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status symbol to ordinary commodity. This process occurred throughout Western Europe, but at different paces. Although Germany was famous for its automobiles, for example, many fewer Germans than Englishmen or Frenchmen owned a car before 1945. The gap did not close until the late 1960s when workers' car ownership jumped upward. According to Eric Hobsbawm, the automobile was the signature commodity in the cultural redefinition of luxury as need, for the car was an expensive, ostentatious product that saved time, provided comfort, and allowed physical mobility, under conditions of privacy and autonomy.69 One could conclude, then, that West Germany made the cultural transition out of ‘class society’ slightly later than France or the UK.

Scholars have long debated the impact of the ‘Americanization’ of West European consumption. Its level and patterns became more American, Kaelble posits, as European economies became more like the American one. Yet, he adds, the types, design, and provenance of many preferred products continued to reflect a distinctive European taste despite the popularity of Coca-Cola, Levis, and Hollywood movies.70 Many students of West Germany see the ‘American model’ as a significant arbiter of cultural and social trends, including adolescent habits, decision-making in boardrooms, and marketing. Mary Nolan, by contrast, resists sweeping generalizations about Americanization in the FRG, conceding that it influenced consumer preferences and cultural trends in the 1950s, but arguing that its sway diminished over time.71

A major divergence between Western European and American social experience was in the amount of leisure available to employees and the ways in which they spent free (p. 680) time. Leisure increasingly defined workers' lives as the number of working hours per week and, even more, days per year declined. The spread of the two-day weekend made European free time more like the US version, but the rise of the long summer holiday shaped a uniquely European world of leisure and tourism.72 By the 1960s, West Germany stood at the pinnacle of comparative measures of workers' free time. Like workers throughout Europe, West Germans were ever more likely to spend their leisure imbibing mass culture, rather than participating in homegrown cultural clubs (with the exception of football leagues!). Initially, they listened to radio at home or went to the movies with spouse or friends; later, they watched TV with the family or read the daily press, especially tabloids, with the West German especially taking to the new, sensationalistic, politically conservative Bild-Zeitung, which captured almost a quarter of the newspaper market. For their ever longer vacations, workers, like middle-strata Germans, were ever likelier to pack up the family and head for a Mediterranean resort or, later, Disney World.73

Mass consumption in the GDR lagged behind the FRG (Table 29.1). For both ideological and economic reasons, the SED leadership disliked individual, private consumption or, indeed, much consumption at all. The gradual shift of more investment into private consumption reflected Cold War competition for German hearts and minds. It was also a response to popular unrest and workers' rebellion in 1953. The leadership was responding, last, but not least, to the needs and demands of the nuclear family—and especially wives and mothers whom the party needed to mobilize for employment. The state expanded socialized services, but catered increasingly to private consumption. For about three decades, East Germans saw their standard of living improve, if fitfully, relative to their past and, especially, compared with the Eastern (p. 681) European or Soviet cities to which they could travel. Their sense of plenty was, certainly, strongly tempered by intermittent absolute shortages and by constant comparative shortage vis-à-vis West Germany. Nonetheless, East Germans experienced the 1960s and, especially, 1970s as good years. Their consumption followed a wave-like pattern whose contents looked exceedingly like the West German and wider West European waves. There too family negotiations defined need, suggesting that worker families in East and West set strikingly similar priorities. Western tastes influenced preferences, especially in the case of ‘elastic needs’ such as fashion and youth culture. East Germans always enjoyed much less (official) free time than did West Germans or other West Europeans, but their leisure expanded in amount and variety. As in the West, most free time was spent at home, listening to the radio and, later, watching TV, but also reading, sleeping, visiting, and gardening. Over time, an East German leisure culture emerged that was different from the West and the rest of Eastern Europe. It encompassed summer camping colonies, a nudist subculture along the Baltic coast, and group travel to resorts on the Black Sea or Yugoslav Adriatic coasts.74

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Table 29.1 Households equipped with consumer goods, 1962–2000 (in percent)

(1.) West—Washing fully automatic. The 1970 and 1983 figures for the East include other washing

