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In the long run, we believe it would be expedient to dwell on the features of similar intonation contours, since businessmen (non-native speakers) tend to replace English contours with the native ones they are used to. This primarily refers to the English contour High Level + Low Rise, which is described as the main contour for non-finite sense groups. We should note that this particular contour was most frequently used by American lecturers, while British businessmen predominantly resorted to High Level + High Fall.
Conclusion. Intonation is a key instrument of any language used to transfer communicative intentions and achieve planned pragmatic outcome. A businessman communicating in a foreign language is often challenged when it comes to choosing intonation contours, which is mainly due to lack of experience and skills of appropriate utterance construction in view of linguistic, situational and pragmatic contexts. This is why business partners speaking English as a non-native language tend to generalise specific intonation contours, even though the context requires a more versatile use of intonation patterns.
Thus, the pragmatic function of intonation as a component of business discourse implies transformation of words into communicative units (utterance) that can convey the speaker’s communicative intention. In other words, pragmatic relevance of an utterance is marked by both the intonation, and the intentions explicated through it.
In business discourse, different intonation contours are applied to convey various meanings, which predefines a variety of pragmatic effects that can be achieved depending on the speaker’s intention. This is why the interrelation of intonational and pragmatic peculiarities of speech production can be viewed as a topical research issue and in the framework of business discourse analysis specifically.
Bibliographic list
[1]Saintsbury G. Historical manual of English prosody. Jakarta, Indonesia: Fb & C Limited, 2015.
[2]Fomina Z.E. Vezhlivost' v prostranstve nemeckoj digital'noj kommunikacii (na primere jazyka interneta / Z.E. Fomina // Nauchnyj vestnik Voronezh. gos. arh.-stroit. un-ta. Sovremennye lingvisticheskie i metodiko-didakticheskie issledovanija. – 2013. – vyp. 2 (20). – S. 43-56.
[3]Radyuk A.V., Ponomarenko E.V., Malyuga E.N. Prosodic peculiarities of discursive strategies in English economic discourse: the strategy of solution search // Social Sciences & Arts SGEM2017 Conference Proceedings. The SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts. – 2017. – p. 189-194.
[4]Elordieta G., Prieto P. Prosody and meaning. Walter de Gruyter, 2013.
[5]Dalton M., Chasaide A. Modelling intonation in three Irish dialects // Proceedings of the 15th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences. – Barcelona, 2013. – p. 1073-76.
[6]Veliz M. Intonational devices used in the distinction of speech acts. Chile: Catlica Cardenal Raul Silva Henriquez University, 2004.
[7]Trouvain J., Gut U. Non-native prosody: phonetic description and teaching practice. Berlin, Germany: Walter de Gruyter, 2007.
[8]Demenko G., Wagner A. The stylization of intonation contours // Proceedings of Prosody. – 2006. – Vol. 6. – p. 204-219.
[9]Hirschberg J. (2006). Pragmatics and intonation. London, UK: Blackwell Publishing.
[10]Kawaguchi Y., Fonagy I., Moriguchi T. Prosody and syntax: Cross-linguistic perspectives. Amsterdam, the Netherlands: John Benjamins Publishing, 2006.
[11]Steedman M. Information-structural semantics for English intonation. Edinburgh, UK: University of Edinburgh.
[12]Pickering L. Intonation as a pragmatic resource in ELF interaction // Intercultural Pragmatics. – 2009. – 6(2). – p. 235-255.
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[13]Riad T., Gussenhoven C. Typological studies in word and sentence prosody. Berlin, Germany: Walter de Gruyter, 2007.
[14]Ponomarenko E.V. O pragmaticheskoj jeffektivnosti rechi i zadachah lingvodidaktiki delovogo obshhenija // Voprosy prikladnoj lingvistiki. – 2012. – № 7. – S. 6170.
[15]Mallik N. Compact English prosody and figures of speech. New Delhi, India: Macmillan Publishers India Limited, 2009.
