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Scientific Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-Didactic Researches” Issue 4 (19), 2017 ISSN 2587-8093

4. Mobilität und Sprachwechsel

Wenn wir die Welt von Flensburg (Deutschland) aus betrachten, fällt auf, dass die sog. ‚neue Migration‘ kaum Einfluss auf die Sprache der Deutschen hat (wenn wir mal von Jugendsprache und Jargons absehen). Die einzigen, die in einer superdiversity und translanguaging Praxis leben, sind die neuen Migranten selbst. Auch die superdiversity-Forscher schreiben in Standard Academic Englisch (wie auch Pavlenko etwas sarkastisch bemerkt).

Aber noch entscheidender: die dominante Tendenz, die uns hier jeden Tag begegnet, geht in eine ganz andere Richtung, nämlich in Richtung Homogenisierung und Normativität. So wird z.B. in Dänemark von kritischen Soziolinguisten der Begriff ‚Standardisierungsvirus‘ benutzt, um die Sprachsituation des 20. Jahrhunderts zu beschreiben: nämlich die seit mehr als

100 Jahren andauernde Bestrebung, durch Schule und Medien die eine standardisierte und kodifizierte Sprachvarietät (‚Rigsdansk‘) als Zeichen der Zugehörigkeit zum dänischen Nationalstaat durchzusetzen. Auch von den ‚neuen Migranten‘ wird eine solche sprachliche Anpassung gefordert.

Der Sprachwechsel von traditionellen Dialekten, Minoritätssprachen etc. hin zu Standardvarietäten läuft in diesen Jahrzehnten mit großer Geschwindigkeit. Wir können – auch in dieser traditionell fünfsprachigen Region Schleswig an der deutsch-dänischen Grenze – einen Rückgang der Sprecherzahlen kleiner Sprachen (Nordfriesisch, Niederdeutsch und Südjütisch) beobachten. Nicht zufällig hat man zuletzt einen Sprachzensus des Friesischen in den 1980er Jahren durchgeführt. Heute traut man es sich vermutlich nicht. Phänomene wie Dialektverdünnung (dialect levelling) und Sprachwechsel bis hin zum Verschwinden einer Sprache (wie des

Südjütischen südlich der heutigen deutsch-dänischen Grenze) ist einerseits ein Ergebnis der Schulsysteme, aber auch der größeren Mobilität der individuellen Sprecher, einer Mobilität, die einerseits eine gewollte und wünschenswerte Entwicklung ist (z.B. für junge Menschen, um eine bessere Ausbildung zu erlangen). Andererseits ist diese Mobilität aber auch ein negatives Ergebnis verursacht vom Wegfall der Arbeitsplätze und der Einkaufsmöglichkeiten, von der Schließung der Dorfschulen und vom Mangel an ärztlicher Versorgung in den Dörfern. Wegen der generellen Auflösung der Infrastruktur im ländlichen Raum ist ein Umzug in die größeren Städte für zahlreiche Familien und Individuen eine Notwendigkeit geworden. Ohne die erforderliche Infrastruktur oder eine hohe Mobilität lässt es sich auf dem Lande nicht mehr leben.

Wir sind auf dem Weg, eine Gesellschaft von Pendlern und Wanderarbeitern zu schaffen: ohne Mobilität kein Job und keine Perspektive. Oder wie viel Wahlfreiheit haben beispielsweise die ursprünglichen Insulaner aus der Ferieninsel Sylt, die durch extrem erhöhte Wohnungspreise in den Touristenzentren keine Bleibemöglichkeit auf ‚ihrer‘ Insel mehr haben? Hier scheint mir die so gepriesene heutige ‚Freiheit‘ eher illusorisch und einem ökonomischen Zwang zu weichen.

Wir sollten durch das spektakuläre Interesse an der ‚großen‘ Migration über große Entfernungen (wie es in superdiversity der Fall ist) nicht die ‚kleine‘ Migration über kürzere Entfernungen und die anderen vielfältigen Formen der Zirkulation von Individuen aus den Augen verlieren (die meistens von den ländlichen Bereichen in die größeren Städte stattfindet), eine Tendenz, die von den Inseln der Südpazifik, über China, Afrika bis Schleswig und Holstein im großen Maßstab stattfindet.

