Учебное пособие 1715

UDC 811.161:72.06

SOCIOLOGICAL ASPECT OF LANGUAGE SIGNS TRANSFORMATION

O.G. Nekhaeva

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Voronezh State Technical University

Ph.D. (Linguistics), Associated Professor of the Foreign Languages and Technology of Translation Department

Olga Georgievna Nekhaeva e-mail: nekhaeva1967@gmail.com

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Statement of the problem. The research is based on the analysis of possible transformations of motivated language signs that have "secondary" iconic characteristics into signs-symbols. The considered lexical units will be distinguished by the characteristic determined by the internal form of the word, for example, somatic, household tools, tools of labor, sensory sensations, color, physical state of a person, schematically-configuration, objectivity, and a number of others.

Results. The material of the study is language signs that initially act as conventional, but their signifiers are motivated by an internal form, so they reflect the sign that is the basis of their nomination. We hold the position that such a sign can be considered iconic on the principle of "secondary". In accordance with the logic of our study, the signs in question are themselves represented in the form of words, which, just like the signs of the language, can be attributed to symbols, but the impression is created of the correlation between the signified and the signifier ("ink" – "a solution of some coloring substance used for writing", derived from "black"). Signs of "secondary" iconicity can be metaphorically reinterpreted, after which the connection between the signified and the signifier practically disappears ("ink" – "cheap red wine"; "ink" – "wanted ad"). The way of language signs of "secondary" iconicity reorganization into signs-symbols passes through metaphorization.

Conclusion. The analysis of the transformation of "secondary" iconic signs into signs-symbols makes it possible to detect the "cyclicality" expressed in the transition of motivated language signs to unmotivated, which can be revealed in the fact that the "secondary" connection with reality established through motivated signs-symbols can be so minimized that "secondary" icons will sooner or later become "pure" symbols again, while in some cases it is noted that the rudiments of their metaphorical iconicity in terms of content are preserved. The study showed that the important role in this process is played by slang speech, which allows you to use initially motivated words as conditional symbols that are understandable only to members of a particular social group of people.

Key words: language sign, sign-icon, sign-symbol, metaphorical transmission, argot speech, motivated language signs, ‘secondary’ iconicity, converting of language signs types.

For citation: Nekhaeva O.G. Sociological aspect of language signs transformation / O.G. Nekhaeva // Scientific

Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-didactic Researches”. – 2020. - № 2 (29). – P. 24 - 33.

Introduction.

Language culture as a means of communication between individual subjects of society is a developed system of signs that has a certain hierarchical structure. This structure is primarily due to the historical development of the language of a particular nation, and is closely related to creative activities in the sphere of material and spiritual life. The complexity of the hierarchical structure of the language is a reflection of its perfection and reflects the ability to successfully perform the communicative function achieved to date. If we take into account the development of language over time, this will allow us to understand some structural aspects of the language hierarchy, considering the development of language structures as a natural process.

Obviously, at the initial stage of the emergence of a community of people, the typical way of word creation was an iconic one, in which the sign corresponds to the designated object by physical characteristics. Thus, the assignment of a sign minimizes the conventional component of the community, and it easily takes root in the communication system.

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© Nekhaeva O.G., 2020

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With the increasing diversity of human activities and the complexity of the nature of relations between people in the community, concepts that have no substantive analogues in the surrounding world appear. These concepts, under the pressure of the need for communication, acquire the status of signs that do not have the original iconic nature.

Among researchers dealing with the problem of signs, a special role, in our opinion, is played by the American philosopher and mathematician Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914), who proposed the most authoritative classification of signs. Ch.S. Peirce divided signs into "icons", which can be represented in the form of algebraic formulas, photographs, drawings, hieroglyphs, onomatopoeia. The "index" may be the hiss of a snake as a sign that it may bite, the cry of a baby as a sign that it is hungry, or thunder as a sign of an impending thunderstorm. In the language, these include pronouns and interjections. "Symbols" are signs that have appeared due to a conventional habit. These include words such as "wedding", "give", etc. From the point of view of the structure of the language sign, the connection between the signified and the signifier in symbolic signs is practically absent [1, p.202-205]. Analyzing the case of the Russian language, it is safe to say that Ch.S. Pierce highlights how natural signs and language. Focusing on the fact that the predominant number of all language signs belongs to the class of signs-symbols, Ch.S. Peirce wrote that "symbols arise from other signs, especially from icons or from mixed signs that have the nature of both icons and symbols" [1, p.217].