(2.) GDR—Number of main connections in residences for every 100 households

(3.) 1985

Mass consumption and mass culture encouraged homogenization (or nationalization) of daily experience in the West and probably even more in the East, where choices were fewer and the standard of living more compressed. They also generated an intersecting trend toward individuation as people, even in the East, used disposable income and the assortment of wares to craft personal variations in their style of life. Homogenization and individuation did not eliminate social position as a determinant of fine distinctions. Hobbies, fashion, manners, and automobile model expressed social background, although they were also influenced by generation, gender, and ethnicity. Studies show, for example, that worker families in France, the UK and the FRG watched more television than middle-strata families, and watched it differently. For them, TV programs provided cultural knowledge and functioned as a substitute for travel and reading.75

29.8 The end of class society

In the comparative history of postwar society, West German prosperity emerges as a commanding force with tranquilizing and transformative social effects. This version of the story captured the popular imagination for decades. It also shaped Western scholarly research on society in the two states. It reached its persuasive apogee in 1989–1990 as the wall came down, currency union went through, and unification took the fast track, all under the influence of the emotional allure and very real resources of West German wealth. Any remaining vestiges of a class mentality seemed swept away by the peaceful revolution and East Germans' moving cry, ‘Wir sind das Volk!’

Western prosperity's greatest triumph soon turned, however, into its greatest test. The GDR economy was in considerably worse shape than even its harshest critics expected. Rather than bolstering the economy, however, the introduction of competitive conditions precipitated rapid de-industrialization. A ‘virtual structural collapse’ (p. 682) intensified a new wave of migration to the West as two million easterners moved to the old Federal states in the 1990s. Unemployment surged in the new Federal states and unskilled and semi-skilled workers saw their jobs evaporate and

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their status plummet. Comparative ‘winners’ in the East were service-sector employees and, especially, professionals such as physicians, pharmacists, engineers, and chemists. Single parents—most of them women—suffered disproportionate losses in income, while pensioners made relative gains. In the 1990s, female unemployment was higher than male, although they reversed positions after 2000. Intergenerational downward mobility was pronounced. The gap between educational opportunity in East and West was wide in 2000: university study encompassed 24 percent of former West Germans, but only 15 percent of East Germans of the relevant age. Although the standard of living improved, social inequalities in eastern Germany rose substantially. Still, Rainer Geißler emphasizes, post-unification divisions reproduced disparities that existed in the GDR.76 Unification also entailed major costs for West Germans, including rising taxes and higher unemployment than in the US, UK, and other Western economies. The development of global capitalism after the fall of Communism contributed to a continuing, if gradual, process of de-industrialization in the ‘old’ Federal states.

West German prosperity lost a measure of its material power and its cultural glamour after 1990. In 1999, 75 percent of ‘West’ Germans and 86 percent of ‘East’ Germans believed that the poor were ever poorer and the rich were ever richer in Germany. Scholarship on society too shifted with the sands. The critical societal approach to postwar social history—which this chapter has adopted—gained considerable steam. Reality, adherents of this perspective recognize, is ‘dually constituted’ by ‘objective social structures’ and their cultural construction.77 They argue, on the one hand, that social milieus still reflect societal conditions in Germany today: social groupings adhere to social divisions, including background, income, occupation, and education. Pointing especially to its notable concentration of wealth and the determination of the rich to maintain their position, societal studies conclude that unified Germany is not yet moving ‘beyond class society.’78 They acknowledge, on the other hand, that after 1945 social milieus became less sharply delineated and social groups less self-conscious. Vertical social hierarchies were criss-crossed by gender and ethnic divisions that influenced social position and its perception. These simultaneously homogenizing and differentiating trends took partially different forms in the two Germanys, not surprisingly, given the important economic and social distinctions between these Cold War rivals. Nonetheless, a similar combination of social blending and demarcation characterized societal development in these advanced industrial states, for they held significant economic and social structures in common. They both moved beyond, or at least out of, the ‘traditional’ or ‘classic’ German class society disdained by their respective American and Russian liberators. The merger of East and West since 1990 has proven to be unexpectedly divisive, accompanied by regional tensions, economic resentment, political struggles, and incidents of racist violence. Yet one sees no evidence of a revival of traditional German class society. Instead, the (p. 683) contradictory process of homogenization and differentiation continues to reproduce the societal distinctions that Germany shares with other postindustrial lands.