Wenn wir in diesem Zusammenhang den individuellen Sprecher betrachten, finden wir Sprecher von kleinen und regionalen Sprachen, die extrem verstreut leben (wie die Sprecher von Quichua in Südamerika) oder mehr oder weniger weit weg von dem Ort leben, der mit dieser Sprache traditionell verbunden ist. Vielleicht benutzen die Sprecher nur diese Sprache, wenn sie mit ihren Familienmitgliedern oder Freunden telefonieren, SMS schicken oder mit anderen Diaspora-Sprechern im Internet chatten. Was sich in ‚Auflösung‘ befindet, sind meiner Meinung nach weniger die Sprachen, sondern eher die traditionelle Verknüpfung zwischen Sprache und Raum, Sprache und Territorium. Früher wurde eine regional gefärbte Sprachvarie-

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Scientific Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-Didactic Researches” Issue 4 (19), 2017 ISSN 2587-8093

tät mit dieser bestimmten Region als ‘Ort’ verbunden. Heutzutage sprechen oder chatten Individuen zunehmend in virtuellen Räumen (vgl. Fredsted 2016). Ein Sprecher einer regionalen Varietät lebt nicht unbedingt in dieser Region – tut dies nur gelegentlich oder hat es höchstens mal getan. Nichtdestotrotz verwendet der Sprecher diese Varietät als Plattform einer Konstruktion von Zugehörigkeit. Nicht zuletzt ist Sprache deshalb für die Sprecher eine psychologische Realität.

Es hat eine Trans-Lokation stattgefunden. Sprecher von Vernakularsprachen finden zunehmend nur eine virtuelle ‚ Heimat‘ für ihre Sprache in den elektronischen Medien. Der Isomorphismus zwischen Raum und Sprache ist durch die vielfältigen Formen der Mobilität von Individuen nicht (mehr) gegeben; und die beständige, allgegenwärtige elektronische Vermittlung erodiert gleichseitig die Grenzen zwischen räumlichen und virtuellen Nachbarschaften, wie Appadurai (1990) festgestellt hat.

References

(References are given in the author's view)

[1]Appadurai, Arjun (1990/2015) Die Herstellung von Lokalität. In: Langenohl et al.

(Hrsg.): Transkulturalität. Bielefeld: transcript Verlag. 155-172.

[2]Blommaert, Jan (2010) The sociolinguistics of globalization. Cambridge, UK: Cam-

bridge.

[3]Blommaert, Jan and Rampton, Ben (2011) Language and superdiversity. In: Language and superdiversities, Diversities vol. 13, No 2, UNESCO & MPIMMG. 1-22.

[4]Fachanforderungen Dänisch (2016) Ministerium für Schule und Berufsbildung des

Landes Schleswig-Holstein. Kiel.

[5]Fredsted, Elin (2016) Language contact in the German-Danish border area in the twenty-first century. Multilingualism at the interface between oral and written language use. STUF 2016; 69(3): 437–465.

[6]Grosjean, François (1982) Life with two languages. Cambridge: Harvard University

Press.

[7]Grosjean, François (2001) The bilingual‘s language mode. In Janet Nicol (ed.): One mind, two languages. Oxford: Blackwell. 1-22.

[8]Grosjean, François (2012) An attempt to isolate, and then differentiate, transfer and interference. Internatoinal Journal of Bilingualism 16 (11). 11-21.

[9]Jørgensen, Jens Norman et al. (2011) Polylanguaging in superdiversity. In: Language and superdiversities, Diversities vol. 13, No 2, UNESCO & MPIMMG. 23-38.

[10]Li Wei und Garcia, Ofelia (2014) Translanguaging: Language, Bilingualism and

Education.

[11]Lüdi, George (1997) Alternance des langues et acquisition d'une langue seconde, Colloque international «Alternance des langues et apprentissage. Situations, modèles, analyses, pratiques», ENS de Fontenay - Saint-Cloud, 6 - 8 février 1997.

[12]Pavlenko, Aneta (im Druck): Superdiversity and why it isn’t: Reflections on terminological innovation and academic branding , In: S. Breidenbach et al. (ed.): Sloganizations in language education discourse. Bristol: Multilingual Matters.

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UDC 81-119

HISTORICAL AND SPEECH PORTRAYING OF THE CONCEPT «ГРЕХ.SÜNDE.