The absolute majority of researchers in this field are based on a clear distinction between types of signs and note as one of the main properties of their mobility, the ability to transition from one type to another. Ferdinand de Saussure, referring to the fact of arbitrariness of a sign, argued that language is unable to resist the constantly changing shift in the relationship between the signifier and the signified [2, p.378].

Roman Osipovich Jacobson reinterprets the idea of Peirce from linguistic positions and emphasizes that "the distinction of the three main types of signs made by Peirce is only the difference in the relative hierarchy. These differences are based only on the predominance of one factor over another" [3, p. 106]. An important contribution of R.O. Jacobson to the problem of typology of signs is the thesis that the classification of signs depends solely on how the "body" of a sign of a certain nature represents its content.

Work in this direction was continued by E.S. Kubryakova, who can be called the initiator of the cognitive approach to semiotic phenomena in our country. For E.S. Kubryakova, it is expedient to study the formal side of a language sign that has not only its content, but also its own "body". This very content is transmitted, so the "body" of the sign is no less important than its meaning [4, p. 498].

When analyzing language signs, most of which are represented by signs-symbols, you should pay attention to their heterogeneity: language signs are divided into motivated and unmotivated. The concept of motivated and unmotivated signs of language was introduced into science by F. de Saussure, and in our country it was further developed in the works of G.O. Vinokur, E.V. Kuznetsova, I.S. Toroptsev, M.A. Shelyakin, and others.

I.S. Toroptsev notes that "if a motivated word loses its word-production connection with a motivating word, i.e. it is de-etymologized, then it loses its motivational character and adds a number of unmotivated lexical units. The situation is different with motivated words that have great depth and persistence" [5, p.123].

In connection with the above, it seems legitimate point of view of A.P. Babushkin to consider motivated derivative words as signs that have a "secondary" iconic essence. The "secondary" iconical essence consists in likening the sound shell (signifier) of a motivated sign to the characteristic laid down in the basis of its nomination. In this case, the attribute itself is associated with the signified only conditionally, that is, symbolically. For example, the word "sinitsa" (English "tit") has the attribute "color", although the connection of the sound pattern of this lexeme with the essence of the bird itself is absent. Based on the features inherent in the inter-

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nal form of words, such as color, shape, measure, substantive action, sensory perception, etc., there is a possibility of categorical distribution [6, p. 10].

At the same time, it is important to realize that with the shift in the relationship between the signifier and the signified, which F. de Saussure wrote about, the connection of the components of the "secondary" iconic sign can be so weakened that the motivating sign is completely obscured and the language sign again becomes a sign-symbol.

The subject of our analysis is the cases of transition of motivated derivative words (in our understanding of "secondary" iconic signs) with different characteristics into signs-symbols when they are used in the slang speech of various social groups of the population.

The structure of the social environment, as we know, includes social groups that unite people by profession, position in society, interests or age, each of which has its own jargon peculiar only to it. There are a large number of jargons that are clearly related to each other. Many professions have lost their jargon or changed it due to historical circumstances. Many slangs have converged due to the specifics of their professional activities. Jargon created in the past and created in the present also tend to converge. Each branch of production is forced to create its own vocabulary, consisting of a sufficient number of "technical terms" necessary to designate tools and work processes related to their role in production and incomprehensible to members of another production group [7, p.100]. The study of the categories of tools in the Russian and English languages and their metaphorical use as a means of access to structures hidden from direct perception is devoted to the work of T.A. Zhdanova "Language means of representation of the concept of "tools of labor" [8]. Words and phrases of the criminal world jargon, filled with mystery and symbolism, pass into the speech of police officers, doctors, and sometimes into the speech of people of various professions and even politicians.

