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are characterized by positive orientation realizing the emotive function. The interviewer seeks to persuade his interlocutor in the correctness of his opinion in the least categoric form and elicit a positive answer. It is worth noting that this tendency is more obvious in cases of male interviewers, both British and American: Example 3 :

Interviewer:

What about Iran, Mr. Secretary? I would have asked you about this anyway, but we had that announcement on Friday that they are resuming their nuclear program, at least for the centrifuges and so on. T h a t ' s a b a d s i g n , i s n ' t i t ?

Donald Rumsfeld:

Well it is. You have a country that's ruled by a handful of clerics that is repressing the Iranian people, that he is causing harm in Afghanistan, causing harm in Iraq -- is actively working with Hezbollah and Syria to spread terrorism down through Lebanon into Israel. It's a government that has been not telling the truth about its role in its nuclear development. [3*]

Example 4:

Nelson Mandela: Well, I was first imprisoned in Pretoria, and then, thereafter, I was taken to Robben Island. I stayed there for a couple of weeks.

Interviewer: A n d R o b b e n I s l a n d i s , k i n d o f , S o u t h A f r i c a ' s A l c a - t r a z , r i g h t ? It's an island across from Cape Town. Did you get to see the beauty of Cape Town every day?

Nelson Mandela: Oh, yes we did. No, we did. And we looked forward to going out to work because if you were on the eastern part of the island, you could then see Cape Town, Table Mountain. You could actually see the models moving around and, especially, what is called the Deval Drive. And, it was very lovely to work on that part of the island. [4*]

The English tag question is often accompanied by an address. Any language has certain communicative parameters providing not just abstract information exchange but actual communication process which includes not only the informative content of an utterance but also impact on the addressee. A certain impact on the addressee is the ultimate goal of any verbal act. This common goal is to be observed, in particular, in those acts whose results are represented by an address and the utterance it accompanies. Just like addresses, tag questions are noted for their varied imperative potential. Therefore, the use of addresses in such utterances enhances the imperative potential of the whole sentence: Example 5:

Interviewer: I t i s a d i l e m m a , i s n ' t i t , G o v e r n o r ? Dealing with states' rights, federal versus constitutional, the right to -- no one wants to deny anyone the right to vote.

Marc Racicot: I would absolutely agree. [5*]

Example 6:

Barbara Bush: Two books were written about me by someone who never said booked me ever. So I mean, I think you just overlook those. They're just not true.

Interviewer: B u t y o u g o t a n g r i e r t h a n y o u r h u s b a n d , d i d n ' t y o u , B a r b a r a ?

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Barbara Bush: Always! [6*]

In the course of our study, we have come across a phenomenon when a morphosyntactically dependent tag is replaced by an independent tag. Special attention should be paid to constructions with a morphosyntactically independent tag “eh?”: Example 7:

Alex Fergusson : I spoke to Paul Gascoigne the night before I went on holiday, he says Mr Ferguson, you go on holiday, enjoy yourself, I'll be signing for Manchester United; I said, oh great... went on my holidays, lying by the swimming pool when “Mr Ferguson come to reception, it's Martin Edwards…”

Interviewer: T h e c h a i r m a n , e h ?

Alex Ferguson: Yeah, Martin the chairman. He says I've got bad news. He's signed for Tottenham. I said oh God almighty, how could that be? [7*]

The word “eh?” may fulfil various functions: in some contexts, it may be an interjection, in others it may be a particle functioning as an indivisible sentence. With its functions and grammatical semantics this word is very similar to the Russian particle (and interjection) “a”. Interrogative disjunctive constructions with the tag “eh” may be regarded as tag questions whose tag is the result of linguistic economy represented by linguistic compression at the grammatical level (specifically, substitution). The use of the word “eh” in the end of a tag question in the meaning “isn’t that so?” pronounced with a rising tone is quite typical of male speech in British English.

Let us consider examples demonstrating some specific features of female speech in the context of business interview. Example 8:

Interviewer: Well, let’s talk about the current economic climate a little bit. Y o u k n o w , y o u ’ d h a v e t o b e o n t h e m o o n n o t t o r e a l i z e w e ’ v e b e e n i n t h e m i d s t o f a r e c e s s i o n , r i g h t ? How has that affected the sale and purchase of small-business websites?