» 2

V.A. Stepanenko, D.A. Khabarov

____________________________________________________________________________

Institute of Philology, Irkutsk, Russia,

Institute of Philology, Irkutsk, Russia,

Valentina Stepanenko

Denis Khabarov

Foreign Languages and Media Communica-

Foreign Languages and Media Communica-

tion «Irkutsk State University»

tion «Irkutsk State University»

Professor of Romano-Germanic Philology of

PhD student of Romano-Germanic Philology

Irkutsk State University

of Irkutsk State University

е-mail: valentina.angara@gmail.com

е-mail: ddenn2006@yandex.ru

____________________________________________________________________________

Statement of the problem. No linguistics method triggers disputes as much as the method of conceptual analysis. The steps of the procedure you have to take depend on the paradigm or scientific branch the concept is investigating and the kind of concept. The results also depend on the issue – the model of the concept that is analyzed. One way of analyzing the concept «ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. » is the method, which was developed by us, viz. «Historical and speech ‘portraying’ of a concept», which helps to reconstruct the first general image of the concept. The purpose of this article is the reconstruction of this image applying Russian, German, and Chinese language material in different areas of study. The purpose of this article is to solve these tasks: 1. to identify the content of the terms

«грех», «Sünde» and « » and 2. on the basis of the analysis of these terms, to reconstruct the first general image of the concept «ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. » in the primitive culture, the history of philosophy, the Bible, the teaching of the church, psychology, and lexicology and 3. to present it as a model. This investigation takes the theolinguistic approach: theo-lingvo-conceptology. Results. As a result of the analysis of the definition of the words грех, Sünde, and made by us on the basis of theological, philosophical,and psychological texts and the information gleaned from the authoritative dictionaries from different historical periods, we made the first general image of the concept «ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. » presented as a model – an old portrait painted in layers over a long period of time, making 6 levels. Cautiously going from one level to another, we tried to catch a view of the metaphysical, spiritual levels of the portrait, hidden within its layers. This portrait is also an unique text, which includes information about the pagan, theological, scientific, and linguistic meanings of the term «sin» in Russian, German, and Chinese culture. Conclusion. Thanks to the solution of the tasks we wrote above, we found out the basic information which we will need for the further analyzing of the concept «ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. »: the content of the terms «грех», «Sünde» and « » has been identified in the primitive culture, the history of philosophy, the Bible, the teaching of the church, psychology, and lexicology; on the basis of the analysis of the terms, the first general image of the concept «ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. » has been reconstructed and presented as a model.

Key words: concept «ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. », «Historical and speech ‘portraying’ of a concept», primitive culture, philosophy, Bible, teaching of Christian Church, psychology, lexicology.

For citation: Stepanenko V.A., Khabarov D.A. Historical and speech portraying of the concept «грех.sünde. » / V.A. Stepanenko, D.A. Khabarov // Scientific Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-didactic Researches”. – 2017. – № 4 (19).. – P. 16-26.

The concept of sin is constantly changing and transforming through the history of mankind’s development. The main reasons for this ongoing transformation are a change in religious views of the concept of sin, changes in public life, and the development of science. The unique aspect of this study is that the concept "ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. " is an integral part of two different religions (Christianity and Buddhism), three cultures, and three languages.

_______________________________

© Stepanenko V.A., Khabarov D.A., 2017

2 We would like to give special thanks to H.A. Harr for all her hard work in translating this article into English.

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This concept connects the West and East. And this connection, according to I.V. Shaposhnikova, opens "in front of the modern, creative teacher, the prospective use of such rich, important, and new information in the process of training, especially in the area of foreign language linguistic education, which, by its very nature, is aimed at intercultural communication" [1, p. 103]. One must agree with her that "the concept is both layered and multi-faceted, and this complex object, which can be approached from many different angels, collects the experience which is obtained through various channels of perception and the processing of information" [1, p. 106].

The object of our research is the concept “ГРЕХ, SÜNDE, ” (sin); the subject is the historical and linguistic portraying of this concept. The material of the study includes both a variety of texts (theological, philosophical, psychological and linguistic) from various historical periods and data from various types of authoritative dictionaries. The purpose of this article is to historically and linguistically "portray" the concept “ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. ” in Russian, German, and Chinese sources. To accomplish this goal, this paper will endeavor the following tasks: 1. to analyze the concepts "ГРЕХ ," "Sünde," and " ;" and 2. on the basis of this analysis, to reconstruct the initial, universal image of the concept "ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. ."