[16]Davydov M. V., Maljuga E. N. Intonacija kommunikativnyh tipov predlozhenij v anglijskom jazyke: Uchebnik. -M.: Izdatel'stvo «Delo i Servis», 2002. -224 s.
[17]Maljuga E.N. Professional'no orientirovannoe obuchenie inostrannym jazykam na sovremennom jetape // Voprosy prikladnoj lingvistiki. – 2010. – № 3. – S. 83-97.
[18]Fomina Z.E. Sovremennye processy globalizacii v sfere jazyka, kul'tury i obrazovanija v kontekste vzgljadov nemeckih myslitelej i teorii V.I. Vernadskogo o vzaimodejstvii kul'tur i civilizacij/ Z.E. Fomina// Nauchnyj Vestnik Voronezh. gos. arh.-stroit. un-ta. Serija: Sovremennye lingvisticheskie i metodiko-didakticheskie issledovanija. – 2006. – Vyp. 6. – C.141-153.
[19]Fery C. Intonation and prosodic structure. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2016.
[20]Romero-Trillo J. Pragmatics and prosody in English language teaching. Luxemburg: Springer Science & Business Media, 2012.
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UDC 811.111
SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE NEW ZEALAND ENGLISH SELF-
IDENTIFICATION
S.N. Orlova
_________________________________________________________________
Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Education
“Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia”,
PhD, Senior Lecturer Svetlana Nikolaevna Orlova e-mail: orlova_sn@pfur.ru
_________________________________________________________________
Statement of the problem. The article describes the main origins of New Zealand English, which served as the basis of the main lexical and phonetic innovations in national variant since each element of language structure in the process of its formation reflects social activities of the speakers and their linguistic identity; analyzes these innovations that arose on the basis of dialects of Great Britain and the Maori language; it is shown that the New Zealand national variant has its national and cultural peculiarities at all language levels..
Results. The article examines the inextricable unity of dynamic, evolutionary processes caused by the interaction of languages or their variants, as well as stabilizing systemic factors of the language, retaining its inner essence and shows the complexity of the integrative process, in which the English language with all the tangible changes basically remains itself in the different regions of the world with the main means of communication and a tool in social life remaining clear to the population of many countries. The article deals with the basic origins of New Zealand English, the properties of modern language and its relationship with the Australian national variant of the English language.
Keywords. New Zealand English, New Zealand, Maori, sociolinguistic status, national literary norm, national and cultural feature, phonetic peculiarities of the New Zealand English.
Introduction. The English language in New Zealand is a part of national and cultural identity of the country, its role has quite convincingly intensified in international relations: New Zealand has many trade agreements with foreign countries and it is an active participant in international organizations staying one of the most visited countries.
The relevance of this topic is due to the fact that despite the interest to the nationalcultural specificity of the country the existing works do not have references to the study of new Zealand's economic discourse and, consequently, the functioning of the national phonetic, lexical and grammatical units in the framework of this discourse.
The researchers of the New Zealand variant, as a rule, indicate phonetic and lexical similarity of the Australian and New Zealand national variants of the English language. Of course, this is caused by the influx of settlers from Australia to New Zealand in the 19th century, which, however, also gave impetus to the development of their own local norms, surpassing the Maori language on the scope and areas of application putting these in an unequal position.
In this article we will examine the basic origins of New Zealand English which served as the basis of lexical and phonetic innovations in the national variant of the initial period since each element of language structure in the process of its formation reflects the social activities of the speakers and is their linguistic identity.
As it was pointed out by David Crystal, “When a country adopts a language as a local alternative means of communication, it immediately starts adapting it to meet the communicative needs of the region” [1, p. 16].
________________
© Orlova S.N., 2017
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The interaction of systems of different languages or the same language to each other in modern linguistics are interpreted from the standpoint of the dynamical-system approach. This approach reveals the indissoluble unity, on the one hand, dynamic, evolutionary processes caused by the interaction of languages or their variants, on the other – stabilizing systemic factors of the language, retaining its inner essence and the ability to "digest" the impact from the outside without destroying their integrity [2]. Due to this complex integrative process English with all the tangible changes still basically remains itself in the different regions of the world is the main means of communication and a tool of social life, a clear population of many countries.
