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The Implications of the Opioid Epidemic
for the Treatment of Perioperative Pain
Nan Xiang, Denise Courtney, Shivana Ramsingh, Rebecca Donald,
and Sudheer Potru
Abstract The opioid epidemic in the United States and around the world has signifi-
cant implications for the use of opioids in the management of acute and chronic pain.
The perioperative period is often the initial exposure to opioids for many patients and
may be an inflection point for particularly vulnerable patients. Adjusting expecta-
tions and consistent messaging from the surgical, anesthesiology, nursing, and other
teams when appropriate is likely to result in the best outcomes for the patient.
Keywords Opioid crisis
· Opioid epidemic · Fentanyl · Substance use disorder ·
Addiction · Overdose
1 Introduction
The opioid epidemic, declared a U.S. public health emergency in 2017, refers to a
modern crisis involving substantially increased rates of misuse, abuse, and overdose
deaths attributed to the opioid class of drugs. Since 1999, the United States has
experienced an estimated one million deaths from drug overdoses, the majority of
which involve opioids and, more recently, s pecifically fentanyl [1]. With over 10,0000
N. Xiang · S. Potru (
B
)
Department of Anesthesiology, Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA
e-mail: sudheer.potru@emory.edu; sudheer.potru@emory.edu
N. Xiang
e-mail: nan.xiang@emory.edu
D. Courtney
Atlanta VA Healthcare System, Decatur, GA, USA
e-mail: denise.courtney@va.gov
S. Ramsingh
University of West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago
R. Donald
Department of Anesthesiology, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, TN, USA
e-mail: rebecca.donald@vumc.org
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024
A. Abd-Elsayed and K. Schroeder (eds.), Perioperative Pain Management,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-67648-2_4
53
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54 N. Xiang et al.
deaths annually, drug overdose is now the number one cause of unintentional death
in the U.S. and has contributed to an unprecedented decline in life expectancy [2–
4]. In addition to the impact on mortality, consequences of the opioid epidemic
include (1) rising rates of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and hepatitis C
virus (HCV) infections; (2) escalating rates of perinatal morbidity and mortality;
and (3) an estimated one trillion dollars in financial burden to the U.S. economy
[5–9].
In this chapter, we seek to explain the origins of the opioid epidemic in the United
States, review the evolution of the epidemic itself, discuss mitigation strategies, and
describe perioperative evidence-based patient management in the current prescribing
environment.
Background of the Opioid Epidemic
While the opioid epidemic clearly has numerous causes, the origin story for this crisis
can largely be traced back to a series of events beginning in the 1990s. In 1996, Purdue
Pharma utilized already-existing extended-release medication technology to bring to
market a high-dose oxycodone product known as OxyContin. Although oxycodone
was an old drug, the approval of this new formulation was based on the Food and
Drug Administration’s assessment that OxyContin’s delayed absorption reduced the
potential for eventual opioid abuse. Upon approval, Purdue began an aggressive
marketing campaign that resulted in billions of dollars in revenue for the company
and a flood of prescription opioids into communities [10]. Citing narrowly focused
medical literature to increase drug sales, Purdue claimed that OxyContin was safe
and effective for chronic pain, with little addiction potential [10]. Purdue’s assertion
that OxyContin was largely nonaddictive was based on a New England Journal of
Medicine letter to the editor published in 1980 by physicians from Boston University
Medical Center; this brief letter summarized findings of a non-peer-reviewed, retro-
spective study evaluating 1,1882 hospitalized patients that received at least one dose
of an opioid medication while admitted [10, 11]. The review found that only four
patients who received an opioid became addicted, leading the authors to conclude
that ‘the development of addiction is rare in medical patients with no history of addic-
tion” [11]. Similarly, Purdue’s significant push to expand opioid use for chronic non-
malignant pain was based on a retrospective review of just 38 patients that concluded
opioid therapy to be a “safe, salutary, and more humane” option for treating chronic
pain [12]. Purdue later pled guilty to felony misbranding and violating federal anti-
kickback laws for making false claims related to OxyContin and paying physicians
to write more and higher-dose OxyContin prescriptions [13].
Until the early 2000s, opioids were primarily being used to treat acute pain, but
rates of opioid prescribing for chronic noncancer pain began to increase substantially;
in 2012, the national opioid dispensing rate peaked at 255 million prescriptions [14,
15]. Aggressive pharmaceutical marketing and increased focus on the treatment of
uncontrolled pain in the medical community (including the pain as the “fifth vital
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The Implications of the Opioid Epidemic for the Treatment … 55
sign” initiative) resulted in widespread acceptance for the use of opioids for non-
cancer pain [10, 16]. Lack of standardization of curriculum and training for physicians
in the areas of pain management and substance use disorders (SUDs) may have
contributed to expanded opioid prescribing.
However, the opioid epidemic is certainly a result of a multisystem failure.