This study is carried out in the framework of theolinguistics, specifically, theolinguisticconceptology; the main representatives of this field include David Crystal, Jean-Pierre van

Noppen, Andreas Wagner, Albrecht Greule, Elżbieta Kucharska-Dreiss, and V.I. Postolovalova and others, namely, in its section, theology-and-conceptology (see also works in the mainstream of theolinguistics, in particular, on the material of German and Russian languages: [2; 3]).

We are basing this study on the following designation: “the concept, in the context of the ontological teaching of language, can be understood in two ways: in a broad sense, it is the result of the intergrowth of irrational and rational will in the field of consciousness (its ontological component); in the narrow sense, the researcher’s “grasping” and modeling the ontological designation (idea); the construct of the designation, "refracted" through language(s) and culture(s); and having its own basis in its ontological form, content, and logical-ontological categories (its epistemological component)" [4, p. 202].

No linguistics method triggers disputes as much as the method of conceptual analysis. The steps of the procedure you have to take depend on the paradigm or scientific branch the concept is investigating and the kind of concept. The results also depend on the issue – the model of the concept that is analyzed. To analyze the language representatives of the concept "ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. ," we will use a method which we developed entitled, “historical and linguistic ‘portraying’ of a concept,” which helps to recreate the concept’s initial, universal image [4, p. 111-146]. This method not only gives structure to the concept, but it is also the first step towards deciding worldview problems. And this, according to I.V. Shaposhnikova, is "one of the tasks of the study of concepts – to understand how this collective (un)consciousness affects the behavior of people, correlates to the hierarchy of motives of human activity, and interacts with the worldview-motivational arsenal of the personality of an individual and of a people group" [1, p. 106].

According to the method “historical and linguistic ‘portraying’ of a concept,” we will analyze the concept of sin (грех) as considered in indigenous culture, the history of philosophy, the Bible, the teachings of the Church, psychology, and lexicography. Due to this, we will try to highlight the key points that will be needed for understanding and subsequently analyzing the concept “ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. .”

1. The concept of sin in indigenous culture

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We find the mention of such a phenomenon as sin in the works of Edward Burnett Tylor, the founder of ethnography and anthropology; James George Fraser, a British anthropologist; and Claude Levi-Strauss, a French ethnologist, philosopher, and culturologist. In his work, E.B. Tylor uses the word "sin" several times: "The Hindu, when he gapes, must snap his thumb and finger, and repeat the name of some god, as Kama: to neglect this is a sin as great as the murder of a Brahman” [5, p. 33]. The indigenous Kamchadals, considered it a grave mistake to rescue drowning people. If a person fell into the water, it was considered a great sin for him to get out of the water [5, p. 40]. As can be seen from the examples, sin and taboo are two interrelated concepts.

In D.D. Frazer’s opinion, in indigenous cultures, they imposed a taboo on certain words: the names of the deceased, of relatives, of gods, and of sacred persons. For example, in Burma it was considered a sin to mention the ruling monarch’s name [6, p. 184]. The taboos also extended to relationships between people: to leaders and rulers, to people who mourn, or to women during the time of their menstrual cycle or childbirth. [6, p. 145, 147, 149]. In addition, people could commit a sin by improperly handling anything. For example, Tylor writes that for Jews, the worship of the sun was a great sin [5, p. 540]. The Bulgarians considered it a sin to forget to burn the flour brought from the mill (especially if the miller was Turkish), so that a demon could not enter into it [5, p. 351]. Or, if the Bulgarian forgot to throw a few drops of water from the bucket to the ground, then he committed sin. It was explained by the fact that some kind of spirit could swim on the surface of the water, and if a person did not get rid of it in this way, the spirit could settle in the house or enter the body of the one who drank water from this bucket [5, p. 399]. According to Fraser, the cult of trees played a very important role in the life of Lithuanians, who were converted to Christianity only towards the end of the fourteenth century. Thus, they considered it a sin to break a branch from the trees of a sacred grove [6, p. 80].

Sin in indigenous culture is also associated with darkness and evil. In presenting a myth which the South American Ka’in people had, Claude Levi-Strauss observes: "If there was not a sin in the world, there would be no night - there would be only one eternal glow" [7, p. 129]. He further notes that "myths tie chastity with the day, and lust with the night" [7, p. 129]. In addition, for Zoroastrians, whose main idea of religion was the opposition of good and evil, sin was associated with poverty, disease, and disbelief. All this, in their opinion, was related to evil [5, p. 435].