The object of research is lexemes named on the basis of features preserved in the internal form of words. The subject of the research is the processes of transition of motivated language signs that have a "secondary" iconicity into unmotivated language units.

The purpose of this work is to analyze the semantic development of "secondary" iconic signs before their conversion into signs-symbols.

Research methodology.

The methodological and theoretical base of the research consists of the works of domestic and foreign scientists: A.P. Babushkin, G.A. Kolshansky, E.S. Kubryakova, I.S. Toroptsev, Ch.S. Pierce, F. de Saussure, R.O. Jacobson, and others.

The research material was made up of lexical units selected by a continuous sampling method from the explanatory and etymological dictionaries of the Russian language. The analyzed examples are borrowed from the works of Russian writers and poets, as well as from materials of a publicistic nature, presented both in the original texts and in the National corpus of the Russian language.

In the course of the work, we used the method of analyzing dictionary definitions, the method of contextual analysis, and the comparative method of research.

The results of the research.

Identifying the essence of the "secondary" iconicity of the analyzed language signs, we will try to present their metaphorical (slang) usage as the step towards absolute unmotivation.

In our study, we are limited to language signs of "secondary" iconicity, in which different signs of objects and phenomena that are the basis of the nomination are felt on the modern cross-section of the language. The selected lexical units were classified according to the presence of the following features: atmospheric phenomenon, color, various sensory sensations, instrumentality, household tools, human physical condition, somatic feature, schematicallyconfiguration, objectivity, substantive action, and a number of others.

Let's illustrate the transition of the language sign, characterized as a "secondary" icon, into a sign-symbol with the word "snowdrop", which has the name of the atmospheric phenomenon "snow" in its internal form. "Snowdrop" means "any herbaceous plant, usually with white

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flowers that bloom immediately after the snow melts (about copses, primroses, etc.)" [1**, p. 881].

– Декабрь, январь и февраль – катанье на коньках, новогоднюю ёлку, масленичные балаганы, в марте начинается снеготаяние, в апреле из-под снега выглядывают первые п о д с н е ж н и к и [1*] – (– December, January and February - skating, Christmas tree, Maslenitsa booths, in March begins snowmelt, in April, the first s n o w d r o p s peeks out from under the snow).

The figurative meaning of the usage of the word "snowdrop" is also clear for a reader in the following case:

– Сквозь разбитые остовы железобетонных конструкций, бывших когда-то гордостью промышленного кластера республики, как п о д с н е ж н и к и поднима-

ются новенькие корпуса заводов [1*] – (– Through the broken skeletons of reinforced concrete structures that were once the pride of the industrial cluster of the republic, the new buildings of factories are rising as if s n o w d r o p s).

However, the sign of an atmospheric phenomenon disappears when we are talking "about a person who is formally registered in one position, but is actually engaged in another job»:

– Зачислим тебя «п о д с н е ж н и к о м». – Кем, кем? – не понял Мэлс. Куромысов подивился его неосведомленности, объяснил: есть договоренность с руководителями обувного объединения «Джетысу». Они оформят, как обещали, мастером производственного объединения, а будешь заниматься комсомольским оператив-

ным отрядом [2*] – (– We'll put you on the list as a s n o w d r o p". "By whom?" – Mels did not understand. Kuramysov was marveled at his ignorance, explained: there is an agreement with the leaders of the footwear Association "Jetysu". They will issue, as promised, the master of the production association, and you will be engaged in the Komsomol operational detachment).

