Pels D. - Property and Power in Social Theory[c] A Study in Intellectual Rivalry (1998)(en)

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without a knowledge of the facts that preceded them in time (and with which they are linked dialectically), but also because of the points of contact which, in spite of everything, remain. That which, to its advantage, distinguishes Italian Fascism from German National Socialism, is its painful passage through the purgatory of the socialist system, with its impressive heritage of scientific and philosophical thought from Saint-Simon through Marx and Sorel.

(cit. Gregor 1979a:1)

Leading thinkers of the ‘Conservative Revolution’ in Weimar Germany chose to picture their indebtedness to Marxist thought in more agonistic terms. Moeller van den Bruck, author of the prophetic Das dritte Reich (1923), claimed to counter internationalist, democratic, and proletarian socialism by a truly ‘German’ socialism which was to be nationalist, elitist, and authoritarian in inspiration. It would ‘begin where Marxism ended’ in order to eliminate all traces of liberalism in the spiritual history of humankind (Sontheimer 1978: 276; Schüddekopf 1972:35). Hans Freyer, well-known sociologist and author of the influential pamphlet Revolution von Rechts, suggested that the very demise of the revolution of the left was presently creating room for a revolution from the right; this völkische revolution, directed by the state as its consciousness and organizational vanguard, would finally emancipate the state from its centurylong entwinement in societal interests (Freyer 1931:55, 61). In the preface to his synoptic pro-Nazi work Deutscher Sozialismus, Werner Sombart, while recommending an intimate knowledge of Marxism as an ‘ineluctable demand’ for any participant in politics, considered it his duty ‘to direct the apparently strong forces that work for a completion of the national socialist idea in its socialist aspect’ (1934:xiii, xvi).

In Weimar Germany, as in France and Italy before the First World War, revolutionary conservatism thus partly developed through a critical confrontation with and digestion of Marxist socialism, which one way or the other counted among the most significant cultural roots of fascist ideology. From this viewpoint, fascism can be truthfully described as socialism’s ‘dark side’ (Pels 1993b). Anticipated by Burnham (1945) and Hayek (1944:124ff.), this thesis about the peculiar parentage between Marxism and fascism is encountered in contemporary historical disputes with different shades of emphasis. For Nolte, fascism represents a radical counter-ideology which in its ‘hostile proximity’ remains deeply indebted to its polar opposite. In his familiar definition, fascism is

anti-Marxism which seeks to destroy the enemy by the evolvement of a radically opposed and yet related ideology, and by the use of almost identical and yet typically modified methods, always however, within the unyielding framework of national selfassertion and autonomy.

(1965:40)

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For Gregor (1969; 1979a,b), fascism represents not so much a reversal of Marxism as a radical heresy emerging from crisis-ridden classical Marxism, which ‘was sufficiently vague and porous to accommodate all the theoretical elements later put together by Mussolini and the first Fascists to fashion their revolutionary ideology’. Young Mussolini, like many others in his political environment, was a Marxist intellectual heretic who should be taken seriously in that capacity; indeed, fascism itself should be taken seriously as ‘a variant of classical Marxism’ rather than as its metaphysical opposite (Gregor 1979a:xi).

Sternhell has carved out a position which interestingly mediates between the opposite exaggerations of Nolte and Gregor. In his conception, fascism neither constitutes the ‘long shadow’ or mirror image of Marxism, nor can it be simply seen as one of its heretical branches. The ‘fascist equation’ instead emerges from the synthesis of a specific anti-rationalist and anti-materialist revision of Marxism (the anarcho-syndicalist school of Sorel, Lagardelle, Michels, and Berth) and of a newly developed ‘integral’ and revolutionary nationalism, elaborated in France by Barrès, Maurras, and Valois and in Italy by former syndicalists such as Labriola, Panunzio, Corradini, Michels, and Mussolini. In this respect, a revision of Marxism in a revolutionary syndicalist direction (or a ‘revolutionary revisionism’, as Michels termed it) formed at least one of the two crucial tributaries to ideological fascism (Sternhell 1986; Sternhell et al. 1994). This ‘revolutionary revisionism’ considered itself anti-bourgeois, antiparliamentarian, and anti-party, glorifying in a revolutionary spirit of combat without privileging the proletariat as world-historical actor. It embraced socialism less as an outcome of objectively determined economic revindication than as a matter of ethical choice, and it squarely acknowledged the ‘authoritarian’ fact of leadership by political intellectuals, grounding its utopian expectations upon a novel union between this radical managerial intelligentsia and the broad ranks of the ‘people’ or ‘nation’.