Debra Mathews: It’s certainly floating down. Just like all other businesses, the web has been hit by economic decline. Especially in the last year. [8*]

In this micro-context, the tag question of the female interviewer using the strategy of solidarization expresses her keen interest in the topic discussed and sympathy with the interlocutor. Example 9:

Interviewer: What did you learn about yourself?

Jerry Nielsen: I have a new appreciation of people who care for the dying.

Interviewer: O r i g i n a l l y , y o u p l a n n e d t o w r i t e a b o u t h o w e x t r e m e c o l d a n d i s o l a t i o n a f f e c t s t h e b o d y , d i d n ’ t y o u ?

Jerry Nielsen: Yes, because no meaningful research has been done on a community in sensory deprivation.

Interviewer: Talk about sensory deprivation at the pole.

Jerry Nielsen: There is no sense of time, no future or past… [ 9*]

In the conversation with Jerry Nielsen who during her work as a doctor with American scientists in the South Pole came down with breast cancer, the female interviewer demonstrates her interest in the interlocutor’s feelings and aims at looking at the verbally depicted situation with her own eyes. The use of tag question points at the interviewer’s effort to express keen interest in the interviewee’s thoughts, experience and life facts. Aiming at cooperative interac-

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tion is reflected in the journalist’s choice of topics that might be interesting for her communicative partner. Example 10:

Barbra Streisand: Honesty is a given. То me truth is so powerful. As they say, what comes from the heart goes to the heart.

Interviewer: S p e a k i n g o f t h e h e a r t , t h e t h e m e o f t h e n e w a l b u m s e e m s t o b e l o v e , d o e s n ’ t i t ?

Barbara Streisand: Yes, and for a while I only sang positive songs. [10*]

In this example, the female interviewer using tag question resorts to the tactic of new topic introduction. The conversational turn realizing this tactic may be characterized as “interviewee’s prompting the new topic”. There is a significant similarity to the functioning of an everyday conversation. A new topic in the framework of the general topic - an attempt to reveal the personality and creative nature of a celebrity – gradually follows from the interviewee’s previous answer, which makes an impression of a naturally developing conversation in a friendly atmosphere. As a result, this tactic allows the journalist to manage the turn of the interview’s thematic development in such a way that it is the interviewee’s communicative line which seems to dominate. Example 11:

Edward Walker : Not necessarily. What's important to us is Egypt, it's not Mubarak. And Mubarak is not Egypt.

Interviewer : B u t E g y p t d o e s n o t s e e m t o c a r e f o r u s , d o e s i t ?

Edward Walker : Egypt doesn't care for us for a whole host of reasons, but it has to do primarily with the Palestinian issue. It has to do with the fact that we have talked about democracy and yet we don't seem to be supporting it. And they have been disappointed. They look to us for leadership. [11*]

In this case, the interviewer uses an inversely-polar tag question with a negative base and appositive tag in order to demonstrate her own insight and awareness, which is quite typical of American female journalists. Such questions are often oriented towards negation.

Thus, in the context of business interview, the following peculiarities of female speech may be observed:

Women tend to stick to bilateral communication while men – to unilateral conversations of informational type which turn into the form of “conversation-message”.

More frequent use of tag questions makes the impression of women’s uncertainty about their utterances or absence of a viewpoint.

Female speech is more frequently noted for its “excusing character” which is expressed in the use of so-called politeness formulae: "I'm sorry", "Excuse те", "please ".

Women use various connection words and filled hesitation pauses more frequently. Very typical are the means helping to demonstrate uncertainty about finding the best form of thought expression, for instance "sort of, "kind of", "really".

Female speech is more emotional as compared to male. We have observed that a number of exclamatory expressions mostly belong to female speech, for instance "Oh, dear! ", "How perfectly sweet! "

The choice of emotionally evaluative adjectives may also depend on the speaker’s gender. There are certain gender-neutral adjectives such as great, cool, neat, while another group of adjectives is more typical of female speech: admirable, charming, sweet, lovely.