According to the BTS, there are still a number of meanings of the "snowdrop" lexeme. For example, they say "about a company that operates illegally", as well as "about a corpse found after the snow melts" [1**, 881]. The latter meaning refers to slang usage, which is often heard among police officers, citizens serving sentences in prison, and doctors:

В одной из весенних хроник я описывал, как много находят трупов по весне, которых называют ласково «п о д с н е ж н и к а м и» [9, с. 247] – (In one of the spring Chronicles I described how many corpses are found in the spring, which are called affectionately "s n o w d r o p s").

The example below tells us that in the jargon of medical professionals, the word "snowdrop" is used in relation to a certain category of patients:

При первой возможности они от нас сбегают, так что не надо говорить, что мы ими не занимаемся. Активный туберкулез мы лечим до полного излечения, да только никто из бомжей по-настоящему не беспокоится о своем здоровье. Им бы только трудные времена пережить… Как только снег растает, эти «п о д с н е ж н и к и» уходят в неизвестном направлении, не пролеченные до конца, заражая окружающих [1*] – (They run away from us at the first opportunity, so don't say we don't deal with them. We treat active tuberculosis until it is completely cured, but none of

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the homeless people really cares about their health. They just need to get through the hard times… As soon as the snow melts, these "s n o w d r o p s" go in an unknown direction, untreated to the end, infecting others).

The dictionary of argo by Elistratov V.S. notes that a beautiful spring flower is used for naming "a motorist who does not drive the car in winter" [2**]:

Не случайно добрая половина машин у нас ставится на зиму в гараж, а по весне выползают очаровательные в своей наглости и неловкости «п о д с н е ж н и к и». От них одни беды, и остальные круглогодичные автолюбители «п о д с н е ж н и к о в», мягко говоря, недолюбливают [1*] – (It is not by chance that a good half of our cars are put in the garage for the winter, and in the spring the charming "s n o w d r o p s" crawl out in their arrogance and clumsiness. From them only troubles, and the rest year-round motorists, to put it mildly, do not like "s n o w d r o p s").

In order to see a sign of an atmospheric phenomenon in the word "raincoat", it is unlikely that an etymological analysis is required. A large explanatory dictionary offers two meanings of this word. The first – "coat, raincoat made of waterproof material" – refers to the colloquial style of speech [1**, p. 267].

Сейчас влезу в резиновые сапоги, наброшу старый д о ж д е в и к и пойду – нашей дорожкой [1*] – (I'm going to get into my rubber boots, throw on the old r a i n c o a t and go – our path).

The second – "spherical mushroom, the flesh of which turns into dark dust when dried; rain mushroom" – is used in literary speech:

Мы сняли с раненого рубаху, под ней оказалась фуфайка, под фуфайкой рубаха с кранными фигурными вензелями, а дальше я увидел мокнущий черно-кровавый бугристый гриб-д о ж д е в и к, величиной с кулак [1*] – (We took off the wounded man's shirt, under it there was a sweatshirt, under the sweatshirt a shirt with taped figured monograms, and then I saw a soaking black-and-blood lumpy r a i n m u s h r o o m, the size of a fist).

It is not difficult to understand why, as noted in the explanatory dictionary of Russian jargon, "raincoat" is called "wallet" [3**, p. 163]. After all, it is used exclusively for carrying paper money, which can get wet when it gets in the rain.

The metal sign is contained in the "zolotnik" (‘zoloto’ means ‘gold’) lexeme, which means "Russian weight measure equal to 1/96 of a pound or 4, 26 grams (used before the introduction of the metric system)" [1**, p. 369]:

Писатель П.Д. Бобрыкин рассказывал о семье мастеров Хворовых, прославившихся выделкой «махотных» замочков: «Михаил Хворов доходил до того, что делал двадцать пять замочков на один з о л о т н и к. И все были разных фасонов со своими особыми ключиками» [1*] – (The writer P. D. Bobrykin told about the family of masters Khvorov, famous for making "tiny" locks: "Mikhail Khvorov went so far as to make twen- ty-five locks for one z o l o t n i k . And all were different styles with their own special keys").