Sociolinguistic status of English in New Zealand is defined as New Zealand English, as it is the official language of the country: it is spoken by most residents of the state; he possesses a national standard; performs the full scope of public functions; has national - cultural specificity. On a synchronous level, the choice of language units in the New Zealand national variant of the English language depends on extralinguistic factors: age and belonging to a particular generation; social affiliation; place of residence; level of education and good breeding; areas of use of the English language. All these factors are known, determine the type of speech behavior of man, which is characterized as a "form of human interaction with the outside world, reflected in his speech" [3, p. 83].
Methodology. The theoretical foundations of the research are presented by the works of russian and foreign experts, such as: E. N. Malyuga, E. V. Ponomarenko, D. Crystal, L. Bauer, D. Bayard, S. Baker, E. Gordon, T. Deverson, S. Macburnie, M. Maclagan, John. McAllister, Horsman, K. Sinclair, D., Starks, Turner, P., Trudgill, A. Wall, P. Warren, J. Hay, and others.
The material of this study included monographic works, scientific articles, abstracts of a number of dissertations; the data of academic, collegiate, bilingual and monolingual dictionaries of the English language.
To achieve the objectives of the study the following methods were used: analytical description of linguistic facts, cognitive, functional, comparative, statistical methods, the use of the global web (Internet).
Results. The New Zealand variant of the English language has been affected by the Australian English, however, this argument is not proved yet: the settlers went to Australia much earlier than in New Zealand but they were convicts, unlike the working class who settled in New Zealand. The first Australian settlers arrived on the continent from different regions of the UK [4, p. 420]. Thus according to Hammerstrom [5, p. 53], Australian English is an overseas form of English that existed in London in the eighteenth century, that is its ancestor is a cockney, given the structure of vowels. The fact that more than half of the convicts in Australia were from London until 1819 is in favor of this argument [4, p. 420]. Relying on this assertion, the researchers conclude that English in New Zealand developed as a separate form, different from the London English of the nineteenth century, although a large number of New Zealand immigrants in the early period of European settlement were from the South-East of England including London.
The differences between the Australian and New Zealand articulation is due to the same reason: changes in the London dialect of the English language in the period between the early colonization of Australia and the beginning of settlement in New Zealand [4, p. 420].
Hammarstrom analyzed the key features of Australian English, and showed that the vowels of Australian English are similar to British cockney. Of course, there are obvious differences between modern cockney and Australian and New Zealand English, but the reason for this is the large distance of these variants from each other.
T h e A u s t r a l a s i a n a s t h e E a s t A n g l i c a n .
According to the researcher Trudgill [6], the Australian English may have their origin in the East of England, not in London, these conclusions results the comparison of the phonetics of Australian English and dialects. For example, he notes that Australian English holds / h / and
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has a front vowel / a / of the lexical set and / ə / instead of / ı / in the unstressed syllable of such words as ‘hundred’, in contrast to the London English but as in the dialects of East England. The same applies to New Zealand English. Thus, Trudgill does not insist on the East English origin but suggests that it is the result of mixing dialects, in favor of this conclusion are different phonetic or phonological features such as / æ / in ‘dance’ in Australia and New Zealand, the intonation of high rise, etc.
The idea that the origin of the Australian and New Zealand English has emerged on the basis of several dialects, of course, is a popular linguistic theory. A number of researchers are interested by the fact that if the Australian and New Zealand English are the same dialects, then why ones derived from them do have significant differences [4, p. 422]. According to statistics of 1871, of all New Zealanders
•51 % were British,
•22 % Irish, 27,3 % – the Scots, and
•6.5% of Australians.