Conclusion. Studying the problem of gender differences in people’s speech, we should note that the data about male and female verbal interaction can hardly be viewed as solely correct and firmly established due to a number of reasons. Firstly, each researcher’s comparatively

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small amount of material makes it hard to take an insight into the problem and draw objective conclusions. Secondly, the violation of gender entity (i.e. divergence of biological and psychological factors) leads to lessening differentiation between male and female speech so that women may demonstrate male features of verbal behavior as well as men – female. Thirdly, the influence of non-gender factors (situation of communication, age, profession, education, general culture level, etc.) prevents us from revealing gender peculiarities of speech and view the study results as conclusive.

In the studied examples from British and American English, the cooperative type of communicants’ behavior as a dominant aim demonstrates the interviewer’s simultaneous focus on him- (her-) self and his (her) interlocutor. In their verbal interaction, the cooperation-driven speakers (both male and female) follow the main principle which may be determined as an attempt to put themselves in their partner’s shoes. Although topics discussed in the course of interview appeal to interviewers themselves, they are still focused on their interlocutors during the whole conversation. Aiming at symmetrical communicative interaction is a feature specific for both gender representatives.

Nevertheless, it is worth pointing out that in most cases it is female interviewers who resort to repetition, when the journalist “picks up” the conversation topic suggested by the respondent in order to prompt its further development (…no meaningful research has been done on a community in s e n s o r y d e p r i v a t i o n . - Interviewer: Talk about s e n s o r y d e p r i - v a t i o n at the pole.; …what comes from the heart goes to t h e h e a r t . - Interviewer: Speaking of t h e h e a r t , the theme of the new album seems…)

From the functional and pragmatic point of view, a more frequent use of tag questions in women’s communication strategies shows the desire to seem less categorical, avoid open confrontation with the interlocutor and maintain a cooperative character of the conversation.

The speech of American women reveals more frequent use of tag questions with negative connotations as compared to British women’s speech.

The use of tag questions in male speech in both British and American English is less frequent than in female speech.

A specific feature of tag question is that they are inconceivable outside dialogical speech. The success of communication is determined by both communicants’ behavior and their choice of verbal means. Interview is a model of verbal interaction where the relations between the interviewer and the interviewee are of a specific character determined by the goal and the type of interview itself. Planned and spontaneous situations fully depend on the interviewer’s goal. At the same time, spontaneous situations happen more rarely. This fact may be explained by the pragmatic goal of interview texts where the respondent depends on the goal of the interviewer’s question. The choice of means facilitating interview’s communicative effectiveness is determined by a number of factors: the topic of interview, the respondent’s personality, the interviewer’s professional level, the character of relations between the interviewer and the inter-

viewee which may change in the course of their communication.

References

[1]Maljuga E.N. «Lingvopragmaticheskie aspekty delovogo interv'ju», Vestnik SeveroOsetinskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. K.L. Hetagurova №4. Obshhestvennye nauki. 2010. s. 127-131.

[2]Fomina Z.E., Lavrinenko I.Ja. Kognitivnye strategii kak mental'nye determinanty pri jazykovoj ob#ektivacii konceptov razuma i chuvstva v filosofskom diskurse F. Bjekona / Z.E. Fomina, I.Ju. Lavrinenko // Nauchnyj vestnik Voronezhskogo gosudarstvennogo arhitekturnostroitel'nogo universiteta. Ser. Sovremennye lingvisticheskie i metodiko-didakticheskie issledovanija. – 2014. – № 1 (21). – S. 23–37.

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[3]Fomina Z.E. Prolegomeny «Veseloj Nauki» Fridriha Nicshe I Specifika Ih Metaforicheskoj Kategorizacii/ Z.E. Fomina, // Nauchnyj vestnik Voronezhskogo gosudarstvennogo arhitekturno-stroitel'nogo universiteta. Ser. Sovremennye lingvisticheskie i metodikodidakticheskie issledovanija. – 2015. – № 3 (27). – S.32-49.

[4]Maljuga E.N. Odna iz zakonomernostej standartnoj i nestandartnoj rechi v britanskom i amerikanskom variantah anglijskogo jazyka // Jazyk. Soznanie. Kommunikacija. – M., 2001. – Vypusk 17.

[5]Issers O.S. Kommunikativnye strategii i taktiki russkoj rechi. – 2-e izd. – M.: Editorial URSS, 2002 .

[6]Parshina O.N. Rossijskaja politicheskaja rech': teorija i praktika. – LKI, 2007.