Fascist ideology thus emerged at least in part from a novel confluence of Marxism and anarchism, or put more precisely: from an anarchosyndicalist revision of Marxist orthodoxy which increasingly distanced itself from the latter’s economistic, deterministic, and egalitarian premises. French revolutionary syndicalism always placed more emphasis upon the role of ethical sentiment and political will, on myth and intuition, and on the autonomy of intellectual and political elites. Its Italian counterpart, drifting away even further from classical anarchist principles, gradually accentuated authoritarian notions about revolutionary organization, discipline, and vanguard leadership, while simultaneously exchanging traditional internationalist views for a closer recognition of the irrepressible fact of nationality. In the first decade of the century, syndicalists such as Panunzio, Olivetti, and Michels, invoking Engels’ familiar remarks on the necessity of authority for all types of social organization, came to describe revolutionary syndicalism as essentially authoritarian in character, and the syndicalist elite as a new aristocracy which was charged with the historic mission of educating the passive working masses towards a new moral and political

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consciousness. In 1909, Michels advanced the notion of an ‘iron law of elites’, which arose from the necessity of organizing for group and class conflicts, especially of a revolutionary nature (Gregor 1979b:47ff.). In the same vein, Mussolini called Pareto’s theory of elites ‘perhaps the most ingenuous sociological conception of modern times’, and went on to describe himself as an authoritarian and aristocratic socialist (Gregor 1979a:47, 57).

In a further development, dominated by the experiences of war and economic crisis in an industrially retarded nation such as Italy, the syndicalist accent upon the role of revolutionary elites substituting for an absent or immature proletariat was blended with a growing emphasis upon the priority of developing the forces of production within the national framework. This emphasis, if stamped with the revolutionary urgency which was constitutive of syndicalist ideology, logically tended towards a reinforced nationalization and etatization of its framework of analysis, which finally overturned what still remained of anarchist anti-authoritarian principles. Italy, to the syndicalists, was a ‘proletarian nation’ which had first to traverse the stage of industrial development, and throw off the tutelage of the more advanced capitalist nations, before it was able to complete something like a Marxian revolution. What was presently needed was a strong ‘developmental’ state which would harmonize the classes and organize a productionist revolution from above (Rosenstock-Franck 1934:16ff.; Gregor 1979b:83ff., 113ff.). Pioneered in Italy by Corradini, Panunzio, and Michels, this ‘proletarian nationalism’ or ‘state syndicalism’ proclaimed an end to the disruptive class war and sought the ‘total mobilization’ of all productive forces in the nation under the guidance of a dynamic, innovatory, and entrepreneurial state. This set of ideas subsequently re-emerged both in conservative-revolutionary and national Bolshevik thought in Weimar Germany and in that of Belgian and French néo-socialisme. In claiming the sovereignty of state politics over economic production, national socialism, in this specific ‘developmental’ conception, explicitly affirmed the primacy of the political and the essentially secondary nature of the property question (cf. also Klingemann 1996:277ff.). Property rights were henceforth defined as socially functional and contingent upon the demands of state-directed economic development. Not surprisingly, fascism’s comparative ‘leniency’ towards private property was precisely the master criterion which its Marxist adversaries required in order to ‘prove’ its essentially reactionary nature as a handmaiden of capitalism.4 Anarchism, we recall, had been dismissed as a ‘petty-bourgeois luxury’ on precisely the same grounds.