The fate of sinners differs in various indigenous cultures. In the Vedas, a deep abyss is described, where liars, wrongdoers, and people who do not offer sacrifices to the gods are thrown [5, p. 129]. In Buddhism, sinners are destined to be reborn in a number of “realms” as wandering, unfortunate demons [5, p. 226]. Therefore, it is understandable that these people desired to be cleansed from sin. Tylor notes the change in the semantics of the word “purification” itself; namely, the transition of its direct meaning to a figurative meaning: liberation from ritual contamination, legal guilt, and moral sin [5, p. 543]. For this purpose, people offered sacrifices and repentances. So, for example, the Inca, after repentance, bathed in the river and uttered the following phrase: "Oh, river, receive the sins which I confessed today before the sun, take them to the sea, and let them never come back" [5, p. 239]. Frazer talks about the tradition of the Mexican Indians to purify themselves "from the contamination of past sin." Thus, the purification of women meant confession to Grandfather Fire of how many men they loved since childhood. In order not to forget anyone, the woman took a rope and tied as many knots as she had lovers. She came to the temple with this rope, stood before the fire, and in a loud voice proclaimed by name each man represented by the knots. This ritual was also performed by men [6, p. 18].

2. The concept of sin in the histor y of philosophy

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At first glance, it may seem that the concept of sin is alien to philosophy, but this statement is far from accurately corresponding to reality. The concept of sin was prominent throughout the development of philosophical thought. Thus, in ancient Greek philosophy the problem of sin was presented quite widely. In the dialogue "Feast," Plato tells a myth about androgynes, who, because of their atrocity, were divided into two halves by Zeus [8, p. 450-454]. An atrocity is associated with a particular kind of pride which can be compared with that described in the story of the Tower of Babel. Pride, as we know, is one of the manifestations of sin. In Aristotle’s philosophy, the specific concept of sin is absent, but the philosopher does not disregard the problem of vice: "excess and deficiency are inherent in depravity (κακια), and possession of the ‘mean’ is virtue. The best people are simple, but there is much vice" [9, p. 86]. There are vices in which there is neither extremity nor “mean:” for example, fornication, theft, and homicide [9, p. 87].

Classical German philosophers reflected on the problem of sin in their works. Thus, for Kant, the path of struggle with sin meant the recognition of all our duties as divine commandments. Hegel argued that in order to cleanse oneself of sins, a person needs to know his own belonging to the absolute spirit. In Fichte, the spirit is healed by clarifying the higher questions of being [10].

Russian religious philosophers, N.O. Lossky, N.A. Berdyaev, and S.L. Franc, were also involved in presenting the problem of sin. In the book God and Worldly Evil, Lossky explains all the decay, disunion, and all kinds of impoverished, imperfect life "as a consequence of sin, that is, the egoistic self-love of the influences of our realm of being, thus, as something created by ourselves" [11, p. 106]. In this book, he also introduces the concept of the царство греха (kingdom of sin), which "consists of influences producing mental (psychic and psychoid) and material processes" [11, p. 14]. Under these “influences” he understood the various elements of being, such as the sun, electrons, protons, and the human “I” (ego). The kingdom of sin is "the material nature which consists of mutually impenetrable bodies and has the totality of repulsive actions produced by sinful creatures that have fallen away from God and the Kingdom of God" [11, p. 338].

In the ethical-philosophical teaching developed by Confucius, there are arguments devoted to the problem of sin, in which he uses the word . In the book Lun Yu, which collected the statements of Kun Qiu (Confucius’s real name), he uses this word six times:

‒ He can be married. Although he was in prison, he is not guilty. (The Russian translations of this and the following are L.S. Perelomov’s)

[1*].

. . . . . . ‒ . . . It is not tasteful to commit crimes . . . [1*].‒ If I am guilty of anything, do not punish everyone in the Middle Kingdom; let your punishment fall on me alone [1*].

. . . ‒ . . . the one who caused the insult to the sky cannot apply to him with requests [1*].

