became Polish and Soviet as a result of the Potsdam (Berlin) conference (17 July – 2 August 1946) decisions, the region was renamed Kaliningrad in July of the same year. The inviolability of the established frontiers is confirmed by the international treaties of the USSR, including the ones signed with the Federal Republic of Germany (one of them is the treaty “2+4” signed on September 12, 1990 by the USSR, the USA, Great Britain, France and Germany). After the demise of the USSR the Russian Federation became its assignee and that is acknowledged by the world community. That is why the effect of all the treaties concluded by the USSR holds true, including the ones touching upon the issues pertaining to the Kaliningrad region.

2.During the Soviet period the Kaliningrad region developed as an ordinary administrative and territorial entity of the Russian Federation and maintained good economic and cultural links with other Russian regions. The economic development of the region was in line with the Russian average and the region had close links with the other areas of the Soviet Union. The region performed a significant role in the defence doctrine of the USSR and the Warsaw Treaty.

With the Baltic republics withdrawal from the USSR in 1991 and its further demise the development conditions of the Kaliningrad region significantly changed. The other most important changes were the collapse of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and Russia’s transformation to a market economy and a democratic system of government, and an end to the confrontation between the East and the West. The Kaliningrad region became a region of cooperation between the Russian Federation and the EU within the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, between the Russian Federation and NATO within the “Partnership for Peace” program.

Changes in the external conditions of the regional development affected the region in two ways. On the one hand, it became a Russian exclave on the Baltic; and as a result of the geographic isola-

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Kaliningrad region of Russia and the EU enlargement

tion from main land Russia, the links with the other regions of Russia became difficult to maintain. On the other hand, the possibilities for closer cooperation with foreign, first of all with European countries emerged.

3.The economic mechanism of the free and later Special Economic Zone was initiated by Russia and aimed at enhancing the openness of the economy of the Kaliningrad region. Cross-border cooperation with Poland and Lithuania has increased, and the region began participating in the projects of interregional Baltic cooperation, in the activities of the Euroregions “Baltic”, “Neman”, and “Saule”. About 1800 joint ventures and foreign enterprises have been set up in the region. They are mainly oriented to the Russian market because there have been no reciprocal moves on the part of the European Union as concerns facilitation of access of Kaliningrad goods to EU markets.

4.The EU enlargement to the East, worsening of the region’s position as a Russian exclave due to its turning into an enclave inside the EU change the conditions for cross-border cooperation and complicate the transit of goods and passengers between the Kaliningrad region and mainland Russia. There is an urgent need for special agreements between the RF and the EU on the viability of the Kaliningrad region.

In 2001 consultations between the Russian Federation and the EU on the issues emerging in connection with the EU enlargement were held. The Russian party intended to conclude a special agreement on Kaliningrad. Russia changed its stance slightly having expressed its readiness to sign a series of documents on Kaliningrad, addressing each set of issues separately, instead of signing one agreement. However, not a single binding agreement between Russia and the EU on Kaliningrad has been signed so far. Perhaps, this could be explained by the fact that the EU from the very beginning intended to act only within the frames of the PCA avoiding additional commitments.

At the moment finding a solution to the problems that emerge in the Kaliningrad region in connection with EU enlargement takes time and a lot of effort. For instance, Russia and its western coun-

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Exclavity under globalization

terparts managed to some extent to come to a mutual agreement on the visa issue only in November-December 2002. But, according to most observers, a lot of joint work must be done to find the final solution to the issues of providing communications for the Kaliningrad region with mainland Russia and with foreign states, including its immediate neighbours.

5.As a result, the conditions for the regional development are worsening, and the freedom of movement for the citizens of the Kaliningrad region is significantly reduced. The visa regulations for travellers to Poland and Lithuania will replace the presently existing visa-free border crossing. In accordance with the Joint Statement of the Russian Federation and the European Union on the transit between the Kaliningrad region and mainland Russia (Brussels, November 11, 2002) a Facilitated Transit Document (FTD) will be required for transit of Russian citizens from the Kaliningrad region to the main land Russia. It is assumed that the FTD will be issued when applying to the Lithuanian Consulate and on condition that the applicant meets the necessary requirements. In fact, it is that same visa but named differently.

Besides, Russian citizens intending to make a journey by train via the territory of Lithuania can be given a Facilitated Travel Document for Railways (FTD-RW) based on their passport data provided when buying a ticket. The exact procedure of issuing the FTD-RW has not been determined yet, but as it is stated in the RF and the EU Joint Statement on Transit, the Russian authorities will not issue tickets to those Russian citizens whose transit via the territory of Lithuania raises objections in Lithuania. This is virtually a very permissive transit arrangement which Russia initially strongly objected to at the negotiations with the EU.

Lithuania agreed to admit domestic passports of citizens of the Russian Federation as the basis for issuing both kinds of FTDs until December 31, 2004. After this date, the FTD and FTD-RW will only be valid in the presence of the foreign passport of a citizen of the Russian Federation. That is, Kaliningrad will actually become a foreign territory for other Russian citizens.

6.Thus, at present the relationships between the Russian Fed-

eration and the European Union based on the Partnership and Co-

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