‘GERMAN SOCIALISM’ AS POWER THEORY

In the following paragraphs, I will embark upon a more detailed analysis of the primacy question as it has haunted the curious ideological triangle

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connecting Marxism, anarchism, and fascism. However, I will first note a remarkable anticipation of this basic issue in one of the canonic texts of historical materialism itself. In passing, I have already touched upon the parallelism between Marx’s rejection of anarchist anti-etatism and of the state socialism of Rodbertus, Lassalle, Wagner, and others: both strands of thought, Marx insisted, violated the core premise of historical materialism about the explanatory primacy of economic production. Now it is a curious coincidence that one of the most detailed and influential polemics penned against state socialist views by the founders of historical materialism can be plausibly read as an anticipatory critique of the national socialist affirmation of the primacy of the political. This polemic was directed against the ‘German socialism’ of Eugen-Karl Dühring, and written by Engels in 1877–8 in order to combat the growing influence of the former’s ideas in the socialist movement of his day. Dühring, a Berlin philosopher and economist who had turned into a private scholar, combined a defence of free competition with the notion of creating a strong national state which was expressive of the general will of the German Volk, which would establish an autarkyoriented political economy and supervise a nationalized culture built on class harmony. This ‘German socialism’ was strongly contrasted with the ‘Jewish’ socialism of Marx and his associates (cf. Michels 1987:128–9; Mosse 1981:71, 131–2, 277).

Dühring, of course, is one among the select array of thinkers who seems solely remembered today because Marx and Engels at one time considered it worth their while to consign them to the scrapheap of intellectual history.5 While major figures such as Stirner and Proudhon have successfully shaken off this Marxian shadow, minor ones (such as Heinzen) remain captive under it, while Dühring is still almost exclusively known through the abbreviated title of Engels’ exhaustively and consistently malevolent Herr Eugen Dühring’s Umwälzung der Wissenschaft. For my own purposes, his views are only briefly reanimated here because his vision of a nationalist and state-directed ‘German’ socialism largely anticipated the lineaments of revolutionary-conservative thinking as it emerged from the ordeal of the Great War and the intellectual ferment of the Weimar 1920s and early 1930s. In the wartime and postwar writings of Plenge, Sombart, Spengler, Jünger, Freyer, and Schmitt, the debate with Marxism was once again largely condensed in the analytical dilemma about the superor subordination of the political vis-à-vis the economic. A considerable part of Engels’ polemic was likewise devoted to a critical dissection of Dühring’s ‘theory of force’, seeking to reverse his idea that the constitution of political relations was historically fundamental, and that economic dependencies were only an effect or a special case and hence invariably constituted ‘facts of secondary importance’. Some of the newer socialist systems, Dühring stated, had totally reversed the order of priority by deriving political phenomena from economic conditions. Although such secondary, retroactive effects were indeed visibly present, the primitive fact had to be located in immediate political force and

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not in indirect economic power. The original ‘fall from grace’, when Robinson enslaved Friday, from which all subsequent history took its departure, was an act of force, and all property was therefore Gewalteigentum, since it rested upon this original act of political subjection (Engels 1878:147).

Dühring’s own example, however, Engels riposted, clearly demonstrated that force was only the means, while economic advantage (the surplus labour extracted from Friday) constituted the end, which made the economic aspect of the relationship historically more fundamental than the political one. In order to enslave Friday, Robinson had to dispose of the tools and material objects of labour as well as the means for the slave’s own subsistence, which presupposed a certain level of productivity and distributive inequality. In this fashion, Dühring stood the entire relationship on its head. Everywhere private property emerged from changes in relations of production and exchange in which the role of force did not enter. The entire movement towards monopolization of the means of production and subsistence in the hands of a restricted class, and the attendant demotion of the vast majority to the status of propertyless proletarians, could be explained from purely economic causes without having to invoke phenomena such as theft, force, state action, or any other kind of political involvement (ibid.: 148–52; 166–71). Die Gewalt remained universally dependent upon das Geld, which could only be generated by economic production; it was the economic situation which ultimately furnished force with the equipment it required (ibid.: 154–5).