The total number of Europeans amounted to 256 thousand 393 persons [7, p. 6]. Australia, South-East and South-West regions of England, Scotland, and Ireland sent
many immigrants to New Zealand. Mixed dialect of these settlers in New Zealand is very similar to the dialect of Australia, but according to the findings of Trudgill [6], the features listed below are typical of koiné — the functional type of the language used as the primary means of daily communication with a wide range of communication fields in terms of regular social contact between speakers of different dialects (ethnolects) or languages.
These include:
1.the features of language that people can easily adapt:
(a)characteristic features that are easily perceived, but are not considered too obvi-
ous;
(b) features which do not violate any phonotactic constraints; (с) functions that are supported by the orthography;
(d)features, which do not impose major difficulties of understanding;
(e)features that include phonetically "natural" changes;
2.language features that preserve the phonological contrasts
3.features that are not particularly marked in the context in which there is a koine.
Bayard [8, p. 32] notes that "the main ingredient dialectal mixture was Australian English that has origins from the dialects of Southeast England, but received significant contributions from the Scots and the Irish together with the prestigious British normative pronunciation."
The theory that the New Zealand dialect is an imported species of Australian is quite common: the abundance of phonetic and phonological similarities between them explains it. These similarities might not be obvious to foreigners and sometimes even for New Zealanders. One possible explanation for this mixing may be the weakening:
vowel sound / I / in Australian English becomes centralized, as in New Zealand, the neutralization before / l / is the similarity of New Zealand English and Australian English. Speakers in Melbourne neutralize vowels / e / and / æ / before / l /, and in Adelaide use the back vowel / uː / vowel before / l /, whereas in Sydney neutralize / ʊ / and / uː / before / l /.
All these features are found in New Zealand English, for example:
• vocalization [t] in intervocal position in the South-Eastern counties of England; a loss of palatal approximant [j] (Y-dropping) in the position after the alveolar consonants in the words new [nju:] ‘new’ is also found in the dialects of England (North Kent, North-West Warwickshire, East Berkshire);
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•substitution [ȅ] to [f] and [ð] to the phoneme [v] usual and in the South-Eastern counties of England; the use of the first component of the diphthong [ai] of a more open character is one of the most frequency in the speech of the inhabitants of London, the South-Eastern counties of England;
•vocalization of [l] is observed in the London dialect, estuary dialect of South East England (Estuary English).
In addition, evident and specific intonational contours, distributed in Australia and New Zealand and is largely due to cultural and social, not just intra-language factors [9].
S o c i a l a n d r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n i n N e w Z e a l a n d .
According to Maclagan [7, p. 23], the idea that New Zealand is a classless country is a myth because social stratification has clear evidence in linguistic research. Higher social groups avoid a wider version of the closing diphthongs / aʊ /, / aɪ /, / eɪ / and / əʊ /. In the past New Zealanders who belonged to the upper class, used variants closer to the British pronunciation of the normative speech of the lower classes strongly differentiated from RP.
Some words are lexically associated with different regions. For example,
lammy – is a gray woolen shirt,
haitch is the name of the letter "h"
pottle, punnet is a small container (the South Island), significant chip on the North island.
Metal road is a rough dirt road on the North island, while a gravel road or gravel in the South [7, p. 158].
Since New Zealand English is characterized as an indicator of cultural and national identity, the difference between speakers of different age groups is quite obvious: as stated by Warren [10, p. 77], older people tend to be more conservative, their language is close to British English, while young people tend to use the language of innovation. Sociolinguistic studies have shown that young women are more likely to accept changes in New Zealand English. The research of Gordon and Maclagan showed that young women combine vowels more than young men [10, p. 98].
T h e M a o r i l a n g u a g e .
When the Europeans (pakehas) have arrived in New Zealand (Aotearoa), the spoken language was the Maori variety of the Polynesian language. English and Maori influenced each other as every contact language. Maori is classified as an Eastern Austronesian language [1]. During the 20th century the Maori population was growing steadily and its result was a revival of the language and culture of the Maori: now it is recognized as the second language of school eduction. The total number of speakers of Maori is estimated to be about 160 000 people, and they are bilingual. Today, the English language continues to occupy the prestigious situation in all areas of communication: politics, economy, education, science, art and culture. Maori is spoken primarily in the family and the church.