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Notes:

(1.) Konrad Jarausch, Die Umkehr. Deutsche Wandlungen 1945–1995 (Munich: Deutsche VerlagsAnstalt, 2004), 209– 210; Greg Castillo, ‘Domesticating the Cold War: Household Consumption as Propaganda in Marshall Plan Germany,’

Journal of Contemporary History 40, 2 (April, 2005), 261–288; Mark Landsman, Dictatorship and Demand: The Politics of Consumerism in East Germany (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005), 29. Also see Paul Steege, Black Market, Cold War: Everyday Life in Berlin, 1946–1949 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Norman M. Naimark, The Russians in Germany: A History of the Soviet Zone of Occupation, 1945–1949 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).

(2.) See, e.g. Klaus Tenfelde, ‘Ende der Arbeiterkultur: Das Echo auf eine These?’ in Wolfgang Kaschuba, Gottfried Korff, and Bernd Jürgen Warneken, Arbeiterkultur seit 1945—Ende oder Veränderung? 5. Tagung der Kommission Arbeiterkultur in der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Volkskunde in Tübingen 1989 (Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde, 1991); Axel Schildt, Die Sozialgeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland bis 1989/90 (Munich: Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2007), 31–32, 74, 84, 87–89; Hartmut Kaelble, Sozialgeschichte Europas. 1945 bis zur Gegenwart (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2007), 187; Rainer Geißler, Die Sozialstruktur Deutschlands. Die gesellschaftliche Entwicklung vor and nach der Vereinigung, 3rd edn (Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 2002), 112–115, 117–119, 125– 126, 134–136; Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschafts-geschichte 1949–1990 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2008), 110–113.

(3.) Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 122; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 81–82, 84; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 23, 41.

(4.) See e.g., Arnold Sywottek, ‘Wege in die 50er Jahre,’ in Axel Schildt, Arnold Sywottek (eds), Modernisierung im Wiederaufbau. Die westdeutsche Gesellschaft der 50er Jahre (Bonn: Dietz, 1993), 18; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 19–21; Tenfelde, ‘Ende,’ 19–21.

(5.) See, e.g. Michael Wildt, ‘Konsumbürger. Das Politische als Optionsfreiheit und Distinktion,’ 255–283, in Manfred Hettling and Bernd Ulrich (eds), Bürgertum nach 1945 (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2005), 272–273; Wolfgang Kaschuba, ‘Arbeiterkultur heute: Ende oder Transformation?,’ in Kaschuba et al., Arbeiterkultur seit 1945, 44;Everhard Holtmann, ‘Flüchtlinge in den 50er Jahren: Aspekte ihrer gesellschaftlichen und politischen Integration,’ in Schildt and Sywottek (eds), Modernisierung im Wiederaufbau, 349;Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 114–117;; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 115, 137–138.

(6.) Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 115–116; Christoph Klessmann, Arbeiter im ‘Arbeiterstaat,’ DDR. Deutsche Traditionen, sowjetisches Modell, westdeutsches Magnetfeld (1945 bis 1971) (Bonn: Dietz, 2007), 654 –655;Michael Wildt, ‘Privater Konsum in Westdeutschland in den 50er Jahren,’ in Schildt and Sywottek (eds), Modernisierung im Wiederaufbau, 288; Geißler, Sozialstruktur 125–126, 134.

(7.) First quote: Sigrid Meuschel, ‘Überlegungen zu einer Herrschaftsund Gesellschafts-geschichte der DDR,’

Geschichte und Gesellschaft 19 (1993), 5. Second quote: Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 223. Also see Hartmut Kaelble, ‘Die Gesellschaft der DDR im internationalen Vergleich,’ in Hartmut Kaelble, Jürgen Kocka, and Hartmut Zwahr (eds), Sozialgeschichte der DDR (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1994).

(8.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 69; Werner Abelshauser, Deutsche Wirtschafts-geschichte seit 1945 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2004), 315; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 35–36; Holtmann, ‘Flüchtlinge,’ 351.

