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recent data (collected after the referendum) showed that only 15 per cent of citizens considered themselves to be well informed about the EU.” (http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2013/04/02/ croatia-euroscepticism/)

We can presume that the deliberate lack of the information and communication among citizens on EU topics was not unintentional. Karp et al (2003) researched the correlation between knowledge and the satisfaction with the democracy and concluded “…those with political knowledge are significantly less likely to be satisfied with the way democracy works in the EU. (Karp et al. 2003, 18).

The assessment of the printed materials, however, showed a slightly different picture. The brochures were “information friendly”. Brochure with “Q&A” presented in the “user friendly” form the issues that Croatians were most concerned about. The research was conducted on the limited number of the printed material and therefore we have not enough information for the evaluation of the effects of the implementation of the information strategy in the pre – accession campaign.

Conclusion

The hypotheses that the European communication policy and its communication strategies have been changing incrementally and the persuasive communication models prevail, have been tested and confirmed.

In the research (Zagajsek 2013) Sharpf’s (1999) and Dahl’s (1971) models were applied.

We concluded that EU is an »output« democracy (Scharpf 1999) and in the long-term the democratic deficit does not decrease. Dahl (1999) stated that the international organizations cannot be democratic thou EU it is not a (mere) international organisation and not (yet) a federal state. It is “sui generis” entity.

Lack of the European demos, common language, culture and identity hampers the establishment of the European public sphere and therefore maintaing the democratic deficit.

However, the participation of citizens in the EU project is necessary if the elites wish to follow their aspirations to pursue political integration and further enlargement processes.

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In tackling democratic deficit and constructing the European Public Sphere the Communication policy and its strategies have been applied, but the implementation deficit is present and its goals haven’t been reached.

Dominant models in public communication in the European Union have been, since 1958 persuasive (Brüggemann 2005) and asymmetric models of communication (Grunig and Hunt 1984).

We concluded that the democratic deficit cannot be overcome by the information and persuasion models, but the models which would come as close as possible to the normative symmetric, two-way communication model (Grunig in Hunt 1984).

On the other hand, the implementation of the normative model is limited by the “output democracy” which prevails in the EU.

Using marketing and persuasive communication models in the EU campaigns have not been effective and have not contributed to the legitimacy and credibility of the EU institutions.

The question whether the persuasive models should be replaced by the information ones until the structural changes take place and upon the completion of the integration process, remains unanswered by the European institutions and the present practise remain unchanged.

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European Perspectives – Journal on European Perspectives of the Western Balkans Vol. 6 No. 1(10), pp 165 - 183, April 2014

Searching for the Sustainable Security Cooperation Model and Spreading of Security Culture in the Western Balkans

Olivera Injac1

ABSTRACT

The concept of regionalization as a new paradigm can verify the ability and capability of the countries to cooperate and participate at the international relations in many fields (politics, economy, security, etc.) within the region and beyond. Well established and efficient regional security cooperation can be described as an important precondition for development of the region, especially for the post-conflict one such as it is the case of Western Balkans. The aim of this article is to examine so far initiated and developed security cooperation model that was built in last two decades, and to discover its advantages and disadvantages. In that sense, here is discussed a theoretical framework of the most wanted models for security cooperation („security community“ and „regional partnership“) and explained how community of the Western Balkans is functioning in practice. Also, the purpose is to stress how important is the concept of security culture with it’s specificity for stabile security cooperation in the Western Balkans.

Methodological tools that have been used in the article are analysis and synthesis method as well as the method of description of current circumstances and assumptions about theoretical and practical aspects of searching for sustainable security cooperation model and spreading of security culture in the Western Balkans.

KEY WORDS: security cooperation model, security community, regional security partnership, security culture.

1CORRESPONDENCE ADDRESS: Olivera Injac, PhD, Assistant Professor and Research Chair in Security Studies, Humanistic Studies-University of Donja Gorica, 81000 Podgorica, Montenegro, e-mail: olivera.injac@udg.edu.me

ISSN1855-7694 © 2014 European Perspectives, UDK: 327 (4)

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POVZETEK

Koncept regionalizacije kot nova paradigma lahko preveri pripravljenost in sposobnost držav, da sodelujejo v mednarodnih odnosih na številnih področjih (politika, gospodarstvo, varnost itd.) tako v regiji kot tudi širše. Vzpostavljeno in učinkovito varnostno regionalno sodelovanje je pomemben predpogoj za razvoj v regiji, še posebej v tistih postkonfliktnih, kot je to Zahodni Balkan. Cilj članka je preveriti model varnostnega sodelovanja, ki je bil spodbujen in razvit v minulih dveh desetletjih, ter ugotoviti njegove prednosti in pomanjkljivosti. V tem smislu razpravljamo o teoretičnih okvirih najbolj zaželenih modelov varnostnega sodelovanja (varnostna skupnost in regionalno partnerstvo) in predstavimo, kako varnostna skupnost na Zahodnem Balkanu deluje v praksi. Prav tako poudarjamo, kako pomemben je koncept varnostne kulture, s svojimi specifikami, za stabilno varnostno sodelovanje na Zahodnem Balkanu. V prispevku uporabljamo metode analize in sinteze ter deskripcije in sklepanja o teoretičnih in praktičnih vidikih iskanja trajnostnega modela varnostnega sodelovanja ter uveljavljanja varnostne kulture na Zahodnem Balkanu.