[7]Karasik V.I. Jazyk social'nogo statusa. M., 1992.

[8]Maljuga E.N. K voprosu o gendernom faktore v nacional'nyh variantah anglijskogo jazyka // Vestnik universiteta RAO, 2009. - N 5. - S. 120-123

[9]Rogers J. Effective Interviews. Marshall Publishers, London, 2001.

[10]Zemskaja E.A., Kitajgorodskaja M. A., Rozanova N.N. Osobennosti muzhskoj i zhenskoj rechi // Russkij jazyk v ego funkcionirovanii / Pod Red. E.A. Zemskoj i D .N. Shmeleva. M., 1993.

[11]Fomina Z.E. Meteorologicheskie poslovichnye primety s imenem svjatogo v nemeckom lingvokul'turnom soobshhestve/ Z.E. Fomina // Nauchnyj vestnik Voronezhskogo gosudarstvennogo arhitekturno-stroitel'nogo universiteta. Ser. Sovremennye lingvisticheskie i metodiko-didakticheskie issledovanija. – 2015. – vyp. 2 (26). – S. 129–146.

[12]Fomina Z.E. Chelovek, prostranstvo i kul'tura v zerkale russkih paremij/ Z.E. Fomina // Nauchnyj vestnik Voronezhskogo gosudarstvennogo arhitekturno-stroitel'nogo universiteta. Ser. Sovremennye lingvisticheskie i metodiko-didakticheskie issledovanija. – 2016. – vyp. 2 (30). – S. 42–59.

ward Walker

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THEORY AND PRACTICE OF TRANSLATION

UDC 809.51

THE FEATURES OF THE CHINEESE LANGUAGE Kostrzewa Frank

____________________________________________________________________________

Karlsruhe University, Karlsruhe Pedagogical Institute, Karlsruhe, Germany,

Professor Frank Kostrzewa

Director of the Institute of the German Language and Literature, e-mail: kostrzewa@ph-karlsruhe.de

____________________________________________________________

Stating of the problem: The article in hand focuses on the characteristic features of the Chinese language and takes, apart from linguistic typological descriptions, also etymological developments into account. The focus is here primarily on the import of Chinese loanwords into Japanese. Results: After a brief survey on the importance of Chinese loanwords in the different developmental stages of Japanese the focus is directed towards Chinese loanwords in Modern Japanese. With reference to Schmidt (2009, 570ff.) a list of common Chinese loanwords in Japanese is presented. Reflections on the specifics of the Chinese relative clause in the context of its idiosyncratic Theme-Rheme-progression complete the article. Conclusion: Relying on Lemman theory (ibid.) it was found out that in the Chineese language the core isn`t usually expressed by means of relative clause. Besides, relative clause can also be formed without the defying noun. In general relative clause doesn`t contain the features of subordination.

Key words: Chinese, isolating language, Sino-Tibetan language, Topic-prominent language, language history, loan words, relative clause.

For citation: Kostzewa F. The features of the Chineese language / F. Kostzewa // Scientific Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-didactic Researches”. – 2017. – № 4 (19). – P. 109 - 115.

1.Einleitung

Bei der chinesischen Sprache handelt es sich nach Crystal (1995, 23) um eine isolierende Sprache mit der Tendenz, syntaktische Beziehungen im Satz durch Kennzeichnungen außerhalb des Wortes (Wortstellung, Intonation) auszudrücken. Diesbezüglich bestehe auch eine Ähnlichkeit zum Vietnamesischen. Neben den isolierenden Sprachen sei sprachtypologisch zwischen einem flektierenden, einem agglutinierenden und einem inkorporierenden (polysynthetischen) Sprachbau zu differenzieren. Während in isolierenden Sprachen stammverändernde Kennzeichnungen außerhalb des Wortes vorgenommen würden, komme in den flektierenden Sprachen eine innere oder äußere Flexion zur Anwendung. Anders als in den agglutinierenden

Sprachen sei jedoch in den flektierenden Sprachen eine eindeutige Segmentierung von Wurzel und grammatischen Kennzeichnungen nicht möglich. In inkorporierenden Sprachen würden lexikalische und grammatische Elemente aneinander oder ineinander gefügt. Alle syntaktischen Funktionen würden dem Prädikat einverleibt.