It should be noted that only the last example indicates the relationship between man and the sky, because Confucianism developed from the concept of Junzi ( ) - the ideal of a decent person. It included an impeccable relationship with relatives, friends, colleagues, bosses, and strangers. In addition, ritual played an important role, because it determined the nature of interpersonal relationships. E.B. Koneva, describing the way in English of expressing the Korean courtesy of status, notes that shame for the committed sin is considered to be the basis of morality in Confucianism, and sin is associated with behavior that violates the norms of etiquette, hierarchical relations between people, and social harmony [12, p. 80].

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3. The concept of sin in the Bible and the teachings of the Christian Church

In the Bible there are several words denoting the concept of sin. At the same time, they all indicate some kind of violation: the Hebrew word hata' and the Greek word hamartia mean "do not hit the target," "fail to fulfill the task;" the Hebrew word 'abar and the Greek word parabasis define sin as “breaking the boundaries,” a crime. In addition, there are words such as pesha' (rebellion, crime), 'asham (breaking God's royal laws), paraptoma (to stumble, to get off the right track), 'aon (wrongness, sinfulness), animia (lawlessness) or paranomia (violation of the law) [13, p. 318].

The concept of sin in the Bible is determined by God's law. John, the apostle and evangelist, writes that "sin is lawlessness" [2 *, 1 Jn. 3:4]. The apostle Paul states that "as by one man [meaning Adam (addition by D.A. Khabarov)] sin entered the world, and death by sin, so death passed on to all men, because all have sinned" [2 *, Rom. 5:12]. Paul, pointing to the sinfulness of all mankind, refers to God’s law [2 *, Rom. 2: 17-29] and to the Gentiles’ conscience

[2*, Rom. 2: 15].

From the Holy Scripture it is clear that “there is no sin in God” [2 *, Deut. 32:4] and “God hates sin” [2 *, Ps. 10: 5]. From this it follows that God is not responsible for sin: people and angels sinned, and they did it voluntarily [14, p. 555]. James’s letter states: "God is not tempted by evil, and He Himself tempts no one" [2 *, Jas. 1: 13]. However, it follows from Scripture that God "does everything according to the counsel of his will" [2 *, Eph. 1:11]. Therefore, as Wayne Grudem writes, God determined that sin would enter the world "through the choice of the will of moral creatures" [14, p. 556]. In addition, according to His providence, He arranges such that ultimately the sinful manifestation of the will of sentient beings can lead to good [15, p. 221].

In the history of the Church, the doctrine of sin developed in two directions. On the one hand, the power of sin to which a person is exposed took the shape of the doctrine of original sin. The idea of the non-individual act of sin, because of which children have to pay for the sins of their fathers, inspired Augustine (354-430) to develop the doctrine of original sin. The peculiarity of his teaching is that he explained original sin as the result of the act of conception, which he described as an "evil act, because [it was] full of lust" [15, p. 218]. On the other hand, sin was caused by the sinful practices of the very people of God. Because of this, the Church approved the Sacrament of Penance. It was believed that it was necessary to resort to repentance only after committing grave sins, such as idolatry, adultery, and murder, while daily sins had to be atoned by prayer.

Since the time of Gregory the Great (circa 540-604), people have become attentively concerned with the intention with which they committed the sin. Only something, that was very serious and was committed consciously and voluntarily, was considered a mortal sin. Pope Gregory the Great singled out seven sins that were later included in the Catechism of the Catholic Church: Superbia (pride), Invidia (envy), Ira (anger), Acedia (despondency), Avaritia (greed), Gula (gluttony), and Luxuria (lust, fornication) [15, p. 219]. In the Orthodox Church, sin is defined as a violation of God’s will: the commandments of God and the moral law that is

"written in the conscience of man" [15, p. 211]. In Orthodox anthropology, the concept of "sin" is considered in four meanings: evil in general (such as, in everyday language: failure, error, misdemeanor, crime, illness, etc.); committing a sinful act; inclination, thought, intention, passionate aspiration, or movement towards a sinful deed or, more generally, towards evil; and, finally, as it is understood in asceticism, sin as a vice or passion [15, p. 210]. The essence of the Orthodox doctrine of evil lies in the fact that evil has no essence of its own, in other words, evil and good are of the same essence; thus, evil cannot be put antithetical to good. Evil has no entity; man was created completely sinless, but he himself distorted his own being with his nature.