KLJUČNE BESEDE: model varnostnega sodelovanja, varnostna skupnost, regionalno varnostno partnerstvo, varnostna kultura

Introduction

The concept of security has changed in last few decades what was affected by occurrence of new security challenges, which request new measures for securing of the contemporary security. That new trends require from all states and the international community to search for new models, mechanisms and instruments that can be sustainable and efficient. Searching for the most appropriate model is a very complex activity, associated with the security policy, and that also includes other dimensions (political, economic, social, cultural, etc.).

In theory and practice of providing modern security after the Cold War three models are dominant: a) national – state relies on its own security system, b) multinational – covering international agreements (bilateral and multilateral) in the field of security and defense, c) international – assuring security through the membership in organizations and institutions.

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Cooperation in the field of providing modern security, in practical terms, is achieved through several key concepts, such as cooperative security, the security communities, regional programs or other partnerships and others, where is the crucial common interest and orientation of all actors to search for peace and prosperity.

The most important assumption on establishment and functioning of the security community is based on the importance of cultural congruence institutions and policies, values and norms, procedures and systems. This thesis confirms the view of Attina, who points out that the differences in the functioning of cultural systems, institutions and policies, can cause instabilities and conflicts or can defect cooperation and integrations (Attina, 2004). Searching for the most efficient model is especially present within the regions that have undergone dramatic experiences of conflict, post-conflict reconstruction and stabilization as well as political and economic transition, and which particularly try to establish a functional system based on cooperation in providing security. Such is the situation with the Western Balkans since mid 1990’s, where in two decades so many attempts were going on to make safe and stable region, through the launch of a number of sustainable models, ranging from initiatives to restore peace to the formation of institutions for security cooperation.

If we go through the analysis of many aspects of cooperation, it indicates that there has not been yet established a sustainable model that would have characteristics of the security community or some kind of the regional partnerships in the most optimistic form. Howe-ver, crucial for understanding the complexity of the situation in the Western Balkans is the knowledge that region suffers from lack of certain components on which security communities are based. Contemporary models of providing security are challenging and request compatibility of many aspects. For building of security communities, it is believed, the necessary preconditions are trust, belongingness, and reconciliation, along with internalizing the notion of resolving conflicts in a peaceful manner (Grillot, Cruise and D’Erman, 2007).

The purpose of this article is to highlight a few aspects that influence the search for a sustainable model of security cooperation, relating to the Western Balkans, which are important for the understanding of problems in establishing a sufficient model of community. That is why we want to start with a few issues important for understanding

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the need to seek sustainable regional security cooperation model and for investigating arguments why process doesn’t go faster. In addition to that, following research questions and statements are going to be starting points for investigation:

-How security cooperation was initiated, what were the reasons and from whom what it was initiated? The cooperation was mainly initiated by international actors (organizations or states) and it was mostly improved through their initiatives (e.g. membership in NATO, EU; regional initiatives as Adriatic Chapter, SELEC Center, RCC, etc.).

-Are the countries in the region more interested in joining larger security communities (NATO, the EU) than for establishment of community in Western Balkans? Some of the countries are already integrated into NATO and the EU (e.g. Croatia) or only into NATO (e.g. Albania), while the others are in different phase of integration (Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Montenegro).

-Is it realistic to expect soon the establishment of the security community in the Western Balkans, because of the lack of the necessary preconditions (political, economic, social, etc.) and an inadequate level of confidence?

-Is “regional partnership” (Attina, 2004) sufficient cooperation model that doesn’t request demanding conditions, such as is the casewiththesecuritycommunity,andwhetherthereareintensive contacts and collaboration between security agencies through various forms of cooperation, sufficient enough for regional cooperation?

-Could the increased number of initiatives for security cooperation in the Western Balkans contribute to the establishment of adequate and permanent cooperation model in a long-term perspective and how cooperative initiatives will be implemented in the regional context, after accession of Western Balkan countries into NATO and the EU?

Theoretical Framework for Security Model – Security Community and Regional Partnership in Security Culture

For reaching a sustainable security model in the Western Balkans, theoretical framework could be built around two cooperation models that are represented over this issue. These two models are Deutsch’s

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