Crystal mentions Maori-pidgin, which is a form of English used in the early years of colonization in New Zealand, he describes pidgin as "a reduced language with structural characteristics that are used without speakers. "The language of foreigners", known as "the jargon of the Southern seas", was used in various parts of the Pacific ocean mainly between European whalers and members of indigenous peoples, some of them were Maori. In New Zealand the jargon was used for early contact between Maori and new New Zealanders from Europe.
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However, this pidgin has never stabilized enough to grow on. In New Zealand there was only one indigenous language, so they have never had the need for a lingua-franca between groups of indigenous peoples, as it was in Australia. Maori continues to be recognizable linguistically, speaking on the English language through the predominant use of a wide range of language forms, especially in relation to pronunciation [11, p. 573].
Benton notes that the evidence of the existence of the Maori language as another New Zealand variant of the English language are approximate and ambiguous [7, p. 160]. It is interesting that New Zealand English has absorbed some of the functions of the Maori. In 1960s Maori people spoke English Maori: phonology and grammar were much influenced, today most Maori don't speak their language but speak Maori English which is a marker of unity and sometimes it is called "bro speak" [7, p. 160].
P a s i f i k a E n g l i s h .
According to the 2006 census, 7.3 per cent of the New Zealand population are Pacific people, who are called Pasifika. 67% of these peoples live in Auckland. The Samoans, the largest group, the people of the Cook Islands, Tonga, Niue, Fiji, Tokelau and Tuvalu are included in this category.
Unlike the old generations who can speak their language, the younger generation speaks a variant of New Zealand English, which is sometimes seen as a variation of the Maori language [7, p. 160]. Pasifika, for example, contains words such as Palagi (white or not-Polynesian people), lava-lava (bodycon skirt, worn by both men and women), taro (a root vegetable like potato) and umu (earth oven) [7, p. 161].
North American influence.
According to Bauer, the range of vocabulary and phonetic peculiarities of the New Zealand variant of the English language allows to consider the "American pronunciation", some examples are: vitamin / aı / the vowel in the first syllable, either/neither pronounced with / i: / in the first syllable.
There is other evidence of American influence which is not surprising, because americanization is recognized as one of the key factors in changes in phonetics, vocabulary, grammar and style not only British, but also other variants of the English language [12; 13; 14].
It is obvious that despite the relatively remote geographical location nor Australia, nor New Zealand, nor any other region of the world can't avoid trends caused by globalization, including at the level of linguistic consciousness [15; 16].
Conclusion. Having analyzed the main origins of New Zealand English we can note the features of modern language: now New Zealanders are oriented on the British standard of pronunciation, which they associate with the best pronunciation, privilege, prestige and higher education. Studies show that in contrast to Australian, New Zealand variant is much more distinguishable at the phonetic level and its relationship with the Australian national variant of the English language (especially similar are phonetic or phonological features (æ in "dance"), intonational structure with a high rise). Cultural, socio-economic and political reforms have given impetus to the growth of national consciousness. After having received the dominion status New Zealand has allowed the national variant to function independently, demonstrating acquired national and cultural peculiarities at all language levels. Thus, the formation of the national literary norms, supported and perceived by native speakers has occurred.
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Bibliographic list
[1]Crystal D. (2017). My priority for the next 50 years: an online cultural dictionary. Training language and culture, N 1, pp. 13-27.
[2]Ponomarenko E.V. Osnovaniya funkcional'noj lingvosinergetiki: Speckurs po special'nosti 10.02.04 – Germanskie yazyki. – M.: MGIMO-Universitet, 2015. – 316 s.
[3]Malyuga E.N. Nekotorye osobennosti rechevogo povedeniya v oficial'no-delovom stile // Vestnik Buryatskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. – 2011. - № 11. – S. 81-85.
