55. The Movement of "Jadidism". The reasons, key figures and the effects of the phenomenon of Jadidism.

The term "Jadidism" genetically linked with the concept of "ysul and-Jadid" (the "new method") that arose in the course of formation "new method " education system in Tatar (originally - the Crimean Tatars).

Jadidism as a new socio-political, reform movement in Central Asia and Kazakhstan occurred at the beginning of XX century under the strong influence of the revolution of 1905 in Russia and revolution in Turkey, Iran, India of 1908-1913. Although for occurring jadidism some ground was prepared in the second half of the XIX century as a result of activity of such educators as Danish Ahmad (1827-1897), Furkat (1858-1909), Mukimi (1850-1903), Abay (1845-1904) and others. From the very beginning the Jadids were aimed to the reform of the traditional system of education of Muslim religious school, establishing new-method schools, publishing, theatre, social, and political and cultural institutions, which, under their influence, were turning into a powerful ideological weapon in the struggle against economical, moral, and political backwardness of the peoples of Turkestan more and more. They were eager to study the experience and progress of the other people of the world, especially the best practices of the Muslim reformers of the Crimea, the Volga Region, the Transcaucasia, Turkey, and Iran, who had already became aware of the progressive social and political, spiritual and cultural life of Europe. The main merit of the Jadids of Turkestan consists in the fact that they were the first to ground political arguments of the national liberation movement against Russian colonialism. The national elite of Turkestan discredited the ‘legitimacy’ of the colonial form of government, and later it served as the basis of a powerful political movement.

56. The Kazakh national intellectuals. A.Bukeyhanov.

57. The collectivization in Kazakhstan, reasons and consequences.

Collectivization in the Soviet Union was a policy pursued under Stalin between 1928 and 1940.The goal of this policy was to consolidate individual land and labor into collective farms. The sweeping collectivization often involved tremendous human and social costs while the issue of economic advantages of collective farms remains largely undecided.  Despite the initial plans, collectivization, accompanied by the bad harvest of 1932–1933, did not live up to expectations. The CPSU blamed problems  on kulaks (prosperous peasants), who were organizing resistance to collectivization.Between 1929 and 1932 there was a massive fall in agricultural production and famine in the countryside. Stalin blamed the well-to-do peasants, referred to as 'kulaks', who he said had sabotaged grain collection and resolved to eliminate them as a class.  Collectivization could only be achieved if the settlement of the Kazakh nomads occurred simultaneously.  More than 1.5 million Kazakhs died during the 1930s and nearly 80 percent of the herd was destroyed between 1928 and 1932.  The traditional stock-raising economy of the Kazakh society was exposed to destruction with the collectivization campaign, that led to the expropriation of a large amount of cattle, which was the basic food source.  By the 1933 in Kazakhstan there were about 4,5 mln heads of cattle instead of 40,5 mln at the eve of collectivization.

58. Abay Qunanbayev, a great Kazakh thinker and educator. Abay`s words of edification.

59. Economic, social and political developments during “stagnation period”. Causes and impact on the Soviet Kazakhstan.

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60.Uprising in Kazakhstan in 1916, causes and consequences.

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61. The cultural policy of 1920-1930s in Kazakhstan.

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62. The main battles in the Great Patriotic War (1941-1945). The heroes of Kazakhstan in the Great Patriotic War.

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63. Kazakhstan during the Civil War 1918 - 1920. Alash Orda during the Civil War.

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64. The Soviet government's policy in Kazakhstan in the field of education in the 1920-1930s.

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65. The Soviet ideology and its consequences on Kazakhstan. (Bolshevik totalitarianism, Stalin's repressions, etc.).

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66. Role of D.Qonayev in the history of Kazakhstan.

Kunayev, the son of a Kazakh clerk, grew up in a middle-income family. He graduated from the Institute of Non-Ferrous and Fine Metallurgy in Moscow in 1936, which enabled him to become a machine operator. Kunayev was deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR from 1942 to 1952. In 1947, 1951, 1955 and 1959 he also was a deputy in the Kazakh SSR Supreme Soviet. Kunayev's rise in Communist Party ranks had been closely tied to that of Leonid Brezhnev's. Khrushchev appointed Panteleymon Ponomarenko as the first secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, and Leonid Brezhnev as the second secretary, in February 1954. Soon, Kunayev and Brezhnev developed a close friendship which lasted until the death of Brezhnev. Brezhnev became the first secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan in 1955 and a member of CPSU Politburo in 1956. When Brezhnev left Kazakhstan in 1956, I. Iakovlev became the First Secretary of the Kazakh Communist Party. Kunayev had to wait until 1960 to attain the post. In 1962 he was dismissed from his position as he disagreed with Khrushchev's plans to incorporate some lands in Southern Kazakhstan to Uzbekistan. Ismail Yusupov, a supporter of the plan replaced Kunayev. He became first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Kazakhstan again in 1964 when Khrushchev was ousted and replaced by Brezhnev. He kept his position for twenty-two more years. He was an alternate member of the Politburo from 1967, and a full member from 1971 to 1987. On December 16, 1986 Soviet Politburo replaced him with Gennady Kolbin, who had never lived in the Kazakh SSR before. This provoked street riots in Almaty, which were the first signs of ethnic strife during Gorbachev's tenure. Kunayev was awarded the Gold Star of Hero of Socialist Labour three times. He spent the last years of his life in charitable activity, establishing the 'Dinmukhamed Kunayev Foundation', one of whose purposes was the support of political reform in Kazakhstan. An institute and avenue in Almaty have been named after him as well as an avenue in downtown Astana.