Everyone knows the old saying "small zolotnik, but expensive", so the reader can understand the meaning of the metaphorical use of the word in the following case:

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Почему непременно с людьми нужно «соль» есть (пуд), а не сахар? Неужели радостное основание хуже и менее прочно, чем горькое и соленое? Вероятно, люди эти просто неспособны отдаться на один з о л о т н и к общей радости и потому предпочитают долгую прочность (пуд соли) мгновенному счастью [1*] – (Why is it necessary to eat "salt" with people (pood), and not sugar? Is the joyous foundation worse and less solid than the bitter and salty one? Probably, these people are simply unable to give themselves up for one z o l o t n i k to the general joy and therefore prefer a long duration (a pood of salt) to instant happiness).

At the same time, lexeme ‘zolotnik’, as well as ‘zolotar’ (English goldsmith) in thieves’ jargon has the same meaning as "buyer of jewelry":

З о л о т н и к на твои шмотки не будет и смотреть: ему рыжье и зилбер подавай

[3**, p. 226] – (Z o l o t n i k on your clothes will not look: give him red and silver)!

Lines from the song of Bulat Okudzhava give an example of word "zolotar" usage in the mentioned meaning:

Прекрасны юные мечты: Все метят в главари….

Но Время скажет «нет!» – и ты Идешь в з о л о т а р и [1*] –

(Young dreams are beautiful: All aim to be the leaders....

But Time will say "no!" – and you Go to be z o l o t a r i.)

Language signs that have a "secondary" iconicity include the word ‘vily’ (English "pitchfork"). According to the historical and etymological dictionary of modern Russian P. Ya. Chernykh, the lexeme ‘vily’, meaning "a hand tool in the form of a long handle with teeth for harvesting hay, manure, etc.", is formed from the verb "vit’" [4**, p. 151], that is, it contains a sign of a substantial action.

Увидев незнакомцев, дед опустил в и л ы и снял с потной головы черный картуз

[1*] – (Seeing the strangers, my grandfather put down v i l y his head and removed the black cap from his sweaty head).

At the same time, there is also a slang usage of this lexeme – "capital punishment":

– Этому аксакалу не хватает шестнадцати тонн [груза]. Шестнадцать тонн – это в и л ы. – А что это значит – в и л ы? – поинтересовался Лебедев. – В и л ы, - сказал бригадир, - это тюрьма… - Не тюрьма, - радостно поправил его грузчик с бородой, - а вышка [3*, p. 330] – (– This aksakal lacks sixteen tons [of cargo]. Sixteen tons – v i l y. – What does that mean – v i l y? Lebedev asked. – V i l y, - said the foreman, - is a prison... - Not a prison, - the loader with a beard joyfully corrected him, - but a tower).

Despite the correction made by the hero of the above passage, the word "vily" is actually used in the meaning of “prison term”:

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– Дамочка уж очень откровенно сумочку не застегнула. Молчун позарился. Ну, и лопухнулся по неопытности. А у него уже срок в загашнике был. В и л ы. Ему так показалось, что в и л ы. На самом деле, никто бы его за этот кошелек не закрыл

[3*, p. 330] – (The lady is too openly did not fasten the purse. Molchun got excited. Well, and got into trouble for inexperience. And he already had a term behind the belt. V i l y. It seemed to him that v i l y. In fact, no one would have closed him for this purse).

Curiously enough, the analyzed lexeme sometimes means simply "a bad, difficult situa-

tion»:

На двоих товар делить не жалко, а на четверых – в и л ы… Ты ж говорил, что ты вор крутой, всех знаешь [1*] – (It is not a pity to divide the goods for two, but for four – v i l y… You said, that you are cool thief, know everyone).

In the examples of using the lexemes we have chosen for analysis, the observed shift of the signified and the signifier leads to the fact that the "imagery" due to which they could be referred to as "secondary" icons is lost in the context of metaphorical usage.

There is also a use of motivated derivative lexemes, which completely closes the reader from a simple, not privy to the secrets of the slang use of words any connection between the feature contained in the "internal form" of the word and its figurative meaning. Given example.

