13.The specificity of non-verbal communication: cultural differences in the use of space.

Non-verbal communication might be thought of as any form of communi­cation which is not directly dependent on the use of language. Generally speaking, however, it is very difficult to know where to separate verbal and non-verbal forms of communication. Such non-verbal aspects of communi­cation as nodding the head most often accompany speech and are part and parcel of the verbal system of language use.

One study done in the United States showed that in the communica­tion of attitudes, 93 percent of the message was transmitted by the tone of the voice and by facial expressions, whereas only 7 percent of the speaker's attitude was transmitted by words. Apparently, we express our emotions and attitudes more nonverbally than verbally.

We realize that much communication also takes place without the use of words. The way a person dresses for a meeting may suggest to other participants how he or she is prepared to participate in it. In fact, we can use virtually any aspect of our behavior or our presentation which others can perceive as a means of communication. This would in­clude our posture, our movements, our attire, our use of space, and our use of time. All of these have been considered by researchers in their studies of non-verbal communication.

A German fable tells this story. On a winter night, the porcupines gathered together to socialize. Because of the cold, they moved closer together for warmth, but this caused them to prick each other with their quills. So they moved farther apart, but then they became cold again. They continued to adjust themselves, until they found the optimum distance to be both warm and comfortable. That distance became known as "good manners."

Cultural differences in the use of space are a constant source of mis­understanding and confusion in preparing the settings for discourse. In traditional Japanese and Korean rooms, one leaves shoes at the door and sits on the floor at small, low tables. Chinese rooms use chairs and higher tables. Japanese and Korean rooms seem almost empty. This is because objects such as tables, cushions, or bedding not currently in use will be stored behind cupboard doors out of sight. Chinese rooms seem much fuller. In this comparison, Chinese rooms will seem more familiar to westerners, who are also accustomed to sitting in chairs at higher tables.

Differences will, nevertheless, be found between the western placement of furniture such as chairs and tables and the corresponding Chinese place­ment. A Chinese room will often have two chairs placed side by side with a small table between them. Two people who are to talk to each other will thus sit side by side rather than across from each other, as would be more commonly practiced in a western conversation. It is an interesting twist of contemporary technology and social practice that because of television many westerners are now adopting a pattern which in some ways is similar to the Chinese practice. Because television now often forms a focal point for western casual conversation, conversationalists often sit side by side looking at or toward the television set when they talk.

There are, of course, many other aspects of proxemics which might be considered in intercultural communication. One of these, however, is of recurring importance in preparing settings for intercultural communication, and that is the concept of personal space. It was clearly demonstrated some years ago (Hall 1959) that each person has a "bubble" of space in which he or she moves and in which he or she feels comfortable. Intrusions into that space are acceptable only under circumstances of intimate contact. Outside of that space is a second "bubble" of space in which normal interpersonal contacts take place. Then outside of that is a third "bubble" of public space.

People from reactive and linear-active cultures are generally uncomfortable when their "space bubble" is invaded by excitable multi-actives. They regard the space within 1.2 meters of their body as inviolable territory for strangers, with a smaller bubble of 0.5 meters for close friends and relatives.

Edward T. Hall, who first described these spaces (1959, 1969), points out that these spheres of space are one aspect of culture which comes into play in intercultural communication. One culture, that of Mexicans for example, will have a slightly smaller sphere of intimate space than another culture, such as that of North Americans. The result of this difference, which can be measured in just a few inches, is that when a North American and a Mexican stand together to converse, the Mexican will nudge slightly closer to the North American in order to get at the right distance for comfortable interpersonal discourse. The North American, who has a slightly larger intimate sphere, will feel that the Mexican is invading his or her intimate space and will, therefore, step back an inch or two. This will make the Mexican feel uncomfortable be­cause he or she will feel too distant and, therefore, he or she will move closer.

The net result of these cultural differences in intimate and personal spaces is that, where norms are different, you will find the person with the smaller sphere constantly moving closer to the other, and that other person constantly moving back a bit to increase the space. These two conversation­alists will create a kind of dance in which they will move across a consid­erable amount of space in the course of a brief conversation. If the space is crowded with other people, they will end up moving around and around in a circle while each person tries to find a comfortable position.

