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Файл:Kant. Aphorisms
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What ought I to do?
things even with the law. Are wise people themselves in
the first place righteous and moderate these virtues will
soon rise to thrones and also make the prince good.
On Politics and Politicians
I
I can indeed think of a moral politician, that is, one
who takes the principles of political prudence in such a
way that they can coexist with morals, but not of a political moralist, who frames a morals to suit the statesman's advantage.
II
That kings should philosophize or philosophers become kings is not to be expected, but it is also not to be
wished for, since possession of power unavoidably corrupts the free judgement of reason.
III
Great people only glimmer in the distance that a
ruler loses it in front of his valet comes from the fact that
no man is great.
41
Kant. Aphorisms
Right is... the sum of the conditions under which the
choice of one can be united with the choice of another in
accordance with a universal law of freedom.
Thus the universal law of right, so act externally that
the free use of your choice can coexist with the freedom
of everyone in accordance with a universal law...
Right is the limitation of the freedom of each to the
condition of its harmony with the freedom of everyone
insofar as this is possible in accordance with a universal
law; and public right is the sum of external laws which
make such a thoroughgoing harmony possible.
On Right
I
II
III
42
WHAT MAY I HOPE?
Kant. Aphorisms
44
What may I hope?
On Religion
Religion is the law in us, in so far as it derives emphasis from a Law-giver and a Judge above us. It is morality applied to the knowledge of God. If religion is not
united to morality, it becomes merely an endeavour to
win favour.
... true religion is not to be placed in the knowledge
of what God does or has done for our salvation, but in
what we must do to become worthy of it.
Religion is (subjectively considered) the recognition
of all our duties as divine commands.
... to have a religion is a duty of the human being to
himself.
There is only one (true) religion; but there can be
several kinds of faith.
I
II
III
IV
V
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Kant. Aphorisms
To begin with I accept the following proposition as a
principle requiring no proof: Apart from a good lifeconduct, anything which the human being supposes that
he can do to become well-pleasing to God is mere religious delusion and counterfeit service of God.
VI
... the universal true religious faith is faith in God (1)
as the almighty creator of heaven and earth, i.
as holy lawgiver; (2) as the preserver of the human race,
as its benevolent ruler and moral guardian; (3) as the
administrator of his own holy laws, i.
To believe that grace may have its effects, and that
perhaps there must be such effects to supplement the
imperfection of our striving for virtue, is all that we can
say on the subject...
On God
I
II
e. morally
e. as just judge.
46
What may I hope?
On History
There is no other way out for a philosopher here
than, since he cannot presuppose any rational intention
to belong to people and the sum total of their deeds, to
try to discover a natural intention in this meaningless
course of human proceedings, from which nevertheless a
history according to a certain plan of nature might be
possible for creatures acting without their own plan.
The history of human race, viewed as a whole may
be regarded as the realization of a hidden plan of nature
to bring about a political constitution, internally, and for
its purpose, also externally perfect, is the only state in
which all the capacities implanted by her in mankind can
be fully developed.
I shall... be allowed to assume that, since the human
race is constantly advancing with respect to culture (as
its natural end) it is also to be conceived as progressing
toward what is better with respect to the moral end of its
existence, and that this will indeed be interrupted from
time to time but will never be broken off. I do not need to
provide this presupposition; it is up to its adversary to
I
II
III
47
Kant. Aphorisms
provide [his] case. For I rest my case on my innate duty,
the duty of every member of the series of generations —
to which I (as a human being in general) belong and am
yet not so good in the moral character required of me as I
ought to be and hence could be — so to influence posterity that it becomes always better...
On War and Peace
... a war of extermination, in which the simultaneous
annihilation of both parties and with it of all right as well
can occur, would let perpetual peace come about only in
the vast graveyard of the human race. Hence the war of
this kind, and so too the use of all means that lead to it,
must be absolutely forbidden.
... yet reason, from the throne of the highest morally
legislative power, delivers an absolute condemnation of
war as a procedure for determining rights and, on the
contrary, makes a condition of peace, which cannot be
instituted or assured without a pact of nations among
themselves, a direct duty...
I
II
48
What may I hope?
... there must be a league of a special kind, which
can be called a pacific league, and what would distinguish it from a peace pact is that the latter seeks to end
only one war whereas the former seeks to end all war
forever. This league does not look to acquiring any
power of a state but only to preserving and securing the
freedom of a state itself and of other states in league
with it, but without there being any need for them to
subject themselves to public laws and coercion under
them (as people in the state of nature must do). The
practicability (objective reality) of this idea of a federalism that should gradually extend over all states and so
lead to perpetual peace can be shown.
Seek ye first the kingdom of practical reason and its
justice, and your end (the blessing of perpetual peace)
will come to you of itself.
III
IV
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Kant. Aphorisms
On Revolution
Through revolution, the abandonment of personal
despotism may be engendered and the end of profitseeking and domineering oppression may occur, but
never a true reform of the state of mind. Instead, new
prejudice, just like the old ones, will serve as the guiding
reins of the great, unthinking mass.
A change in a (defective) constitution, which may
certainly be necessary at times, can there fire be carried
out only through reform by the sovereign itself, but not
by the people, and therefore not by revolution; and when
such a change takes place this reform can affect only the
executive authority, not the legislative.
Moreover, once a revolution has succeeded and a new
constitution has been established, the lack of legitimacy
with which it began and has been implemented cannot
release the subjects from the obligation to comply with the
new order of things as good citizens, and they cannot refuse
honest obedience to the authority that now has the power.
I
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III
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