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(9.) Josef Mooser, Arbeiterleben in Deutschland 1890–1970. Klassenlagen, Kultur und Politik (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1984), 110.

(10.) Holtmann, ‘Flüchtlinge,’351–354, 357–358; Abelshauser, Wirtschafts-geschichte, 315; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 17–18; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 157.

(11.) Geiβler, Sozialstruktur, 69.

(12.) Donna Harsch, Revenge of the Domestic: Women, the Family, and Communism in the German Democratic Republic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 135, 137, 142; Ralf Rytlewski and Manfred Opp de Hipt, Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland in Zahlen 1945/49–1980 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1987), 53, 55; Lothar Mertens, Wider die sozialistische Familiennorm. Ehescheidungen in der DDR 1950–1989 (Opladen: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1998), 12, 25.

(13.) Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 43–45. Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 53, 67. Almost 400,000 people emigrated from the West to the East in the 1950s.

(14.) Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 151–152;Abelshauser, Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 323–324. Göran Therborn, Die Gesellschaften Europas 1945–2000 (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2000), 79. Also see Elizabeth D. Heineman, What Difference Does a Husband Make? Women and Marital Status in Nazi and Postwar Germany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999); Harsch, Revenge.

(15.) Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 148, 151–52, 155; Harsch, Revenge, 210–216; Sabine Haustein, Vom Mangel zum Massenkonsum. Deutschland, Frankreich und Grossbritannien im Vergleich 1945–1970 (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2007), 203; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 40–41.

(16.) Sywottek, ‘Wege,’ 18.

(17.) Haustein, Mangel, 199.

(18.) Harsch, Revenge, 247. The great majority of East German women with three or more children were married.

(19.) Haustein, Mangel, 32.

(20.) Eva Kolinsky, Women in West Germany: Life, Work, and Politics (Providence: Berg, 1989), 174–178; Gisela Helwig and Hildegard Maria Nickel (eds), Frauen in Deutschland 1945–1992 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1993); Kaelble,

Sozialgeschichte, 74;Harsch, Revenge, 246–261;Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 33;Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 157– 58;Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 18, 36–39;Haustein, Mangel, 29, 32–34; Merith Niehuss, ‘Kontinuität und Wandel der Familie in den 50er Jahren,’ in Axel Schildt and Arnold Sywottek (eds), Modernisierung im Wiederaufbau. Die westdeutsche Gesellschaft der 50er Jahre (Bonn: Dietz, 1993), 325–326; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 157–158. Also see Christine von Oertzen, Teilzeitarbeit und die Lust am Zuverdienen: Geschlechterpolitik und gesellschaftlicher Wandel in Westdeutschland 1948–1969 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999); Carola Sachse, Der Hausarbeitstag. Gerechtigkeit und Gleichberechtigung in Ost und West 1939–1994 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002).

(21.) Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 38; Harsch, Revenge, 284–297. Also see Michael Wagner, Scheidung in Ostund Westdeutschland. Zum Verhältnis von Ehestabilität und Sozialstrucktur seit den 30er Jahren (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1997).

(22.) Haustein, Mangel, 28–31;Wildt, ‘Konsum,’ 281, 283. Also see Erica Carter, How German is She? Postwar German Reconstruction and the Consuming Woman (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997); Jennifer A. Loehlin, From Rugs to Riches: Housework, Consumption, and Modernity in Germany (Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1999).

(23.) Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 159; Harsch, Revenge, 198–200.

(24.) Sywottek, ‘Wege,’ 18, 24; Gerold Ambrosius, ‘Wirtschaftlicher Strukturwandel und Technikentwicklung,’ in Schildt and Sywottek (eds), Modernisierung im Wiederaufbau, 107–108; Kaelble, Sozialgeschichte, 62; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 198.

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(25.) Abelshauser, Wirtschafts-geschichte, 305 (quote), 318; Klessmann, ‘Arbeiterstaat’, 770.

(26.) Ambrosius, ‘Strukturwandel,’ 107–108; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 19, 28; Kaelble, Sozialgeschichte, 67; Therborn, Gesellschaften, 90; Abelshauser, Wirtschafts-geschichte, 309–311; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 200.

(27.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 198; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 30; Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 28.

