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210

Far-Flung Networks

CONCLUSIONS

So how can we explain this mix and interplay of Chalcolithic traditions that stretched from the northern Caucasus to the Syro-Mesopotamian foothills?We have three distinctly recognisable traditions – Maikop, ChaffFaced Ware, and Sioni – emphasising the multicultural character of this period. Although their geographical borders were fluid and porous, they can nonetheless be associated with distinct cultural provinces. Maikop spreads across the Kuban region of the north Caucasian piedmont, while in the southern part of south Caucasia we find a concentration of Chaff-Faced Ware and the Ubaid-related tradition.The Sioni assemblage is at home in the central region of south Caucasia and along the middle Araxes Valley.

The most striking characteristic in both regions is the emergence of social inequality. In the northern region it is represented by the material wealth of the Maikop barrows. Copious quantities of precious metal items and semiprecious stones point to an authority that had the clout to access distant resources reaching from Mesopotamia to central Asia. Even mundane items like pottery point to connections further south, though the Maikop potters adapted the elements of the Chaff-Faced horizon. In the late phase, the Novosvobodnaia, when megalithic structures were used as burial architecture, cultural interaction extended north to the steppe region. That interplay occurred is beyond doubt; what remains to be determined is its nature and scale.

Communities in the southern Caucasus shared traits with their northern neighbours, also embracing a fledgling elite ideology, but on the whole took new social and economic trajectories at the beginning of the fifth millennium BC. The consumption of metals, for instance, did not develop uniformly, with the first half of the fourth millennium showing a much greater appetite for metalworking than did the second half of that millennium.220 Only in the third millennium did communities truly engage with metallurgy once more.

The cellular villages of the Neolithic, clustered on the low-lying plains, gave way to small settlements dispersed over a much wider area and at a range of altitudes. These Early Chalcolithic villages, represented largely by pits and the occasional semi-dugout dwelling, could be interpreted as more temporary in nature than their predecessors, though we need to be cautious, given the lack of detailed information on their economy.While their subsistence strategies appear to have been predominately pastoral, with a large complement of hunted animals suggesting a degree of risk management, we nonetheless have

220 Stöllner 2016.

Conclusions

211

emerging evidence that the Sioni communities were farmers, too. That sites are now spread over a diverse range of environments may also reflect the way communities dealt with risk in an unpredictable but potentially productive environment. It now seems that communities had to travel further than before to access resources.

By the Late Chalcolithic, agricultural communities with well-planned villages comprised of multi-roomed buildings spread across much of southern Caucasia. Links to northern Mesopotamia are apparent in on several levels. In addition to architecture, in particular the temple at Berikldeebi, southern connections are attested at the settlement of Böyük Kesik, in the kurgans at Soyuq Bulaq in Azerbaijan, which show a ritual of exposure of the dead, in infant jar burials, and in the pre-Kura-Araxes kurgan at Kavitskhevi. These Chalcolithic connections between Mesopotamia and the Caucasus have been explained as either ‘pre-Uruk’ colonisation, or as the tangible remains of a trading network.221

Within the cultural mix of northern and southern Caucasus there was a degree of hybridity.Whereas each tradition has its own distinctive traits, there is also evidence that these traditions influenced each other to a degree. The Chaff-Faced tradition of the southern Caucasus, for instance, is undeniably linked to that in Upper Mesopotamia, but it is not a slavish replica. Instead, the varying economic systems that differentiated the Caucasus from Mesopotamia, and the influences of the Late Sioni and early Kura-Araxes (Chapter 5) traditions, gave the Chaff-Faced tradition of the southern Caucasia its own character. Even so, we can now delineate a Chaff-Faced cultural province (an oikoumene) stretching across the highlands east of the Euphrates and incorporating the northern stretches of Mesopotamia.

Another instance of the mixing of elements is the late example of Sioni pottery, normally with a gritty fabric, which by the mid-fourth millennium BC included a good amount of chaff temper. In addition, some sites have clear evidence of co-existence, and the degree of representation of one or more traditions is generally determined by geographical location. In the southern part of Caucasia, for instance, Chaff-Faced Ware is the main tradition, although it is often found in association with Sioni ceramics. A view that is gaining traction places these cultural interactions within a network of metal trafficking. Just as obsidian was probably the primary resource exploited in Halaf and early Ubaid periods, the quest for metal ores appears to have fuelled this new wave of interconnections.222 South-eastern Europe

221For colonisation see, Akhundov 2007; Andreeva 1977; the other view is expressed by Lyonnet 2007a; Marro 2008.

222Muhly 2011: 861–6.

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Far-Flung Networks

petered out as a metallurgical centre around the end of the fifth millennium BC, a few centuries before the emergence of the Kuban region as a major metalworking node.223 This may not have been a coincidence, and has led to the idea that the centre of gravity in metalworking shifted from the so-called Carpatho-Balkan Metallurgical Province to the Circumpontic Metallurgical Province.224 There is certainly merit in this view.

223Kohl 2007.

224Chernykh 1992; Kohl 2007; Lyonnet 2007b.

CHAPTER 5

ENCOUNTERS BEYOND THE CAUCASUS : THE KURA - ARAXES CULTURE AND THE EARLY BRONZE AGE (350 0 – 240 0 BC)

A family feels exactly like an archipelago, separate but part of a whole and always drifting slowly apart.