If Dühring, as Michels later reported (1987:129), was temporarily ‘buried alive’ by Engels’ massive polemic, it would not last long before ideas closely resembling his völkische socialism caught the imagination of an entire generation of German ‘anti-intellectual’ and anti-Marxist intellectuals. From around 1910, but especially spurred by the outbreak of hostilities in 1914, authors such as Sombart, Plenge, Spengler, Jünger, Van den Bruck, Freyer, and Schmitt were to crystallize similar ideas into what became known as the ‘German socialism’ of the ‘Conservative Revolution’. Roughly a decade after the incubation period of Italian national syndicalism, the ‘conservative revolutionaries’ reinvented and deepened in all important respects its conceptual merger of intransigent nationalism and radical anti-capitalism. The ‘primacy of the political over the economic’ stood out as one major common theme (Lebovics 1969:219; Herf 1984:36–7; Breuer 1993:59ff.).6 In Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben (1911), for example, Werner Sombart, already renowned as a left-wing sociologist and historian of capitalism, expounded the view that the primacy of the economy over all other spheres of social life had been the special contribution of the ‘Jewish spirit’. The capitalist domination of money and abstraction was Jewish in its essence; Jews represented everything that was universal, rootless, international, and abstract in contrast to all that was local, rooted, nationalist, and concrete. Two souls, in fact, lived in the breast of the capitalist entrepreneur: the German one of dynamic risk taking and rational planning of production, and the Jewish one of calculating for financial gain. While the German

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entrepreneur was an inventor, organizer and leader, ‘a hero of production’, the Jewish merchant was exclusively interested in commercial profit and remained indifferent to the product itself (Herf 1984: 136–7; Lenger 1994:187ff.).

Sombart’s wartime pamphlet Händler und Helden (1915) extrapolated this opposition between the spirit of commercialism and the spirit of organization —and between the exemplary types of economic and political man—to the national contest between Germany, a nation of social order and political hierarchy, and England, the historic guardian of the merchant capitalist spirit. English commercial civilization had to be countered by the ‘German idea of the state’, as pioneered by Fichte, Lassalle, and Rodbertus, which requested subordination of individual interests to the higher interests of the Volksgemeinschaft (Lenger 1994:246; Hayek 1986:126). The outbreak of the war had triggered a broad stream of patriotic polemics revolving around what Johann Plenge, a neo-Hegelian sociologist, had influentially styled the ‘Ideen von 1914’. Both 1789 and 1914 symbolized the two grand principles in the history of political thought which were presently battling for pre-eminence: the ideal of individual freedom, which was the essence of liberal capitalism, and the ideal of social organization, which constituted the essence of socialism. Whereas the nineteenth century had been an atomized, critical, and disorganized century, the twentieth century was to be dominated by the idea of ‘German organization’, which was commissioned to establish the Volksgemeinschaft of a national socialism. In Der Krieg und die Volkswirtschaft (1915) Plenge, like Sombart, extrapolated the opposition between capitalism and socialism to the war of the West against Germany; first realized as a war economy, German socialism would consolidate a state-regulated Volkswirtschaft after the inspirational example of Fichte’s ‘closed commercial state’. It was high time to recognize that ‘socialism must be power policy, because it is to be organization. Socialism has to win power, never blindly destroy it’ (cit. Hayek 1986:127–8).