(28.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 198; Therborn, Gesellschaften, 90; Kaelble, Sozialgeschichte, 81; Stefan Hradil, Die Sozialstruktur Deutschlands im internationalen Vergleich (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2004), 185–187.

(29.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 230, 238; Klessmann, ‘Arbeiterstaat’, 654–55.

(30.) Martin Kohli, ‘Die DDR als Arbeitsgesellschaft? Arbeit, Lebenslauf und soziale Differenzierung,’ in Kaelble et al., Sozialgeschichte der DDR. Rainer Lepsius called the FRG an ‘Arbeitnehmergesellschaft.’

(31.) Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 33–34, 56–58; Kaelble, Sozialgeschichte, 187.

(32.) Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 111; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 17; Holtmann, ‘Flüchtlinge,’ 353–54.

(33.) Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 33–35; Harsch, Revenge, 91–100; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 18, 36–39; Haustein, Mangel, 33;Wehler, Gesellschaftegeschichte, 157–58, 172;Rachel Alsop, A Reversal of Fortunes? Women, Work and Change in East Germany (New York: Berghahn Books, 2000), 30–35.

(34.) Harsch, Revenge, 44–53, 115–23; Andrew I. Port, Conflict and Stability in the German Democratic Republic

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). Also see Sachse, Hausarbeitstag.On wage differential, Wehler,

Gesellschafts-geschichte, 121–22.

(35.) Harsch, Revenge, 248–49; Gisela Helwig, ‘Frauen im SED-Staat,’ in Materiellen der Enquete-Kommission ‘Aufarbeitung von Geschichte und Folgen der SED-Diktatur in Deutschland.’ Vol. III/2 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1995), 1265.

(36.) Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 160, 157; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 40, 33–34; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 67–8; Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 40.

(37.) Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 62–63.

(38.) Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 33–34, 235–236; Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 43, 53, 61–64; Burkart Lutz, ‘Integration durch Aufstieg. Überlegungen zur Verbürgerlichung der deutschen Facharbeiter in den Jahrzehnten nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg,’ in Manfred Hettling and Bernd Ulrich (eds), Bürgertum nach 1945 (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2005), 307–3208.

(39.) Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 153.

(40.) Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 43–44, 111.

(41.) Holtmann, ‘Flüchtlinge,’ 351–354, 357–358; Abelshauser, Wirtschafts-geschichte, 315. Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 17–18; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 157.

(42.) Sachse, Hausarbeitstag; Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 35, 45, 42; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 33–34.

(43.) Klessmann, Arbeiterstaat, 659–660.

(44.) Joachim Radkau, ‘ “Wirtschaftswunder” ohne technologische Innovation? Technische Modernität in den 50er Jahren,’ in Schildt and Sywottek (eds), Modernisierung im Wiederaufbau, 141–142.

(45.) Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 11; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 162.

(46.) Kaelble et al., Sozialgeschichte der DDR, 186–187.

(47.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 230–233; Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 211, 227–228; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 36–39.

(48.) Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 238–40; Klessmann, Arbeiterstaat, 654–55; Jörg Roesler, ‘Die Produktionsbrigaden in der

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Industrie der DDR. Zentrum der Arbeitswelt?’ in Kaelble et al. (eds), Sozialgeschichte der DDR; Peter Hübner, Konsenz, Konflikt und Kompromiß. Soziale Arbeiterinteressen und Sozialpolitik in der SBZ/DDR 1945–1970 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1995), 212–218, 223–230.

(49.) Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 238–40.

(50.) Hübner, Konsenz, 241–44; Klessmann, Arbeiterstaat, 769–72; Michael Hofmann and Dieter Rink, ‘Vom Arbeiterstaat zur de-klassierten Gesellschaft? Ostdeutsche Arbeitermilieus zwischen Auflösung und Aufmüpfigkeit,’ in Helmut Bremer and Andrea Lange-Vester (eds), Soziale Milieus und Wandel der Sozialstruktur (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006), 262–294.

(51.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 233; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 16; Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 127, 137, 140. Kaschuba, ‘Arbeiterkultur,’ 48.

(52.) Kaelble, Sozialgeschichte, 129–30.