Etymological analysis allows us to consider the "belka" (English ‘squirrel’) lexeme as a "secondary" icon as the inner form of the word is the same as in the word ‘beliy’ (English ‘white’). For the average native Russian speaker, it is not clear why the reddish-red animal is called a "belka". Referring to ancient evidence, Max Fasmer explains that "the etymology of this lexeme is clear and the connection with "white" is proven" [5**, p.148]. It turns out that in Ancient Russia there were white squirrels. P.Ya. Chernykh quotes from the notes of a traveler of the end of the XVII century: "between the squirrels caught in the Kama forests, sometimes are caught quite white ones, which the hunters call Princes of squirrels sort" [5**, p. 83].

Краем глаза она заметила, как мимо метнулась б е л к а, легко прошуршав по сосне

[1*] – (Out of the corner of her eye, she saw b e l k a past, lightly rustling through a pine tree).

At the same time, "belka", "belochka" is called the state of heavy intoxication, also called "belaya goryachka" ("delirium tremens") [3*, p. 150]:

–Доктор, когда я прихожу домой, мне кажется, что на диване сидит кот с рогами.

–У вас «б е л о ч к а».

–Да вы что! Что я, б е л к у от кота не могу отличить [1*]!

(- Doctor, when I come home, I think that there is a cat with horns sitting on the sofa.

–You have “b e l o c h k a”.

–What are you talking about? Do you think I can’t tell b e l k a from a cat)!

The Explanatory dictionary of Russian jargon presents the word "belka" in the meaning of "cocaine" as a contamination of the words "white" – "cocaine" and the literary "belka":

Где бы б е л к у достать [3**, p. 32] – (Where would b e l k a get)?

The word "belka" used in the last two contexts is not associated with the feature put in the basis of the nomination. The language signs that have a "secondary" iconicity include the lex-

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eme "zelenka", which has a sign of color (‘zelyoniy’ in English ‘green’), since it got its name from the drug ‘Brilliant green’ – green liquid on alcohol for skin lubrication [1**, p. 362]:

Всех лекарств, в тот год из дома захваченных, было: аспирин, большая травная таблетка от расстройства желудка, з е л е н к а и антисептический пластырь

[1*] – (All the medicines taken from the house that year were: aspirin, a large herbal tablet for indigestion, z e l e n k a, and an antiseptic patch).

In the colloquial speech of agricultural workers, "zelenka" is called "green forage for livestock; agricultural crops that go to this kind of forage" [1**, p. 362]:

У чабана… были все основания заявить: «Будет з е л е н к а – будет и шерсть и мясо!» [4*, p. 180] – (The shepherd... had every reason to say: "If there will be z e l e n k a – there will be wool and meat!").

In the language of drug addicts, "zelenka" is called "dried cannabis used as a drug»:

Очередь … переминается с ноги на ногу … Лиц «кавказской национальности», больших любителей «з е л е н к и» здесь нет [3*, с. 637] – (The queue ... shifts from foot to foot ... Persons of "Caucasian nationality", big fans of "z e l e n k a" are not here).

In colloquial speech, this lexeme has other meanings. For example, it is called "liquid household chemicals used by drinkers as a substitute for alcohol":

– Речь шла … о средстве для снятия загрязнений …, более известном в народе как

… «з е л е н к а» [3*, с. 637] – (– It was ... about a means for removing pollution ..., more commonly known as ... "z e l e n k a" ).

Further and further diverge the sound shell of the word, which contains the sign of color (signifier) and what this word is called (signified). However, there are cases when the two components of a language sign are completely distant, and their connection is absolutely conditional:

Если совсем отменят «з е л е н к у» и не станут шмалять, они ударятся в беспредел

[1*] – (If they completely cancel the "z e l e n k a" and do not start smalyat, they will hit into lawlessness).