Spengler’s Preussentum und Sozialismus (1919) was perhaps the most stirring conservative-revolutionary call to arms issuing from this wartime intellectual ferment. Like Sombart and Plenge, he divined an implacable opposition between the ‘English’ liberal spirit of Gesellschaft, profit and competition, and the ‘Prussian’ instinct of order, Gemeinschaft, hierarchy, duty, and labour. This opposition had unfolded into a heroic life-or-death clash between two dominating ‘world ideas’: the dictatorship of money and that of organization, which defined the world alternatively ‘as Booty or as State, Wealth or Authority, Success or Profession’. Would in the future, Spengler rhetorically asked, ‘Commerce govern the State or the State govern Commerce?’ (1919: 69, 103). To decide this issue, German socialism had to be liberated from Marx, who had merely invented a kind of ‘inverted capitalism’, in order to install an authoritarian socialism, a socialism of the civil servant and the organizer, which was prepared to use to the full the economic authority of the state (ibid.: 47–9). The essence of socialism did not reside in the

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opposition between rich and poor, but in the fact that rank, performance, and competence would rule life. In Spengler’s projected state corporatism, property would not be seen as private booty, but as a procuration of the entire community; not as an expression and means of personal power, but as a trust or fief for which the proprietor owed accountability to the state. Socialization, in this respect, was not so much a matter of nominal possession but of technique of administration (Verwaltungstechnik) (ibid.: 92–5). Socialism, in brief, meant ‘power, power, and yet again power. Plans and thoughts are nothing without power’ (ibid.: 105).7

Three other texts are selected as worthy of attention here, since they together consolidated the intellectual framework of German socialism as a theory of power rather than property: Freyer’s Die Bewertung der Wirtschaft im philosophischen Denken des 19. Jahrhunderts (1921), Jünger’s Der Arbeiter

(1932), and Sombart’s Deutscher Sozialismus (1934). Freyer’s Habilitationsschrift fleshed out ideas about the commercial and marketing spirit of the nineteenth century, adopted from his teachers Plenge and Sombart, in a broadly conceived intellectual history of the ‘naturalization’ or autonomization of the ‘economic’ frame of mind. Liberal political economy and the socialist tradition shared the same basic conception of the abstract lawlike autonomy and the primordial value of economic life, which Marx had even elevated into an ontologically grounded essence, a ‘cause of causes’ in the interplay of cultural moments (1921:75–6, 94; cf. Muller 1987:81ff.). With the avowed purpose of reframing this economic rationalism in a new communitarian ethics and politics of the Volksstaat, Freyer invoked the Romantic tradition of Nationalökonomie, especially Adam Müller’s Elements der Staatskunst, whose idea of a corporatist Volkswirtschaft, in which each function partook of ‘the spiritual whole of the politicized economy’, had received further elaboration at the hands of authors such as List, Rodbertus, Hildebrand, and Schäffle. ‘Economic life’, Freyer summed up, ‘is not necessarily the commercial contest of atomized interests, which it is at present. It is a spiritual concern of the statal community’ (1921:37ff., 51). Recently this tradition of historical, ethical (and truly political) economy had tended more strongly in a state socialist direction. Extrapolating this trend, Freyer harmonized this tradition’s shared neo-Hegelian conception of the ethical state with that of völkische political nationalism by identifying it as ‘der Spitze, in der das Volk geschichtlich wird’ (119), both anticipating his subsequent laudation of the state as the ultimate perfection of spiritual development in Der Staat (1926), and his ringing expression about the state as ‘das politisch werdende Volk’ in Revolution von Rechts (1931).8

Following closely in the footsteps of Spengler and Sombart, Ernst Jünger, at the beginning of the 1930s, developed a spectacular metaphysic of war, discipline, and total mobilization which has accurately been designated as a ‘conservative anarchism’ (Schwartz 1962). Jünger’s portentous essay ‘Die totale Mobilmachung’ (1930) and his book Der Arbeiter. Herrschaft und Gestalt (1932) —which carried a memorable dedication to Spengler—became