(53.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 313; Manfred Hettling, ‘Bürgerlichkeit im Nachkriegsdeutschland,’ in Hettling and Ulricht (eds), Bürgertum nach 1945, 10.

(54.) Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 23, 31–32, 98; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 121–123, 118; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 92–93, 96–97; Abelshauser, Wirtschafts-geschichte, 358–359.

(55.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 100–101, 233; Lutz, ‘Integration,’ 288.

(56.) Hradil, Sozialstruktur, 153–156, 159; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 195–196; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 95, 335– 336, 347–348.

(57.) Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 127; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 336, 347, 352–357.

(58.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 359; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 172; Hradil, Sozialstruktur, 150–52; Mooser,

Arbeiterleben, 116; Karin Zachmann, Mobilisierung der Frauen. Technik, Geschlecht und Kalter Krieg in der DDR

(Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2004).

(59.) Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 32–33; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 313, 321; Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 114–116, 127, 138; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 161, 155, 179.

(60.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 322, 324, 326; Therborn, Gesellschaften, 210.

(61.) Thomas Großbölting, ‘Entbürgerlichte die DDR? Sozialer Bruch und kultureeller Wandel in der ostdeutschen Gesellschaft,’ in Hettling and Ulricht (eds), Bürgertum nach 1945, 415–416; Jarausch, Umkehr, 206, 209; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 136–39, 141–45; Volker R. Berghahn, ‘Recasting Bourgeois Germany,’ in Hanna Schissler (ed.), The Miracle Years: A Cultural History of West Germany, 1949–1968 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001); Hettling, ‘Bürgerlichkeit,’ 9–10, 18–21; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 147–148, 150.

(62.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 156–8; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 217–18, 220–221, 227–229; Hettling, ‘Bürgerlichkeit,’ 8, note 4; Großbölting, ‘DDR,’ 408–410, 422–426.

(63.) Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 23, 31–32; Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 121–123, 118; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 92– 93, 96–97; Abelshauser, Wirtschafts-geschichte, 358–359.

(64.) Haustein, Mangel, 193.

(65.) See, e.g., Port, Conflict, 244–253.

(66.) Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 122, 233; Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 81–84; Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 73–74; Schildt,

Sozialgeschichte, 23, 41.

(67.) Ambrosius, ‘Strukturwandel,’ 113.

(68.) Wildt, ‘Konsum,’ 281, 275–278, 287–288.

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Industrialization,M ass Consum ption,Post-industrialSociety

(69.) Kaelble, Sozialgeschichte, 90; Haustein, Mangel, 125, 135, 137; Sywottek, ‘Wege,’ 18.

(70.) Kaelble, Sozialgeschichte, 111–114.

(71.) Uta G. Poiger, Jazz, Rock and Rebels: Cold War Politics and American Culture in a Divided Germany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Mary Nolan, ‘Varieties of Capitalism und Versionen der Amerikanisierung,’ in Volker R. Berghahn and Sigurt Vitols (eds), Gibt es einen deutschen Kapitalismus? (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2006). Also see Konrad Jarausch and Hannes Siegrist (eds), Amerikanisierung und Sowjetisierung in Deutschland 1945–1907

(Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1997).

(72.) Haustein, Mangel, 28.

(73.) Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 156; Schildt, Sozialgeschichte, 23–28, 183; Mooser, Arbeiterleben, 214.

(74.) Ina Merkel, Utopie und Bedürfnis. Die Geschichte der Konsumkultur in der DDR (Cologne: Böhlau, 1999); Annette Kaminsky, Wohlstand, Schönheit, Glück. Kleine Konsumgeschichte der DDR (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2001); Katherine Pence and Paul Betts (eds), Socialist Modern: East German Everyday Culture and Politics (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2008).

(75.) Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 233; Haustein, Mangel, 193, 139–141.

(76.) Hoffmann and Rink, ‘Arbeiterstaat;’ Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 357, 242–43, 102–107, 327–330.

(77.) Wehler, Gesellschafts-geschichte, 207–209.

(78.) Quote from Abelshauser, Wirtschafts-geschichte, 358–359. Also see Geißler, Sozialstruktur, 96–97; Hradil,

Sozialstruktur, 278.

Donna Hirsch

Donna Harsch is Professor of History at Carnegie Mellon University.

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