Many rural and socioeconomically disadvantaged communities experienced chal-
lenges with access to specialty pain management care, as well as poverty and mental
health comorbidities, making them particularly vulnerable to opioid use. Prescrip-
tion opioids often entered these communities at unprecedented rates through “pill
mills” run by unscrupulous clinicians and entrepreneurs as well as true illicit drug
dealers. Clinicians at these facilities across the country prescribed and dispensed
hundreds of thousands of opioid tablets without standard workup or physical exam,
and sometimes without even having seen the patient at all [17]. Although law enforce-
ment became increasingly aware of the contributors to opioid abuse and diversion,
physicians practicing medicine and writing prescriptions was considered outside of
the purview of traditional law enforcement [18]. In recent years, the pharmaceutical
distributors that shipped millions of opioid pills to pill mills have faced lawsuits for
failure to monitor and report suspicious orders [19].
Characteristics of the United States health care system played a role in the rise of
the opioid crisis as healthcare facilities commonly rely on volume-based care rather
than value-based care for revenue. Furthermore, prescription opioids are often more
financially accessible than other pain treatments like physical therapy, interventional
procedures, or other non-medication-based treatment modalities [20]. Many prescrip-
tion drug plans cover common opioids but either provide limited coverage or require
prior authorization for less addictive pain medications, interventional procedures, or
medications used to treat opioid use disorder [20, 21]. Also exacerbating the ongoing
crisis was pharmaceutical industry influence on lawmakers, federal regulatory bodies,
professional medical organizations, and patients through direct-to-consumer adver-
tising, as well as American socioeconomic and cultural factors, including the so-
called “pill for every ill” mentality [22]. Now, with over two million Americans
currently diagnosed with opioid use disorder, the opioid epidemic is ongoing and
continues to evolve [23].
Evolution of the Opioid Epidemic
The opioid epidemic has emerged in waves distinguished by the types of opioids
contributing to overdose deaths. The first wave, which began around 1996, was
dominated by prescription opioids. The abundance of prescription opioids facilitated
their illegal distribution and non-medical use; between 1992 and 2003 the number
of people misusing prescription drugs increased by 90% [24, 25]. Opioid-related
deaths paralleled this increase in both medical and nonmedical use of prescribed
opioids; in 2007, commonly prescribed opioids were involved in 78% of opioid
overdose deaths [26]. As previously noted, the total number of opioid prescriptions
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56 N. Xiang et al.
dispensed peaked at more than 260 million in 2012, but from 2012 to 2021, the rates
of opioid prescribing decreased in all 50 states with a national decrease of 46.4%
during this time period [27]. Despite this decrease, prescription opioids still played
a prominent role in opioid overdose deaths, but the percentage of deaths involving
only prescription opioids gradually fell with increasing rates of heroin and fentanyl
use [26].
The second wave of the opioid epidemic was marked by the transition to heroin,
an illicitly produced semisynthetic opioid derived from the opium poppy, beginning
roughly around 2010. As deaths attributable to opioids began to rise in the early 2000s,
state and federal laws were passed with the intention of reducing supply, demand, and
harm of prescribed opioids [25]. The National All Schedules Prescription Electronic
Reporting (NASPER) Act was passed in 2005, which provided for the establishment
of prescription drug monitoring programs (PDMPs) in each state [24]. PDMPs led
to greater vigilance about possible opioid misuse, doctor shopping, or prescription
opioid diversion and further curbed opioid prescribing. According to a study by
Dowell et al., the combination of more restrictive prescribing laws and increasing
use of PDMPs led to the reduction in opioid prescriptions by 8% and prescription
overdose deaths by 12% from 2006 to 2013 [28].
In addition to the development of PDMPs and the passage of legislation creating
greater restrictions and scrutiny related to opioid prescribing, other measures were
taken to bring greater attention to the dangers of prescription opioids. In 2011, the
Centers for Disease Control (CDC) declared deaths from prescription opioids an
“epidemic.” This was followed in 2012 with the development of a new “Policy
Academy” by the American Medical Association to address the growing problem of
prescription opioids [27]. Finally, in 2016, the initial CDC Guideline for Prescribing
Opioids for Chronic Pain was published. The stated goal of these guidelines was to
provide guidance about responsible opioid prescribing for primary care providers
who may not have had formal training in pain management or addiction medicine. In
the wake of this publication, however, many states passed additional laws to limit the
supply of opioids. In addition, limitations on opioid prescriptions by pharmacies and
insurers have created additional pressure on clinicians to stop or avoid prescribing
opioids [20]. While there was likely a benefit realized from reducing the number
of opioid pills in circulation, many patients treated with opioids for years and/or
decades were (and have been) left searching for other clinicians to prescribe their
medications.