The Explanatory dictionary of Russian jargon explains that the lexeme we are analyzing has not only the meaning of "capital punishment-execution", but also "death" [3**, p. 223]:

З е л е н к а не за горами, а как будто и не жил [3**, p. 223] – (Z e l e n k a is not far off, but as if I did not live)!

The sensory feature is contained in the word ‘sokhnut’ that is, "become dry, losing moisture" [6**, p. 653]:

Раскрыв мокрый зонт, я положил его с о х н у т ь на пол в прихожей [1*] – (I opened the wet umbrella and put it to dry (sokhnut’) on the floor in the hall).

The word "sokhnut’" also means "wither" [6**, p. 653]: 31

Всё прощупали, нигде его нет, только яблоки откусанные валяются. А дерево с тех пор стало желтеть, с о х н у т ь [1*] – (All probed, nowhere he is, only the apples are bitten off lying around. And the tree since then has been getting yellow, s o k h n e t).

In a figurative sense, this word is used in the meaning "to dry up from longing" [6**, p.

653]:

А что за охота с о х н у т ь-то! Хоть умирай с тоски. Пожалеют, что ль, тебя!

Как же, дожидайся – (And what a hunt with s o k h n u t-t o! At least die of boredom. They'll be sorry for you! Why, wait for)!

In the vernacular, the verb "sokhnut’" means "to suffer from love for someone" [6**, p.

653]:

Чудаки, неужели они думают, что я всю жизнь буду с о х н у т ь по Галке? [1*] –

(Cranks, do they think I'm going to s o k h n u t’ for Galka all my life)?

However, the jargon dictionary gives the following definition of the verb we are analyzing: "to hide under someone else's name":

Он несколько лет с о х от ментов, а когда умер, так и похоронили под чужой фа-

милией…[3**, p. 546] – (He s o k h for a few years from the cops, and when he died, he was buried under a false name...).

This usage of a well-known verbal lexeme can be presented as an example of an absolutely complete loss of connection between the signified and the signifier.

Conclusion.

The analyzed material clearly demonstrates the possibility of converting one type of language sign into another one. In our case, a sign that has a "secondary" iconic characteristic into a sign that is very symbolic. As the examples show, the important role in this process is played by slang speech, which allows you to use initially motivated words as conditional symbols that are understandable only to members of a particular social group of people.

So, these examples show that the transformation of "secondary" iconic signs (motivated derivative words) into signs-symbols occurs at the moment when the word passes from one social environment to another. The words of some slangs are moved to the sphere of other slangs. The jargon of medical workers and police officers is mixed with criminal jargon due to the specifics of their professions. The same words become surrounded with new and new meanings, while losing their original characteristic. Secret language requires symbolism. This requirement is met by the trend towards innovation, which leads to the change in the status of the language sign.

While the human mind strives to understand the reasons why an object is named in this way, the language sign itself moves towards non-motivation. To trace the transition of lexemes that have a "secondary" iconicity into signs-symbols on the material of other European languages may become further task of research.

References

[1] Pirs Ch.S. Uchenie o znakah / CH.S. Pirs // Izbrannye filosofskie proizvedeniya. Perevod s angl. / Perevod K.Golubovich, K. Chuhrukidze, T. Dmitrieva. M.: Logos, 2000. – S. 176 – 233. [2] Sossyur Ferdinand de. Kurs obshchej lingvistiki (Izvlecheniya) / F. de Sossyur //

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Istoriya yazykoznaniya XIX – XX vekov v ocherkah i izvlecheniyah. Chast' 1. – Moskva: Izdatel'stvo «Prosveshchenie», 1964. – S. 361 – 411.

[3]Yakobson R.O. V poiskah sushchnosti yazyka / R.O. YAkobson // Semiotika. Moskva: Raduga, 1983. – S. 102 – 117.

[4]Kubryakova E. S. Yazyk i znanie: Na puti polucheniya znanij v yazyke: chasti rechi s kognitivnoj tochki zreniya. Rol' yazyka v poznanii mira / E. S. Kubryakova. – Moskva: Yazyki slavyanskoj kul'tury, 2004. – 560 s.