_________________

© Kostzewa F., 2017

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Li/Thompson (1976) beschreiben das Chinesische als eine Topik-prominente Sprache, die Ähnlichkeiten mit dem Lahu (einer tibeto-burmesischen Sprache gesprochen in China, Thailand, Myanmar und Laos) und dem Lisu (einer tonalen tibeto-burmesischen Sprache gesprochen in Yunnan im Südwesten Chinas, in Myanmar, in Thailand und einem kleinen Teil von Indien) aufweise. Typisch für Topik-prominente Sprachen sei eine Syntax, die die Topik- Kommentar-Struktur eines Satzes hervorhebe.

Neben dem Chinesischen, dem Lahu und dem Lisu gelten auch die ural-altaischen Sprachen des Japanischen und Koreanischen als Topik-prominent. Diesen Topik-prominenten Sprachen stellen Li/Thompson (ebd.) die folgenden Gruppen weitgehend Subjekt-prominenter

Sprachen gegenüber:

Subj ekt-prominente Sprachen (subject -prominent languages ): indoeuropäische Sprachen, Niger-Kongo-Sprachen, finno-ugrische Sprachen, semitische

Sprachen, Dyirbal (auch Djirubal): eine australische Ureinwohnersprache, gesprochen im Nordosten von Queensland.

Die Sprache gehört zum kleinen dyirbalischen Zweig der Pama-Nyunga-Familie.

Als weder Subjekt - noch Topik -prominent (neither subject -prominent nor topic-prominent languages ) gelten nach Li/Thompson (ebd.) die Sprachen Tagalog und Ilocano (eine austronesische Sprache, gesprochen auf den Philippinen, Lingua franca im Norden von Luzon).

Austin (2008, 14) beschreibt das Chinesische als eine sinotibetische Sprache mit einer

über 2000 Jahre alten Geschichte. Neben dem Standardchinesischen (putonghua , zhongguohua) existiere eine Reihe von Dialekten, von denen das Mandarin als standardisierter Dialekt des Nordostens von ca. 70% aller Sprecher gesprochen werde.

Weitere Dialekte fänden sich in den großen Zentren Chinas:

Wu (Shanghai), Gan (Ganzhou), Xiang (Hunan), Min (Fujian) und Yue, bekannt als Kantonesisch (Guangzhou und Hongkong).

Das Chinesische als isolierende Sprache besteht nach Austin (2008, 15) „aus einer Kette unveränderlicher Einzelsilben“. Diese Struktur werde durch die chinesische Schrift unmittelbar wiedergegeben.

Im modernen Mandarin falle der relativ einfache Aufbau der Silben auf. Diese begännen mit einem von insgesamt 22 Konsonanten, auf die eine von 33 möglichen Kombinationen aus Vokalen + „n“ oder „ng“ folge.

Es ergebe sich auf diese Weise eine maximale Gesamtzahl von 3036 Silben, von denen jedoch lediglich 1620 Verwendung in der Alltagssprache fänden.

2. Der Einfluss des Chinesischen auf das Japanische – Chinesische

Lehnwörter im Japanischen

Schmidt (2009, 570ff.) unterscheidet in seiner Beschreibung des Japanischen , zwischen dem archaischen Japanisch aus der Zeit von 900 vor Christus bis 250 a.D.,

dem Altjapanischen der Nara ( ) Ära (Nara Period) bis ca. 794 a.D.,

dem Mitteljapanischen, das die vier historischen Perioden

des Kamakura ( ),

des Muromachi ( ),

des Azuchi ( ) und

des Momoyama ( ) umfasst und bis in das Jahr 1603 reicht, dem Frühneujapanischen der Edo ( ) Epoche bis zum Jahre 1867 und dem modernen Japanisch mit der Meiji ( )Periode (1868 - 1912), der Taisho ( )Periode (1912 - 1926), der Showa ( )Periode (1926 - 1989) und

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 der gegenwärtigen Heisei ( )Periode (1989 - ).

Erste schriftliche Quellen aus dem 8. Jahrhundert belegen bereits eine hohe Anzahl chinesischer Lehnwörter im Japanischen. Im Altjapanischen existierten nur noch wenige Wörter, die keine Entsprechung im Chinesischen aufwiesen. Zu diesen wenigen Wörtern zählten taiko – traditional drum ( ) und annai – führen/guide ( ).