[4]Bauer L. English in New Zealand // The Cambridge history of the English language.
№5: English in Britain and overseas: origins and development. — Cambridge: Cambridge university press, 1994.
[5]Maclagan, M. (2010). “The English(es) of New Zealand.” In The Routledge Handbook of World Englishes, Ed. by Andy Kirkpatrick, London: Routledge Handbooks, pp. 152-164.
[6]Peters, P. (2007). Australian English as a regional epicentre. In World Englishes - Problems, Properties and Prospects Ed. by Thomas Hoffmann and Lucia Siebers. Regensburg: John Benjamins Publishing.
[7]Bayar, D. (2000). New Zealand English: Origins, relations, and prospects. Moderna Sprak 94 (1), pp. 8 -14. retrieved from https://www.ualberta.ca/ ~johnnewm/ NZEnglish/ Bayard. pdf on 01.09.2019
[8]Hay, J., Maclagan, M. & Gordon, E. (2008). Dialaects of New Zealand English . Edinburg: Edinburg University Press.
[9]Malyuga, E., Ivanova, M., & Orlova, S. (2017). Influence of social factors on intonational peculiarities of Australian English. In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences & Arts SGEM2017 Conference proceedings. Book 3, Vol. 1. (pp. 79-84).
[10]Wall A. New Zealand English: How it should be spoken. — Christchurch: Whitcombe and Tombs, 1939.
[11]Burridge, K. & Kortmann, B. (2004). Introduction: varieties of English in the Pacific and Australasia. In A Handbook of Varieties of English , Vol. 1: Phonology ed. by Schneider, E. W. et al. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 567 - 579.
[12]McCarthy M. (2017). Usage on the move: evolution and re-volution. Training language and culture, N 2, pp. 8-22.
[13]Aleksandrova O.V., Mendzheritskaya E.O., and Malakhova V.L. (2017). Dynamic changes in modern English discourse. Training language and culture, N 1, pp. 100-117.
[14]Pickens K. The origins of the population of the nineteenth century Canterbury // New Zealand geographer. — № 33. — Wellington, 1977.
[15]Banshchikova M.A., Oreshko V.M. O processah lingvisticheskoj globalizacii i internacionalizacii v sovremennom obshchestve // Voprosy prikladnoj lingvistiki. – 2014. – № 15-16. – S. 10-17.
[16]Kiseleva A.V. EHvolyucionnye tendencii i perspektivy razvitiya anglijskogo yazyka // Voprosy prikladnoj lingvistiki. – 2016. - № 22. S. 48-61.
Dictionaries used
[1**] The New Zealand Oxford Dictionary, Ed. by Tony Deverson and Graeme Kennedy.- Oxford University Press, 2005.
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UDC 801+82 : 802.0
CONCEPT "MODERN CITY" AS DIGITAL COMMUNICATION CENTRE
IN THE ENGLISH FICTION WORLD PICTURE
L.N. Kriatchko
____________________________________________________________________________
Voronezh State Technical University
Senior Teacher of the Chair of Foreign Languages Liliya Nicolayevna Kriatchko
e-mail: liliyankriatchko@mail.ru
____________________________________________________________________________
Statement of the problem. This article centres round the linguistic means of the objectification of the technological realities that create the information and communication environment of a modern city dweller, which is reflected in the modern English fiction texts. The main focus is on the names of the cellular communication devices that are used broadly by modern citizens, and also on the nominations of the other technical devices.
Results. It was defined that the technical realities described in the English fiction texts are objectified both by their own names and the names of their parts, options, and products. The quantitative ratio of the names of the information and communication means for each group researched was analyzed. The means of the metaphoric representation of the realities considered were described.
Conclusion. Along with the national English lexical units the 21st century language personality’s thesaurus also comprises some technical terminology.
The English fiction discourse, containing the nominations of information and communication devices, represents a metalanguage used in the sphere of information technologies.
Considering a large-scale nature of such global processes as the globalization and computerization, these nominations can be referred to as the language universals.