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foundational for national Bolshevik tendencies such as formulated by his friend Niekisch, for younger conservative revolutionaries grouped around the journal Die Tat, and for the left-wing national socialist tendency represented by the young Goebbels and the Strasser brothers within the NSDAP. Developing earlier suggestions found in Plenge and Moeller van den Bruck, these circles saw the insurrection of ‘young’, ‘proletarian’ nations such as Soviet Russia and Germany against the ‘old’ capitalist powers as requiring a national and autarkic ‘war socialism’ geared towards a total mobilization of all human and material resources of the nation. Germany’s military defeat, Moeller van den Bruck had argued after Versailles, should be exploited as an educational challenge. Since, like the proletariat, Germany now possessed little more than its chains, it should not fear the coming world revolution, but could spearhead the war of liberation of the expropriated nations against the world bourgeoisie (Schüddekopf 1972:35). Jünger, Niekisch, Edgar Jung, the Tatkreis intellectuals, and the Strasserites within (and soon to be drummed out of) the NSDAP all echoed this alarming conversion of the Marxist idea of the economic Entfremdung of the proletariat into that of the spiritual-political Überfremdung of the nation (id. 254).9

Reversing Rathenau’s dictum that, in the modern world, not politics but economics had acquired the force of fate, Jünger outlined a universal trend towards state-directed mobilization and planned organization of economic life, which forced everybody and everything into the harsh mould of an all-enveloping logic of power.10 It was instructive to notice, for example, that in the Soviet planning experiment the economic mode of thinking had superseded itself and evolved into an unmitigated deployment of power. The world war had essentially been a gigantic labour process, fusing the type of the Warrior and that of the Worker into a single Gestalt, which sharply contrasted with that of the Bourgeois, the typical representative of liberal disorganization (1930:132, 140). Editors of Die Tat such as Fried and Wirsing likewise emphasized this inevitable drive towards state organization of economic life in terms of an autarkic Planwirtschaft, which was prefigured in the war economy, but remained imperative in order to shield Germany from the havoc of a collapsing world economy. By pressing the economy into its service, the state would simultaneously ‘grow together’ with the working masses, and in fusing state and people would realize the perfection of democracy. In this new frame of things, the place of economic science would once again be taken by the

Staatswissenschaften (Fried 1931:23).

Jünger’s Der Arbeiter of 1932 further detailed his figuration of the WorkerSoldier as archetypical ‘political man’ and torchbearer of a totalitarian industrial dictatorship, over against the liberal and Marxist conception of the Worker as ‘product of industry’ and a merely ‘economic quality’.11 The emancipation of the labourer from the economic world implied his subordination to a higher law of struggle; it signified that the pivotal point of the Worker’s insurrection was neither economic freedom nor economic power, but power

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as such. In contrast with the security-minded Bourgeois, the Worker enjoyed ‘a new relationship with the elementary, with freedom and power’; the will to power was the truest representation of his Gestalt (1932:28, 34, 70). Property and labour power stood under state protection, and hence were essentially limited in their freedom of movement. Indeed, ‘in terms of an investigation of the Worker’ the question of private property was much less interesting than current ideology presumed. Different from the world of liberal economy, it did matter much less in the world of labour whether property was considered moral or immoral; what exclusively counted was whether it could be included into a general Arbeitsplan. More important was the manner in which the state instituted and circumscribed property as a subordinate fact; its value would rather be assessed in terms of its contribution to the realization of total mobilization, or what Jünger synonymically referred to as Arbeitsmobilmachung (1932:246–7, 274–5, 284).12

Speaking around the same time at the Fascist Congress of Corporations at Ferrara, Werner Sombart once again summed up what had become the central credo of the Conservative Revolution: that the previous century had been the century of economics, in which economic interests weighed heavier than all other factors of culture, but that we were presently entering the political epoch, in which politics would once again reign supreme (cit. Manoïlescu 1934:42). Sombart’s Deutscher Sozialismus, published one year after the Hitler coup, was once again written as a comprehensive indictment of the Primat der Wirtschaft as the most essentially negative characteristic of our time. Repeating and systematizing all the major themes developed over a decade by himself and other writers of the radical right, Sombart insisted that economic rationalization had conjured up the triple disease of intellectualization (Vergeistung), objectification

