
- •Rome and britain
- •In Rome, the authorities looked to rely on a system whereby the
- •Into effect. As we have noted, Julius Caesar saw the empire as
- •Increasingly similar to the legions, and Hadrian (ad 117–138)
- •Increased (and increasing) bureaucracy, though no dramatic
- •Indication of how it might be done.
- •The later years
- •In Britain not as an event, but as a process, extending over a
- •Internal to the empire – the political ‘muscle-flexing’ of the army,
- •Irregular oval encompassing a small hill-top. Some had bastions
- •It is often suggested that the second half of the third century
- •Villas reach a previously unknown level of development and opulence
- •It may be that it was due to changing military arrangements
- •In the west were maintained by coastal shipping; the
- •It is possible that the two separate commands given earlier in
- •In development and refurbishment, and much of what money
- •It is important that we divest ourselves of older notions of
- •View of Romano–British culture giving way in the face of a
Irregular oval encompassing a small hill-top. Some had bastions
all around their wall-circuits, whilst at others bastions were
restricted to the corners; bastions were sometimes rounded and
sometimes polygonal. Corners were now usually angular, rather
than rounded. The lack of certainty with respect to internal arrangements makes it difficult to know how such forts were
manned. Did they contain soldiers alone, or soldiers and civilians?
What size of garrison did they contain? One suggestion is that the
Legion II Augusta was based at Richborough and its troops
deployed in small groups to the other forts of the Saxon Shore
system. It must have been the intention of the system to repel, or
at least to regulate, raiding; most raiders will probably have
wanted to settle in Britain, since wanton vandalism was probably
only seldom the motive behind the raiding.
It is often suggested that the second half of the third century
represented a low ebb in the economic fortunes of Roman Britain;
this is based particularly on the evident lack of upkeep in some
towns and the appearance of cultivation within towns. It is likely
that the economic and political crises of the middle of the century
and the subsequent efforts to correct them brought hardship in
their train. Similarly, the walling of towns, which probably
started at this time, will have been a substantial new financial
burden on those responsible for their upkeep. Such pressures may
have forced some civic leaders to try to disengage from civic burdens
which they could no longer afford to carry – either by cutting down on the amount of service they provided and by
attempting to increase their own income, or by leaving the towns.
Indeed, it has been suggested that Saxon settlers may have been
put to work in the building of town walls, receiving land inside
the towns in return for this. However, despite the problems, there
is no reason to believe that the important relationship between
town and countryside deteriorated fatally; indeed, by early in the
fourth century, imperial panegyrists were singing a song of
British rural prosperity.
Diocletian’s reforms of the empire’s government and their
application to Britain have been described above. In some senses –
particularly with respect to internal changes in Britain – they
probably introduced a welcome new feeling of stability, both in
military defence and in civilian administration; the governmental
changes themselves, however, were too rigid, and could not be
maintained beyond the ‘first generation’. Although Constantine I
managed briefly to unify the empire’s government, the fourth
century soon saw a return to rivalry at the top, with a resurgence
of difficulties for those trying to maintain territorial integrity in
the provinces. At such a time, Britain plainly benefited from its
position, and the first half of the fourth century probably witnessed
the greatest material prosperity so far. Not only did some
Villas reach a previously unknown level of development and opulence
but, less dramatically, some ‘Iron-Age’ farms appear to have
become Romanised as ‘cottage-farms’ for the first time. Particular
success appears to have attended the sheep-farmers of the west
country; this manifested itself in the appointment of a procurator
of weaving at Winchester, in large villas (such as at Chedworth
and Woodchester) and in the striking urban success of Cirencester.
Not only this, but the loss of mining facilities at some sites on the
Continent brought a new need for British resources; for example,
tin-mining in Cornwall was resurrected after an apparent lapse
during the earlier Roman period.
One of the most dramatic changes that affected the empire in
the late third and early fourth centuries were the reforms of the
army structure initiated by Diocletian and Constantine.
Although many of the older units remained in being, the use that
was made of them changed radically. Two separate types of force
were created – mobile field armies (comitatenses) and border troops (limitanei). The former contained the ‘more valuable’ troops, particularly
legionaries and auxiliary cavalry, whilst the latter were
thought of as ‘second rate’, consisting of the remainder of legionaries
and auxiliaries, together with most of the irregulars. The
limitanei, as their title suggests, were to be found on the frontiers
and in their hinterlands, although there is little certainty about
the individual sizes of units attached to individual forts. The
mobile field armies were kept with the four imperial figures, protecting
them and ready to be deployed into their areas of
responsibility. Under Diocletian’s arrangements, the field army
relevant to Britain was with Constantius Chlorus in Gaul.