Westerners visiting Asia for the first time often notice this sort of proxemic problem. Generally speaking, Asians have a smaller sphere of personal space than westerners, with Americans at one extreme and Mediterraneans coming much closer to the Asian norm. Asians in North America will experience the opposite feeling, of people being quite distant from them.

This difference leads quite naturally to westerners having a very different experience of Asian city life than Asians themselves have. While such places as central Taipei, the Mongkok district of Hong Kong, or Namdaemun Market in Seoul are among the most densely packed places on earth, the physical crowding is not experienced in the same way by everyone. It depends on the person's expectations of personal space, and those expecta­tions depend, in part, on how space is used in that person's culture.

Thus, the use of space to communicate can be broken down into three categories.

Fixed-feature space. Fixed-feature space tells us what we do, where and how. We know what behavior is appropriate in a dining room, in a bed­room, in a ballroom, or in a church. People wrest and defend space and use space to indicate status or rank by the amount or location of their territory. The use of space reflects the centralization of modern French culture. Streets of cities radiate out like wheel spokes from the cen­ter—just look at a map of Paris. The French use public space, like sidewalk cafes, to socialize.

Semifixed-feature space. Semifixed-feature space extends this func­tion to movable objects. Some cultures easily move furniture, and others do not. One German executive working in the United States actually had the visitor's chair in his office bolted to the floor because it so greatly disturbed him to have a visitor reposition the chair when sitting down in front of his desk. In France, subordinates' desks cluster around their manager's central desk. Germans keep the doors in their offices and homes closed. Privacy and property are sacred. Rank or status can be communicated by placement of tables, seating, and so on.

The quickest way not to be invited back into a French home is to go wan­dering around through the rooms. The doors to the bedrooms—and espe­cially the bathroom—are kept closed and mean keep out. However, in an office in France, a closed door does not mean a "closed door policy." It only means that you have to open it to go in. North Americans working in France are astonished when they close an office door for privacy to reprimand or fire a person, only to have Monsieur Dumont or Madame Bertrand walk right in.

Informal space. Informal space includes the distance maintained in in­terpersonal encounters, which varies culturally.

Waiting in line for service of some sort is an experience common to most people. Line-jumping in France pushes a sensitive button for most British and North Americans. While it is inconvenient to those who are waiting, the French may secretly admire the daring of the loner who cuts in at the front of the line. Think of all the world-class French explorers, avi­ators, mountain climbers and deep sea divers.

The English are strict about lines and will wait a long time. It is said that a study was done to see just how far one could push the English and still have them respect their rules for waiting in line. In a public place two phone booths were labeled, one for men and one for women. By circumstance, a line formed at the women's booth, where people were waiting some twenty minutes to use the phone. One woman joined the line briefly, and then walked over to the men's booth, used the phone, and came out. Observers for the study approached her and asked what made her decide to leave the line for the women's booth and use the men's booth. She replied, "I'm French. I don't wait in line. These English are crazy."

At a motor vehicle licensing office in the United States, there was the usual long line of people waiting for their picture to be taken for their driv­ers' licenses. An Armenian woman standing in line stepped forward for her turn and signaled four other people to join her. She was told that she could not hold extra places. Disappointed, the rest of her family went to the end of the line to again wait, but this time standing in line. In our country, holding places in line is acceptable. But North Americans are strict about their rules for lines. Democracy and efficiency rule that "first come, first served."

A North American who lived in Colombia for thirty years commented that on repatriating to the United States after so long, she found that she was no longer accustomed to the use of space in local supermarkets. In Colom­bia one has to be very aggressive in such activities as getting merchandise and maintaining a place in line. She found that she kept running into people in the aisles and in lines with her cart until she readjusted to the different use of space and timing.

Americans are particular about rules for standing in line. As children, they learn that no one can cut in, that each person must wait in line, and "first come, first served." No one has special priv­ileges. Ideas about the correct way to line up exemplify values of democracy and efficiency.

• Many new immigrants don't understand the American rules for standing in line. For situations that require lines, an appointment-only system can be used to avoid lining-up problems.