Unfortunately, the ongoing demand for and reduced availability of prescription
opioids coincided with the influx of heroin into the United States from international
markets. Heroin also saw a dramatic decrease in price during this time, making it
easier to access and cheaper to obtain than other illicit prescription opioids [25].
The increasing ease of access to a more potent yet cheaper opioid prompted many
users of prescription opioids to transition to heroin as their drug of choice [20].
A study by Cerdá and colleagues found that those with a history of prescription
opioid misuse were 13 times more likely to start using heroin than those who had
no history of prescription opioid misuse [29]. As heroin began to dominate the illicit
opioid market, deaths involving heroin also began to rise; from 2010 to 2017, deaths
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The Implications of the Opioid Epidemic for the Treatment … 57
involvingheroin increased fivefold.The percentage of opioid deaths involving heroin
peaked at 41% in 2015, but even while the percentage of deaths involving heroin
decreased, the overall number of deaths involving heroin continued to increase. It
was only after 2017 that deaths involving heroin finally began to decline [26].
The United States entered the third and most deadly wave of the opioid epidemic
around 2013, when synthetic opioids began to dominate the illicit drug market. As
previously discussed, synthetic opioids, particularly fentanyl, began to gradually
supplant heroin as the predominant illicit opioid for several reasons. First, fentanyl
can be produced inexpensively in a lab from chemicals that are both easy to obtain and
not tightly regulated abroad; Mexico remains the primary source of illicit fentanyl
with many of the requisite chemicals being purchased from China. Second, since
fentanyl is 50 to 100 times as potent as heroin, smaller quantities can be transported,
so the drug is more easily smuggled and distributed [25]. In addition, there is a large
online market for illicit drugs, facilitating the purchase of unregulated opioids [30]
(Fig. 1).
The increased potency of fentanyl and its related compounds has undoubtedly
contributed to the dramatic rise in opioid overdose deaths during the opioid epidemic.
With the ever-changing landscape of the illicit opioid market, the content and potency
of illicit drugs have become unpredictable, making it at times impossible for users
to know what they are consuming. According to the 2021 DEA Fentanyl Profiling
Programming Report, the purity of the 666 fentanyl powder samples (representing
more than 778 kg of drug) analyzed ranged from 0.1 to 75.6% with an average purity
of 14.4%. The fentanyl content of the pressed pills (commonly marketed by drug
dealers as oxycodone, OxyContin, or Percocet) also varies significantly, with the
average amount of fentanyl increasing from 1.3 mg/tablet in 2017 to 2.2 mg/tablet
in 2022 [31]. Finally, opioid deaths are being increasingly attributed to synthetic
fentanyl analogs whose chemical structure can easily be manipulated to evade detec-
tion by law enforcement. The potency of these compounds varies significantly. From
Fig. 1 The Waves of the Opioid Epidemic. https://www.cbo.gov/publication/58532
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58 N. Xiang et al.
2019 to 2020, deaths involving synthetic opioids increased by over 56% and in 2020,
synthetic opioids were involved in over 82% of opioid-involved deaths. This repre-
sents an 18-fold increase from the number of deaths involving synthetic opioids
in 2013; users are caught unaware of fentanyl’s potency and many have suffered
unintentional overdoses [1].
A fourth wave of the opioid epidemic appears to be emerging at the time of this
writing, as synthetic opioids are increasingly used in combination with psychos-
timulants such as methamphetamines or cocaine as well as other CNS depressants
such as xylazine, an alpha-2-agonist utilized primarily as a tranquilizer in animals
[32]. Some individuals intentionally combine opioids with stimulants to not only
enhance the euphoria from the opioids but also to counteract what some perceive as
the unpleasant effects of opioids [32]. Other users unwittingly consume combination
drugs, as synthetic opioids and stimulants are increasingly combined by drug dealers
or suppliers [25]. Not only do deaths due to psychostimulants in combination with
synthetic opioids continue to rise, but deaths attributable to stimulants alone have
also been steadily rising; overdose deaths due to psychostimulants alone increased
2.3-fold from 2015 to 2020 [33].
The Impact of COVID-19 on the Opioid Epidemic
The death rate during the third wave of the opioid epidemic saw an inflection
point in the spring of 2020 coinciding with the start of the COVID-19 pandemic.
From December 2019 to December 2020, more than 9,3000 Americans died of
drug overdoses, which was an increase of 29.4% from the prior 12 months [34].
First, the increased stress and isolation from the pandemic led to an increase in
substance use, both in quantity and frequency of use. According to the CDC, by
June 2020, 13% of Americans reported starting or increasing substance use as a
way to cope with the stress of the pandemic [35]. Escalating use in isolation due to
social distancing, the increased potency of illicit opioids, and reduced access to harm
reduction (including safe injection sites, medical practitioners, and medications for
OUD) likely contributed to the escalation in opioid overdose deaths.
