
- •И.А. Иванов культурология
- •Санкт-Петербург
- •Contents
- •Unit III. European cultural paradigms..………………………...111
- •Introduction
- •Unit I. What is culture?
- •Тopic 1. Definition of ‘culture’
- •Task for Practice seminar №1
- •Ex.2: What is cultural significance of Live Action Role-Playing game subculture?
- •Topic 2. Culture or Civilization
- •Task for Practice seminar №2
- •Тopic 3. Culture and Art
- •Task for Practice seminar №3
- •Control questions to Unit I.
- •Unit II. Main key concepts in Cultural studies
- •Тopic 4. Basic key concepts
- •Code, Model and Paradigm
- •Semiotics and Discourse
- •Myth, hero and ritual
- •Symbol and Icon
- •Task for Practice seminar №4
- •Тopic 5. Key concepts on Individuality
- •Task for Practice seminar №5
- •Тopic 6. Key concepts on Society
- •Task for Practice seminar № 6
- •Control questions to Unit II.
- •Unit III. European cultural paradigms.
- •Тopic 7. Antiquity
- •Task for Practice seminar №7
- •Тopic 8. Middle Ages
- •Task for Practice seminar № 8
- •Topic 9. Modern Era
- •Task for Practice seminar №9
- •Control questions to Unit III.
- •Conclusion
- •Bibliography
- •Glossary
Task for Practice seminar №1
Ex.1: Analyze the difference between notions: subculture and counterculture.
Subculture
As the prefix implies, subcultures are significant and distinctive negotiations located within wider cultures. These correspond with the particular positions, ambiguities and specific contradictions faced by certain social groups within wider social and historical structures. The term and its supporting theory have developed almost exclusively in the study and explanation of youth, notably with regard to deviance. Here it has served to displace earlier ideas of a unified and separate ‘youth culture’ corresponding to all young people (for example, Eisenstadt, Parsons) by attempting to synthesize both age and social class as determinants of the differing subcultural identities and activities of young people. In this way the concept hinges on several important assumptions. First, that western societies are characterized principally by their division into social classes, based on inequalities of power and wealth, and their consequent relations of dominance and subordination. Second, that these unequal and conflicting divisions and relations are realized and articulated in the form of class cultures, themselves sets of complex cultural responses to particular social class positions. Third, within these class cultures (often referred to in this context as ‘parent cultures’) youth negotiate and advance ‘their own’ distinctive and especially symbolic subcultural responses to the problems posed not only by age or generational status, subordination and control, but also by class position and inequality, particularly as they are experienced and combined in the spheres of education, work and leisure. As Clarke argue: Sub-cultures, then, must first be related to the ‘parent cultures’ of which they are a sub set. But sub-cultures must also be analysed in terms of their relation to the dominant culture – the overall disposition of cultural power in the society as a whole.
Within this framework, subcultural analysis has generated and continues to propose an important way of deconstructing and understanding the appearance, behaviour and significance of differing youth groups in the postwar UK.
Specific studies have concentrated predominantly on working-class youth subcultural groups, emphasizing the ways in which their often ‘spectacular’ appearances (their styles of fashion and dress, for example) and their ‘spectacular’ activities (especially those defined as deviant and threatening) represent meaningful forms of specific subcultural response and resistance, through specialized subcultural identities and rituals. Subcultures thus function to win, or at least contest, ‘cultural space’ for their members; in so doing they also generate and confirm important modes of both collective and individual identity and orientation towards the dominant values of the wider social and cultural order.
Briefly, there are two particular problems. First, the tendency for subcultures to be interpreted as significant only in terms of resistance. This, for example, has produced an unbalanced concentration on those subcultural activities and styles that could be construed as offering resistance, or radical opposition, as opposed to conformity, acceptance or incorporation. Second, subcultural accounts of youth have displayed an even more glaring imbalance with regard to gender divisions.
Counterculture
Counterculture is a collective label, applied to the politicized, largely middle-class, alternative or ‘revolutionary’ youth subcultures of the 1960s and early 1970s. The term was adopted in America by theorists such as Marcuse (1972) and Roszak (1971), and served to integrate the ideologies, practices and goals of such movements as hippies and student radicals into a broadly unified expression of youthful political protest and resistance against the older establishment on both sides of the Atlantic. Unlike the disguised, more fragmentary forms of resistance posed by working-class youth subcultures, the countercultural groups, drawing on a middle-class parent culture, especially within higher education, articulated a more
organized, intellectual and political challenge, apparently unified in the face of authority.
In this way the term occupies a significant but unstable position in debates surrounding the importance of different social class positions as determinants of the subcultural responses of young people.