(Matt King, The Descendants)

The musings of Matt King (George Clooney), the Honolulu-based lawyer in the film The Descendants, provide an apt metaphor both for a family and for the Kura-Araxes oikoumene – a vast culture province displaying unmistakable unity in portable material culture and aspects of domesticity, yet containing separate regional particularities that changed through time and across an extensive area north and east of Mesopotamia. These two faces of the Kura-Araxes – similarity and diversity – still pose a challenge for researchers.

The Kura-Araxes archaeological culture represents the remains of village communities of stockbreeders and farmers that in terms of social complexity may be best described as heterarchical. There is no evidence of rigid hierarchy or political centralisation. Instead, we have communities whose decision-making processes were collective and based on horizontal kinship networks. Emerging from the fuzziness of the Late Chalcolithic around 3500 BC, these south Caucasian groups stamped the following millennium with an imprint entirely their own.There are, of course, in reality no such things as separate periods, because one merges directly into the next, usually without a definite point of transition. But if ever the distinction between two periods denoted by convenient labels of this kind may be regarded as justified, it was now, when the Chalcolithic lifestyle was gradually ending and the Early Bronze Age, defined by the Kura-Araxes complex, was about to take shape.

Although the Kura-Araxes tradition lacks the monumentality and material richness of subsequent complexes, no other prehistoric archaeological culture of the southern Caucasus has captured the attention and imagination of

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Encounters Beyond the Caucasus

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Figure 5.1. Map showing the full extent of the Kura-Araxes complex, as well as its heartland, compared to the geographical spread of the Uruk horizon (drawn by C. Jayasuriya).

archaeologists with quite the force of the Kura-Araxes ‘phenomenon’.There are three reasons for this attraction.

In the first instance, we are at once confronted with the great expanse of its geographical distribution, reaching well beyond the Kura-Araxes interfluve to which we can trace its roots. Variations of the tradition can be followed southward along the arc of the Taurus and Zagros Mountains, spreading down to the Amuq Plain on one side, and the Urmia basin through Godin Tepe to the Kangavar Plain on the other. Recent fieldwork in the areas south of the Caspian Sea down as far as the outskirts of Tehran and well beyond have added more sites to the culture province (Figure 5.1).This spread begs the question of what the reasons and stimuli were that prompted this diaspora. Second, there is the tradition’s longevity, puzzling as it is intriguing.With early manifestations evident around the mid-fourth millennium BC, the tradition continued to evolve for at least a millennium in most regions.

The third characteristic of the Kura-Araxes is its cultural ‘package’, a distinctive set of recurring traits, including a formalised use of domestic space fitted with standard elements such as hearths and benches; distinctive handmade pottery, often bearing regionally specific ornamentation and surface treatments; ceramic horned animal figurines; and a limited set of metal and stone items.1

1 Sagona and Zimansky 2009: 163–4.

Encounters Beyond the Caucasus

215

This tenacious adherence to certain fundamental elements of material culture and an orthodox pattern of domesticity was a conscious attempt to preserve a common social identity.2 This form of cultural and social organisation stands in sharp contrast to the tradition’s contemporary neighbours in the fourth millennium BC – the hierarchical Uruk societies of Mesopotamia and the Maikop culture province of the northern Caucasus. Although these two communities were markedly different in character – one urban and based on irrigated agriculture and specialised animal husbandry, the other favouring temporary settlements and mobility – each reflected strong vertical social organisation.3

Despite standardised traits, the greater Kura-Araxes culture province also exhibits a high degree of regionalism, especially in house forms and burial types, aspects that, to my mind, reflect multi-ethnicity. Indeed, it is this display of both homogeneity and heterogeneity in its material culture, a relationship that points to complex hybrid identities rigorously accepting shared values and beliefs, that has prompted some to ask what exactly the Kura-Araxes tradition represents.4 The picture is further complicated by the strong perception that certain Kura-Araxes communities were highly proficient stockbreeders, who practised transhumance on a regular basis.These mobile pastoral communities, somewhat clannish in their attempts to preserve cultural cohesion, spreading and occupying vast tracts of mountainous territories, have thus engendered a sense of curiosity amongst scholars.

Before we examine these and other pertinent matters, let us remember that the term Kura-Araxes (or even Kura-Araks) is one of several used. Coined by Boris Kuftin to emphasise the heartland of the tradition, between the valleys of the rivers Kura and Araxes, Soviet archaeologists preferred it and local researchers in the Caucasus continue to use it.5 A variation of this is the Kura-Araxes Cultural Community.6 Another collective designation is EarlyTrans-Caucasian (ETC), which has the advantage of emphasising the greater south Caucasian region, but like most terms falls short of precision.7 Other descriptors are regional-, period-, or site-specific. Some are quite anachronistic, or simply

2 Smith (2015: 97–126) provides a very useful account of Kura-Araxes materiality as an expression of political, social and ritual ideology.

3 Palumbi 2016.

4 Smith 2005: 258.

5Kuftin 1940, 1941: 114, 1944b. It should be noted that Baiburtian (1938) was also working towards a definition of the black and red ceramics before Kuftin. This was based mainly on his excavations at Shengavit, which formed the basis of his PhD dissertation. But his untimely death in a Gulag camp precluded the defence of his thesis, scheduled in 1939 (Baiburtian was arrested shortly before), and the proper dissemination of his

 

ideas. His main work was published posthumously (2011). I would like to thank Viktor

 

Trifonov for filling me on the details of Baiburtian’s arrest and transfer to the Gulag

 

camp. Chubinishvili (1963) produced the first synthesis on the Kura-Araxes complex.

6

Kohl 2007: 91–125.

7

Burney and Lang 1971: 44.