(Versachlichung), and uniformity (Ausgleichung). Bourgeois class formation, the proletarian class struggle, and hence also proletarian socialism were actually ‘true children of the economic age’: Marx’s metaphysics of history incorrectly generalized this particularity of the economic into a defining characteristic of human history. Meanwhile the ‘idea of the state’ had gradually faded away and finally disappeared. German socialism was therefore nothing other than ‘the renunciation of the economic age in its totality’. Because it targeted the Gesamtgeist of this age, it was far more radical than other movements; while proletarian socialism was only ‘capitalism with a minus sign’, German socialism was truly anti-capitalist (Sombart 1934:20–1, 24, 43, 112, 160).

After much definitory footwork, Sombart went on to identify socialism as a ‘social normativism’ set over against the ‘social naturalism’ of economizing thought, explaining that obligatory norms originated from the general reason which was rooted in the political community as represented by its state. Socialism was hence not confined to the economy, but had to be understood as ‘die Gesamtordnung des deutschen Volkes’, a total ordering of all sectors of culture born from a uniform spirit and issuing from a single centre. Because

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this volkstümlicher Sozialismus realized itself within the national framework, the only powers which were able to carry it through were the statal powers. Invoking the heritage of Fichte, Schleiermacher, Hegel, Rodbertus, and Lassalle, Sombart consequently insisted upon the need for a strong state which would govern a corporative, organic, and hierarchical order which recognized the primacy of the political (1934:219ff., 224). The planned economy of German socialism would be at once comprehensive, singleminded, and differentiated. The private economy would not need to be liquidated, as long as it was incorporated in a larger meaningful whole, which was directed by the popular will embodied in the state. The property question, Sombart stipulated, was indeed ‘not an independent issue’ for German socialism; the bitterly embattled alternative of private vs. communal property did not exist for it. Private property was not unlimited in scope, but remained socially committed after the model of feudal tenure (Lehnseigentum).13 The kernel issue was that property rights no longer determined the foundations of economic activity, but that the (political) foundations of economic activity henceforth determined the scope and species of property rights (ibid.: 324).

DIALECTICS OF THE POLITICAL

In their totalizing conceptualizations of power, the political, and the state, ideologists of the radical right hence tended to rehearse a cognitive pattern which characteristically beset the intellectual systems which they attempted to reverse: the dialectic of the ‘last instance’. While the anarchist thinkers, as argued previously, concentrated their abhorrence of the all-enveloping nature of political oppression in ontological conceptions of the political which permitted a strategic shifting from part to whole, the authoritarian thinkers, in setting this ‘inverted etatism’ back upon its feet and placing power and the state under a more benevolent sign, generally left intact these concepts’ systematic slippage between the particular and the general. Through another inversion across another theoretical divide, that between ‘property theory’ and ‘power theory’, the radical conservatives likewise retained the formal epistemological structure of liberal and Marxist assumptions about the causal determination of the economy ‘in the last instance’. The subtle Marxist scenario of overdetermined reciprocity remained in place, resulting in a dialectic of constitution which similarly articulated the social whole into relatively autonomous spheres, even if the status of ontological ‘category of origin’ now befell the political. Curiously, this reversed dialectic derived as much from a politicized recapitulation of the Hegelian notion of the ethical state, interpreted as the point of culmination of the entire tradition of idealist philosophy, as it was nourished by a duly collectivized and nationalized version of the Nietzschean Wille zur Macht. If the Conservative Revolution was virtually unthinkable without Nietzsche (Mohler 1972:29, 87; Aschheim

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