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4. The concept of sin in Buddhism

In Buddhism, the concept of sin is developed as part of the idea of karma. In the opinion of V.B. Kasevich, karma is a collection of virtuous and unkind acts of a person or other living being and their "predecessors" for the purpose of reincarnation [16, p. 12]. With good karma, a person can be reincarnated in the dwelling place of the gods, where paradise pleasures are prepared for him, but if a person has bad karma, then he can be reincarnated, for example, as a rat. However, a Buddhist seeks to break the chain of rebirths in order to attain nirvana. Achieving nirvana means the end of earthly suffering.

In Buddhism, there are ten non-virtuous deeds associated with the concept of sin. They include three physical non-virtues: the taking of life from a living being (from killing an insect to killing a person); theft (seizure of another person's property without his consent, regardless of the value of the theft and whether the crime was committed in person or by someone else); and sexual misconduct (debauchery). The four non-virtues of speech include: a lie (to deceive others by words or deeds); slander (to inflict dissention or strife; to encourage those who are in agreement to quarrel, and those who are already quarreling, to continue without reconciliation); rudeness (insulting others); and idle talk (to lead conversations about stupidity influenced by desires and other defilements). This decalogue ends with three non-virtues of the mind: envy (the desire of something belonging to another); malicious intent (the desire to inflict great or small damage on others); and false views (to imagine something that does not exist) [17, p. 1277].

5. The concept of sin in psychology

Carl Gustav Jung believes that the whole point of sin is to bear it: "if you deeply realize your own sin, you must bear it, live with it, because that is you" [18, p. 90-91]. As an example, he cites the saints: "some holy people continued to sin even after baptism and redemption" [18, p. 90]. Jung rejects the idea of a sudden change in a person. His concept of sin is closely related to the concept of the "shadow," which he proposed (Schatten). The “shadow” is a part of the subconscious which is manifested while dreaming and the presence of which the person usually denies in himself but notices in others: selfishness, laziness of mind and negligence of thought, wishful thinking, etc. In Jung’s concept of sin, it is an inseparable part of man, and if a person rejects sin, then he rejects his own brother, his own “shadow,” the imperfect being in him which follows him and does everything that is repugnant to him, everything that he does not dare to do or shies from doing [18, p. 90-91].

Sigmund Freud understood sin as a sense of guilt: "a point which I have not properly noted in another place is that they [religions] even pretend to deliver mankind from this sense of guilt, which they call sin" [19, p. 65]. He believed that a guilty conscience was created by civilization and was its beginning: "on the basis of how, in Christianity, this deliverance is achieved [deliverance from sin (sense of guilt)] – by the sacrificial death of a one person, who takes upon himself the universal blame, we came to the conclusion that it could be the first reason for acquiring this original guilt, with which civilization began" [19, p. 34]. He defines the sense of guilt as the super-ego’s cruelty. The super-ego is a structure in the ego that resists the rest of it through observation, criticism, and prohibitions. A guilty conscience is our "sense of the ego lurking; it is control of the tense relationship between the ego’s aspirations and the su- per-ego’s demands” [19, p. 65].

Alfred Adler calls sin "a rebellion against the instinct of life" inherent in any society. An example of such a rebellion is suicide as "an example of the self-will of living forces trying to deny the instinct of life" [20, p. 237]. In addition, the Austrian psychiatrist here includes the murder of another person. He believes that the perpetrator must induce himself into a special state of mind in order to "put to silence his own sense of community, be it before or after the

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crime" [20, p. 240]. As an example, he describes Raskolnikov’s state of mind before the murder of the old-woman-interest-holder, when, climbing upstairs, he was unable to calm his heartbeat. Adler calls this "the voice of a sense of community sounding in his blood" [20, p. 237]. The psychologist considers sin to be an aspiration for superiority over others; aspiration for power: ". . . the aspiration for superiority over others, is concretized as power over others, and this problem confronts everyone in the foreground as it pushes back all others and impacts our entire spiritual life" [20, p. 235].