In der Zeit des Mitteljapanischen wurde nach Schmidt (ebd.) das klassische Chinesisch für administrative Zwecke und andere formale Belange verwendet, während in allen anderen

Kontexten des Alltags Japanisch zur Anwendung kam. Faktisch habe in der Zeit des Mitteljapanischen ein Zustand der Diglossie vorgeherrscht.

In der Zeit des Frühneujapanischen seien neben den früher bereits importierten Lehnwörtern aus der geschriebenen chinesischen Sprache auch Lehnwörter aus dem gesprochenen Chinesisch in das Japanische inkorporiert worden. In der Phase der Modernisierung Japans in der Sprachperiode des Modernen Japanisch wurden neue Konzepte zumeist durch sino-japanische Begriffe denotiert. Beispiele solcher Begriffe sind u.a. keizai ( ) - economy und sugaku (

) - mathematics, abgeleitet von „su“ ( ) - number und gaku ( ).

Die folgende, in Anlehnung an Schmidt (2009, 570ff.) erstellte Liste gibt eine Übersicht über die zahlreichen chinesischen Lehnwörter im Modernen Japanisch:

Lehnwörter aus dem Chinesischen:

sekai ( ) - world

riku ( ) - land

rikuchi ( ) - land

tairiku ( ) - land, mainland

kagan ( ) - shore

kaigan ( ) - shore

dokutsu ( ) - cave

kaiyo ( ) - ocean

taiyo ( ) - ocean

wan ( ) - bay

ansho ( ) - reef

shio ( ) - tide, salt

shitchi ( ) - swamp

mokuzai ( ) - wood

jishin ( ) - earthquake

taiyo ( ) - sun

rakurai ( ) - bolt of lightning

kuki ( ) - air

kyokko ( ) - arctic lights

tenki ( ) - weather

tenko ( ) - weather

suijoki ( ) – steam

mokutan ( ) - charcoal

ningen ( ) - person

dansei ( ) - man, male

josei ( ) - woman, female

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baku ( ) - tapir

niku ( ) - flesh, meat

taimo ( ) - body hair

chimo ( ) - pubic hair

inmo ( ) - pubic hair

kekkan ( ) - vein, artery

rokkotsu ( ) - rib

sekichu ( ) - spine

zugaikotsu ( ) - skull

jida ( ) - ear, earlobe

biko ( ) - nostril

shigin ( ) - gums

shiniku ( ) - gums

kyushi ( ) - molar tooth

sakotsu ( ) - collarbone

ekika ( ) - armpit

haizo ( ) - lung

kanzo ( ) - liver

jinzo ( ) - kidney

hizo ( ) - spleen

(In Anlehnung an: Schmidt 2009, 570ff.)

3. Der Relativsatz im Chinesischen

Nach Lehmann (1984, 63) ist die Satzstruktur des Mandarin-Chinesischen stark der The- ma-Rhema-Gliederung unterworfen. Während die Hauptkonstituentenstellung der SVOStruktur folge, komme die SOV-Struktur gehäuft in denjenigen Fällen vor, in denen das Objekt finit sei. Die Konstruktion einer SOV-Struktur erfordere jedoch die Zuhilfenahme des pränominalen Kasusmorphems bǎ (nehmen).

Bezüglich der syntaktischen Besonderheiten des Chinesischen gelte, dass Präpositionen stets vor Postpositionen stünden und die nominalen Modifikatoren den verbalen vorangingen. Die Morphologie des Chinesischen beschränke sich im Wesentlichen auf die Komposition. Die Frequenz von Derivationsund Flexionsphänomenen sei gering.

Die Relativsatzbildung erfolge nach dem folgenden Muster:

 Wǒ bǎ nǐ gĕi wǒ de shū diūdiào-le.

 “

(Lehmann 1984, 64)

Der Nukleus sei im Chinesischen gewöhnlich nicht im Relativsatz repräsentiert. Die Akkusativpartikel beziehe sich nicht auf die Funktion des Nukleus im Relativsatz, sondern vornehmlich auf die des höheren Nebensatzsyntagmas im Matrixsatz.

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