[5]Toropcev I. S. Yazyk i rech' / I. S. Toropcev. – Voronezh.: Voronezhskij gosudarstvennyj universitet, 1985. – 199 s.

[6]Babushkin A.P. Tipy yazykovyh znakov v semioticheskom aspekte / A.P. Babushkin

//Voprosy kognitivnoj lingvistiki, 2005. – №2. – S. 5 – 11.

[7]Shor R.O. Yazyk i obshchestvo / R.O. SHor; predisl. prof. V.M. Alpatova. – 3-e izd., ispr. i dop. – Moskva: Knizhnyj dom «LIBROKOM», 2010 – 160 s.

[8]Zhdanova T.A. Yazykovye sredstva reprezentacii koncepta «orudiya truda» / T.A.

Zhdanova // Nauchnyj vestnik Voronezhskogo gosudarstvennogo arhitekturno-stroitel'nogo universiteta. Seriya: Sovremennye lingvisticheskie i metodiko-didakticheskie issledovaniya. Vypusk 18, 2012. – S. 79–89.

[9]Kul'tura russkoj rechi: Uchebnik dlya vuzov / Pod red. prof. L.K. Graudinoj i prof. E.N. Shiryaeva. – M.: Izdatel'stvo NORMA, 2000. – 560 s.

Analyzed sources

[1*] Nacional'nyj korpus russkogo yazyka, URL: http://ruscorpora.ru/search-main.html/ (vremya obrashcheniya – 21.12.2019).

[2*] Novoe v russkoj leksike. Slovarnye materialy – 81 / AN SSSR, In-t rus. yaz. Pod red [i s predisl.] N.Z. Kotelovoj. – M.: Russkij yazyk, 1986. – 288 s.

[3*] Novye slova i znacheniya. Slovar'-spravochnik po materialam pressy i literatury 90- h godov XX veka: v 2 t./ Institut lingvisticheskih issledovanij RAN. – SPb.: DMITRIJ BULANIN, 2009. T.1. – 813 s.

[4*] Novye slova i znacheniya. Slovar'-spravochnik po materialam pressy i literatury 60- h godov / Pod red. [i s predisl.] N.Z. Kotelovoj i YU.S. Sorokina. Izd. 2-e, stereotip. – M.: Sovetskaya enciklopediya, 1973. – 543 s.

Dictionaries used

[1**] Bol'shoj tolkovyj slovar' russkogo yazyka / [pod red. S. A. Kuznecova]. – SanktPeterburg: Norint, 1998. – 1536 s.

[2**] Elistratov V. S. Tolkovyj slovar' russkogo slenga: sv. 12 000 slov i vyrazhenij, argo, kinemalogos, zhargony / V. S. Elistratov. – Moskva: AST-PRESS KNIGA, 2007. – 668 s. http://www.gramota.ru (vremya obrashcheniya – 12.11.2019).

[3**] Grachev M. A. Tolkovyj slovar' russkogo zhargona. Seriya «Slovarnaya klassika» / M. A. Grachev. – Moskva: YUNVES, 2006. – 704 s.

[4**] Chernyh P. Ya. Istoriko-etimologicheskij slovar' sovremennogo russkogo yazyka: v 2 t. / P. YA. Chernyh. – 3-e izd., stereotip. – Moskva: Russkij yazyk, 1999. – T. 1. – 624 s.

[5**] Fasmer M. Etimologicheskij slovar' russkogo yazyka. V 4-h t. / M. Fasmer. – [Per. s nem. i dop. O. N. Trubachyova]. – 2-e izd., ster. – Moskva: Progress, 1986. T. 1 (A – D). – 576 s.

[6**] Ozhegov S. I. Slovar' russkogo yazyka: Ok. 57 000 slov/ [pod red. N. YU. SHvedovoj]. – 18-e izd., stereotip. – Moskva: Russkij yazyk, 1986. – 797 s.

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