
- •Summary Contents
- •Detailed Contents
- •Figures
- •Tables
- •Preface
- •The Disciplinary Players
- •Broad Perspectives
- •Some Key Guiding Principles
- •Why Did Agriculture Develop in the First Place?
- •The Significance of Agriculture vis-a-vis Hunting and Gathering
- •Group 1: The "niche" hunter-gatherers of Africa and Asia
- •Group 3: Hunter-gatherers who descend from former agriculturalists
- •To the Archaeological Record
- •The Hunter-Gatherer Background in the Levant, 19,000 to 9500 ac (Figure 3.3)
- •The Pre-Pottery Neolithic A (ca. 9500 to 8500 Bc)
- •The Pre-Pottery Neolithic B (ca. 8500 to 7000 Bc)
- •The Spread of the Neolithic Economy through Europe
- •Southern and Mediterranean Europe
- •Cyprus, Turkey, and Greece
- •The Balkans
- •The Mediterranean
- •Temperate and Northern Europe
- •The Danubians and the northern Mesolithic
- •The TRB and the Baltic
- •The British Isles
- •Hunters and farmers in prehistoric Europe
- •Agricultural Dispersals from Southwest Asia to the East
- •Central Asia
- •The Indian Subcontinent
- •The domesticated crops of the Indian subcontinent
- •The consequences of Mehrgarh
- •Western India: Balathal to jorwe
- •Southern India
- •The Ganges Basin and northeastern India
- •Europe and South Asia in a Nutshell
- •The Origins of the Native African Domesticates
- •The Archaeology of Early Agriculture in China
- •Later Developments (post-5000 ec) in the Chinese Neolithic
- •South of the Yangzi - Hemudu and Majiabang
- •The spread of agriculture south of Zhejiang
- •The Background to Agricultural Dispersal in Southeast Asia
- •Early Farmers in Mainland Southeast Asia
- •Early farmers in the Pacific
- •Some Necessary Background
- •Current Opinion on Agricultural Origins in the Americas
- •The Domesticated Crops
- •Maize
- •The other crops
- •Early Pottery in the Americas (Figure 8.3)
- •Early Farmers in the Americas
- •The Andes (Figure 8.4)
- •Amazonia
- •Middle America (with Mesoamerica)
- •The Southwest
- •Thank the Lord for the freeway (and the pipeline)
- •Immigrant Mesoamerican farmers in the Southwest?
- •Issues of Phylogeny and Reticulation
- •Introducing the Players
- •How Do Languages Change Through Time?
- •Macrofamilies, and more on the time factor
- •Languages in Competition - Language Shift
- •Languages in competition - contact-induced change
- •Indo-European
- •Indo-European from the Pontic steppes?
- •Where did PIE really originate and what can we know about it?
- •Colin Renfrew's contribution to the Indo-European debate
- •Afroasiatic
- •Elamite and Dravidian, and the Inds-Aryans
- •A multidisciplinary scenario for South Asian prehistory
- •Nilo-Saharan
- •Niger-Congo, with Bantu
- •East and Southeast Asia, and the Pacific
- •The Chinese and Mainland Southeast Asian language families
- •Austronesian
- •Piecing it together for East Asia
- •"Altaic, " and some difficult issues
- •The Trans New Guinea Phylum
- •The Americas - South and Central
- •South America
- •Middle America, Mesoamerica, and the Southwest
- •Uto-Aztecan
- •Eastern North America
- •Algonquian and Muskogean
- •Iroquoian, Siouan, and Caddoan
- •Did the First Farmers Spread Their Languages?
- •Do genes record history?
- •Southwest Asia and Europe
- •South Asia
- •Africa
- •East Asia
- •The Americas
- •Did Early Farmers Spread through Processes of Demic Diffusion?
- •Homeland, Spread, and Friction Zones, plus Overshoot
- •Notes
- •References
- •Index
Early Pottery in the Americas (Figure 8.3)
The oldest claimed pottery in the Americas, sand-tempered and with incised decoration, made its appearance in what appear to have been hunter-gatherer contexts in the lower Amazon by 6000 BC, for instance at Taperinha (Roosevelt et al. 1991). In northern Colombia, a very different kind of pottery with an organic fiber temper occurs in several sites, the earliest apparently being the inland site of San Jacinto I where an ornately decorated grass-tempered ware is dated to as early as 5000 BC, in association with many large stone-filled cooking pits and food grinding implements (manos and metates). San Jacinto is believed by the excavator (Oyuela-Cayceda 1994, 1996) to have had a wild seed-exploiting economy, with no definite evidence for agriculture, although perhaps in some kind of transition toward it. Other sites with fiber-tempered pottery occur as large doughnut-shaped shell middens on the northern Colombian coast (e.g., Puerto Hormiga; Hoopes 1994).
Elsewhere, similar fiber-tempered pottery and shell middens occur in parts of the southeastern USA (South Carolina, Georgia, northern Florida) by about 2500 BC. A different kind of pottery, Monagrillo sand-tempered, appears in shell middens and rockshelters in Panama by soon after 3500 BC. Suggestions that these early pottery occurrences are, or are not, related to each other are legion, but as John Hoopes (1994) points out, these oldest pottery occurrences in the Americas - currently in the lower Amazon, Colombia, Ecuador, Panama, and the southeastern USA - could well have occurred independently of each other. Being honest, we just do not know.
Were any of these early pottery-using groups associated with any form of agricultural subsistence? The evidence is not clear, although Dolores Piperno and Deborah Pearsall clearly favor an affirmative answer, perhaps for both maize and manioc in the general region of northern South America (Panama, Colombia, Ecuador) by possibly 5000 BC. As discussed above, it is possible that hunter-gatherers were beginning to manipulate these species by this time, particularly if maize was used for its sugary stalk. But if they did, the archaeological sites concerned provide no hard evidence.
Early Farmers in the Americas
Between 2500 and 1000 BC, the archaeological record in the Americas underwent remarkable transformations. Societies capable of constructing sedentary residential complexes with ceremonial monuments, in many cases with positively identified agriculture, appeared across vast regions of the northern Andes, Middle America, the US Southwest and the Eastern Woodlands. In their remarkable sharings, these late Archaic and early Formative cultures testify to the creation of what archaeologists would term a series of "interaction spheres" on a vast scale. It is the explanations for the existences of these interaction spheres, or horizons in archaeological classification, that offer some of the most interesting research questions in Americanist archaeology. What roles were played by population movement and the sharing of fairly proximate cultural and linguistic ancestries?