6. The concept of sin in lexicography

Max Fasmer in his Etymological Dictionary of the Russian Language indicates that the Slavic word grěxъ is associated with the word греть (warm) and originally meant "burning (conscience)" [1 **, p. 456]. In S.I. Ozhegov and N.Y. Shvedova’s Explanatory Dictionary of the Russian Language, the word грех (sin) presents both the sacred meaning (for believers: the violation of religious precepts or rules), and the secular meaning (that which lies on the conscience and burdens it as a feeling of guilt; a reprehensible act; in colloquial language: wrong, not good) [2 ** , from. 144-145]. T.F. Efremova’s New Dictionary of the Russian Language, in addition to the religious meaning (a violation of the will of God, religious-moral precepts, or rules in action, word, or thought) and the "secular" meaning of the word (reprehensible act or error; lack), gives an obsolete meaning (trouble, misfortune, or bad luck) [3 **, p. 340].

In German, the word Sünde is used to refer to the concept of sin. In a German etymological dictionary, Köbler refers to the Latin (peccatum) and the Old Saxon (sundia) roots of this word. The dictionary also logically develops the meaning of this word: from “existing,” to “truthful,” to “contradicting,” to “negating,” and finally to “evil;” behavior contrary to the will of God [4 **]. The etymological dictionary DUDEN states that the German word Sünde originated from the Old High German sunt(e)a and includes the label: "the origin is not clear." The Middle High German forms sünde and sunde were established in the German language due to the spread of Christianity and were originally used as religious terms meaning "violation of a divine commandment." In the 16th century, the meaning of the word expanded; it began to denote the "violation of a moral law." Two centuries later, Sünde started to be used as a synonym for the words Fehler (error, flaw), Irrtum (delusion), and Torheit (stupidity) - (the Russian translation of this and the following are by D.A. Khabarov) [5 **, S. 727-728]. It should be noted that in the modern dictionary "Duden online" the meaning of the word Sünde practically coincides with the meaning from modern Russian dictionaries:

1.Übertretung eines göttlichen Gebots (non-fulfillment of one of the Lord’s command-

ments);

2.Zustand, in dem sich jemand durch eine Sünde oder durch die Erbsünde befindet (a person’s sinful condition either because of having committed sin or because of original sin);

3.Handlung der Unvernunft, die nicht zu verantworten ist; Verfehlung gegen bestehende [moralische] Normen (reckless, inadmissible behavior; nonconformance with accepted [moral] norms) [6 **].

Translated into Chinese, the Russian word sin has three options: , and . The first mention of the word occurs in the famous Chinese classic novel Dream in the Red Chamber [7 **]. If you disassemble the Chinese character, the first sign consists of or (the full writing), which means a net or to catch by a net, and one of the meanings of the signis crime [8 **]. Note also that earlier in the time of the Qing dynasty (246-207 BC) another character ( ) was used. It consists of two parts: (bitter, difficult) and (nose), and it contains the following idea - (shedding tears, sorrowful) [8 **]. The second character in this word ( ) consists of its phonetic compound, , and its semantic compound, (child), and

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Scientific Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-Didactic Researches” Issue 4 (19), 2017 ISSN 2587-8093

means (the son of the younger or minor wife) [8 **]. In the third word, the last character,, consists of the semantic component, (heart), and the phonetic component, . The meaning of this character in the dictionary Shuo Weng Jieji (Explanation of Characters and Expressions) is described by the character (error) [8 **].

In the explanatory dictionary (The Dictionary of Modern Chinese) the word has the following definition: - a crime which needs to incur punishment. Note that this word is defined through the word , which, in turn, has the following meaning:

- a serious offense or atrocity. The word is defined in the

dictionary as:

 

 

 

 

1.

 

 

 

– a crime or violation of the law;

2., – a mistake, fault;

3., - burdens, tortures;

4., – to blame anyone for sin, reproach [9 **].

To summarize, it should be noted that as a result of the analysis of the definitions of the words грех, Sünde, and on the basis of theological, philosophical, and psychological texts and authoritative dictionaries from different historical periods, we succeeded in creating the initial, universal image of the concept "ГРЕХ.SÜNDE. .," which can be imagined as an old portrait, the colors of which over the centuries were superimposed on each other in six layers. Carefully removing the paint layer by layer , we tried to see the metaphysical, spi r- itual layers of this portrait.

Historical and linguistic portraying of the concept “ГРЕХ/SÜNDE/

The first layer represents a few traces of the concept of "sin" in indigenous culture. Initially the ceremonial meaning dominated the definition of sin, namely, the violation of a ritual, and then gradually the concept’s development passed into the sphere of philosophical ethics, the subjects of which are morality and ethics. Definitions of the concept of "sin" in the

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