Key words: phenomenon “Сity”, modern English fiction world picture, nominations of the technological realities, names of the cellular communication devices, names of the other means of information communication, information and communication environment of man, language personality, metalanguage, language universals, globalization, computerization.
Introduction. Cognitive science, in general, and cognitive linguistics, in particular, deal with "the information about the world from the viewpoint of a variety of perspectives and relationships. They focus on such complex phenomena of human existence as man’s perception of the world and the reflection of the perceived information in a man’s head" [1, p. 41]. The main category of cognitive linguistics is concept - "an operational unit ... of the conceptual system ...
of the entire world picture" [2, p. 9]. The idea of the world, reflected in the linguistic signs and their meanings, creates a linguistic picture of the world. No matter how subjective the linguistic picture of the world may be, it contributes fuller and more objective perception of the world. [2, p. 68]. Currently, there is a significant number of works on the problems of cognitive linguistics, on the study of different types of concepts (see for example: 3, 4, 5, etc.).
The global phenomena of globalization and computerization lead to large-scale changes of language and culture of communication in general. Literature, being a mirror of all the global processes, taking place in the society, responds immediately to these changes.
In this regard, it seems interesting to analyze the features of the modern English fiction picture of the world.
Methodology. The object of the research is modern English fiction discourse that correlates with the concept "City", considered from the point of view of its communicative and technological constituent. The subject of the research is the lexical means of the objectification of the cellular communication devices, reflected in modern English prose.
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© Kriatchko L.N., 2017
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The material of the research was the novels by the modern American writer Walter John Williams "This is not a game" (2009), and by the Australian writer Elizabeth Jolie "Cabin Fever" (1990).
In the process of the research the following theoretical methods were used: the method of analysis, the modeling method, the method of quantitative analysis, the method of analogy, the method of classification.
Results. The research showed that the English fiction texts, correlating with the phenomenon "City", contain numerous nominations of the modern means of information communication. These lexical units were contingently divided into three thematic groups, depending on the name of the main technical device (devices) included in the group:
1)the names of the computer means of communication;
2)the names of the cellular communication devices;
3)the names of the other means of communication.
In this article, we will confine ourselves to a description of the names of the cellular communications devices.
The analysis of the selected lexical material, obtained in the research, led to the conclusion that the lexical units, studied in this article, can be represented as a part of the complex field lexical and semantic model of the information and communication environment of man in a modern city.
In our opinion, the lexical units being researched satisfy the fundamental principles of the organization of the field linguistic model advanced by A.V. Bondarko [Bondarko, 1984].
Firstly, in the groups of the names of the technical means of communication, formed according to the thematic principle, the lexical and semantic core – the names of the main information and communication devices, included in the group, and the periphery – the names of different parts, products and options of these devices, are clearly traced;
Secondly, the lexical units researched are characterized by the common semantic function that they perform – the nomination of the realities that represent the means of the information communication of a modern city;
Thirdly, within the model one can trace some gradual transitions from one group to another, partial intersections, general segments [6, р. 34, 35].
The field lexical and semantic model of the information and communication environment of man in a modern city (Figure 1) includes three fields of nominations: 1) the names of the computer means of communication, 2) the names of the cellular communication devices and 3) the names of the other means of communication. As it was already mentioned, in this article the research will be limited to the analysis of the lexical units that constitute the field of the names of the cellular communication devices.
In the field of the names of cellular communication devices different nominations of the cell phone (phone, cell, handheld, handset) perform as core components. The nominations of the parts, options and products of this device (phone calls, display, button (s), etc.), reflected in English fiction discourse, are included in peripheral elements.
The lexical units researched are united by a common function - the nomination of the realities which are the means of information and communication of a modern city.
Partial intersections, common segments within the model are explained by the fact that some parts and elements of the described electronic devices are the same for several such devices and are nominated by the same lexical units (screen).
Figure 1. Field lexical and semantic model of the information and communication environment of man in a modern city.
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