The Hetmanate
On 29 April, the congress of the Ukrainian Union of Landowners, proclaimed Skoropadsky hetman and called him “to save the country from chaos and lawlessness.” That same day the establishment of the “Ukrainian state” (as opposed to the Central Rada’s “Ukrainian People’s Republic”) was announced.
The hetman assumed legislative, executive, and judicial powers and in fact became a dictator. He possessed sole authority to issue all the laws, appoint the cabinet, control foreign affairs and the military, and act as the highest judge in the land. Thus an authoritarian regime replaced a parliamentarian democracy, which was ineffective during instability. Yet the hetman’s seemingly unlimited authority did not hide the fact that it was the Germans who had ultimate power in Ukraine. In fact, Skoropadsky’s government was a puppet regime. His major task was restoration and protection of private property rights. The establishing of the Skoropadsky regime meant the return to power of Ukraine’s pre-revolutionary elites: bureaucrats, landowners, capitalists, and military officers.
As might be expected, the reaction of Ukrainian activists (most of whom were socialists and had belonged to the Central Rada) to the Hetmanate was sharply negative. Therefore, when some well-known Ukrainians were invited to join the Hetman government, almost all of them refused. This left the hetman with no choice but to turn to individuals not associated with the Ukrainian movement to form his cabinet, thereby exposing himself to accusations that his government included no “real” Ukrainians. In fact 12 of 16 ministers were ethnic Ukrainians but they were Russified and the Ukrainian idea was foreign to them except for a few.6 The foreign minister D. Doroshenko characterized the members of cabinet as ‘Ukrainian by blood but Muscovite in spirit.’ It does not mean, however, that they were vassals who tried to please Russia by any means. They sincerely believed that Ukrainians and Russians were the two branches of the same people. However, despite its lack of Ukrainian patriots, the new government led by a wealthy landowner Fedir Lyzohub had a number of very skilled administrators. In contrast to the “young utopians” of the Central Rada, who dreamed about socialist experiments, Lyzohub’s cabinet was made of experienced middle-aged and older professionals. The major criterion for forming the cabinet was not political views of its members but their professionalism. The cabinet’s activity brought about positive results. An effective bureaucratic apparatus was reestablished in Ukraine. Several Ukrainian banks were opened. State budget was created and an effective currency reform was carried out. New stockholding companies were founded. Factories and plants were revived. The railway system was operating normally after a long break. Trade with Germany and Austria-Hungary also contributed to the economic growth in Ukraine. Many Russian nobles, businessmen, politicians, scholars, scientists, and state officials who fled Petrograd and Moscow found their refuge in Kyiv which was booming with economic activity. The capital was in electric light all night. Its cafes, restaurants, casinos, and brothels attracted numerous visitors.
To stabilize the political situation Skoropadsky closed oppositionist press, introduced censorship, forbade disobedient trade unions and limited political freedoms in general. The hetman tried to build a strong army but unfortunately for him the Germans were preventing its building as they wanted to be the only serious military force in Ukraine.
The government’s achievements in the fields of education and culture were especially impressive. Several million Ukrainian-language textbooks were prepared and Ukrainian was introduced into most of the schools. About 150 new Ukrainian-language gimnazia (high schools), many located in rural areas, were founded. Two new Ukrainian universities were created in Kyiv and Kamianets-Podilsky. In the old three universities, the hetman government opened departments of Ukrainian language, literature, and history. The State Archive, the Museum of Ukrainian History, the National Library, the Ukrainian Academy of Fine Arts, and a number of other cultural institutions were also founded. The high point of this activity was the establishment of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences on 24 November 1918. The famous scientist V. Vernadsky was appointed its head after M. Hrushevsky refused the hetman’s proposal to occupy this position. In summer of 1918, a Ukrainian Autocephalous (Independent) Orthodox Church was created with metropolitan V. Lypkivsky at its head. Thus, in a matter of months, in the area of culture the Hetmanate had achievements to its credit that the Ukrainian intelligentsia had dreamed for generations.
In his nationality policy the hetman tried to unite Russians, Ukrainians and other peoples living in Ukraine under the concept of political nation in contrast to the nationalist concept of ethnic nation. According to the concept of political nation (which is the norm in contemporary European Union) all nationalities living in Ukraine can be considered Ukrainian patriots if they are loyal citizens.
The major pillars of the hetman regime were landowners, businessmen, and bureaucracy, who were primarily interested in stability. In general they were Russified and indifferent to the Ukrainian movement. Many of them liked the idea of a “unified and indivisible Russia.” Seventy percent of Lyzohub’s government belonged to the Cadets - a Russian nationalistic party which major slogan was “restoration of an indivisible Russia.” They hoped to use Ukraine as a springboard for fighting the Bolsheviks and the restoration of Russia.
The peasantry and workers were not pleased with the hetman’s policy. The hetman forced the peasants to return conquered during the chaos lands and property to their former owners and pay compensations. The peasants were also forced to give part of their crop to the state (to satisfy Germany’s needs in food). In factories an 8-hour working day was canceled. Workers had to work now 12 hours a day without any rights to go on strike or form trade unions for protection of their interests.
By early fall, it was apparent that the Central Powers were about to loose the war. On 11 November Germany and Austria capitulated. On 14 November 1918 the hetman appointed a new cabinet consisting almost entirely of Russian nationalists and issued a manifesto proclaiming Ukraine’s federation with a “future non-Bolshevik Russia.” This controversial step was taken in order to gain the support of anti-Bolshevik Russians (the Whites) and their victorious allies – the Entente. That same day, the Ukrainian opposition formed an insurrectionary government, the Directory,7 led by the two old rivals Vynnychenko and Petliura, and openly declared a rebellion against the hetman.
The Directory’s insurrection grew rapidly. About 100,000 peasants took part in the revolt. The German troops declared neutrality (with the war over they planned to go home soon and did not want to fight). Within a month the hetman’s troops were defeated (some of the hetman’s most efficient units – Sichovi Striltsi and Sirozhupanna Dyvizia went over to the rebels). On 14 December the hetman resigned his post and fled to Berlin.8 The same day the Directory’s forces triumphantly entered Kyiv and announced the reestablishment of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (УНР).
In contrast to a moderately conservative Hetmanate regime, the Directory was a radical regime of socialist direction. The Directory renewed the УНР law of the Eight Hour Work Day and the Right for Strikes. Ukrainian was established as the republic’s official language. The intelligentsia (secondary school teachers, doctors, lawyers, etc) was proclaimed a “reactionary force”, devoid of election rights and thus excluded from cooperation. The administrative apparatus of the Hetmanate was destroyed but a new apparatus was not created. Factual power in regions was in the hands of local otamans (chieftains) many of whom were impossible to control. In fact, the army of the Directory turned into almost independent and undisciplined bands. There was no consensus between Directory leaders on many issues. Some wanted to see Ukraine as a parliamentary democratic republic, others – a Soviet republic resembling that of the Bolshevik Russia but independent from Moscow and more democratic (without a single-party dictatorship). Two key leaders of the Directory V. Vynnychenko and S. Petliura were constantly struggling for power (until February 19, 1919, when Vynnychenko resigned). The Directory failed to establish order. Anarchy returned to Ukraine.