For patients with opioid use disorder (OUD) who were already in treatment,
disruptions in care, particularly access to FDA-approved medications for OUD
(methadone, buprenorphine, and naltrexone) and mental health services contributed
to risk of relapse and overdose deaths for this vulnerable and marginalized patient
population. Additionally, for this patient population that relies heavily on social
support for recovery, the isolation from the pandemic proved particularly detrimental
[36].
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The Implications of the Opioid Epidemic for the Treatment … 59
While the COVID-19 pandemic compounded the challenges of the opioid
epidemic, it also led to implementation of several policies that positively impacted the
trajectory of OUD care. This included easier access to care and initiation of MOUD
treatment with buprenorphine via telehealth without the requirement of performing an
in-person visit. Additionally, many Opioid Treatment Programs (OTPs, also known
as methadone clinics), which usually require daily visits for methadone dispensing,
allowed patients on a stable treatment regimen to obtain 14–28 days of medication
at a time and several have continued this practice for stable patients. Finally, the
increasing use of virtual meetings by groups such as Alcoholics Anonymous and
Narcotics Anonymous provided social and emotional support for those who rely on
community social support for recovery [36].
Measures to Mitigate the Opioid Crisis
On October 26th, 2017, the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), noting
the escalating numbers of overdose deaths, declared the opioid crisis a national public
health emergency (NPHE) in the United States of America; this was later extended
several times and is ongoing [37]. Legislation related to the opioid crisis includes
the Comprehensive Addiction and Recovery Act (CARA, 2016), the 21st Century
CURES Act (2016), the Substance Use-Disorder Prevention that Promotes Opioid
Recovery and Treatment (SUPPORT) for Patients and Communities Act (2018), the
Opioid Crisis Response Act (2018), the more recent State Opioid Response Grant
Authorization Act (2022), and the Medication Access and Training Expansion Act
(MATE, 2022).
While addressing the specifics of each law would make this chapter excessively
long and is likely out of the scope of this text, these statutes effectively are attempting
to do the following [38–41]:
1. Provide improved education to teenagers and parents regarding the dangers of
opioids (and other drugs) by expanding prevention programs.
2. Improve social and educational programs to support reduction of stigma related
to SUDs and SUD care as well as promote recovery programs and strategies.
3. Increase access to harm reduction strategies such as syringe exchange programs
and safe injection sites.
4. Improve access to MOUD treatment, including requiring Medicaid coverage of
methadone, buprenorphine, and naltrexone. The CARA and SUPPORT statutes
also initially expanded of the scope of practice of multiple practitioners to
prescribe buprenorphine; however, the MATE Act ultimately resulted in elimi-
nation of the so-called “X-waiver”, removing patient caps and limitations from
buprenorphine to improve access as well.
5. Strengthen state prescription drug monitoring programs to include more
substances as well as to link to other states’ PDMP programs to provide
comprehensive prescribing information.
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60 N. Xiang et al.
6. Expand access to naloxone, which is now over-the-counter as of early 2023(43).
7. Educate health care practitioners about the care of patients with SUDs.
8. Increase funding for trial and state opioid response efforts.
9. Increase funding to law enforcement agencies to provide more robust resources
to stop the flow of illicit drugs across the U.S. borders.
10. Improve criminal justice reform, including expansion of drug courts, to reduce
penalties and promote recovery for SUDs.
Perioperative Consequences of the Opioid Epidemic
It behooves the anesthesiologist and pain physician to understand the consequences
of opioid use, including opioid-induced constipation, nausea and vomiting, depres-
sion, worsening of sleep apnea, decreased cognitive function, and development of
tolerance and physical dependence [43]. Chronic use can also lead to the develop-
ment of opioid use disorder (OUD), the desire to obtain and take opioids (either
prescribed or illicit) without regard to personal, social, or professional consequences
[44]. According to the CDC, an estimated quarter of all patients receiving long-term
opioid therapy in a primary care setting suffer from OUD [45].
Chronic opioid use also impacts the post-operative period. Multiple studies have
shown an association between preoperative chronic opioid use and increased postop-
erative complications, increased healthcare utilization such as length of hospital stay
or discharge to a rehabilitation facility, and delayed recovery and wound healing;
these associations occurred in various surgical specialties, including but not limited
to elective abdominal surgery, foot and ankle surgery, total knee and hip arthroplasty,
and posterior lumbar fusion for degenerative spine disease [46–49]. In fact, in a retro-
spective study by Santosa 2020, patients who had been classified with “medium”
and “high” preoperative opioid use –which was based on oral morphine equivalents
and duration of ongoing opioid therapy –were found to have increased postoperative
mortality compared to the opioid naïve control group [50]. Nadarajah et al. found that
patients undergoing shoulder surgery with preoperative opioid prescriptions appear
to experience higher levels of postoperative pain, decreased function, and decreased
satisfaction [51]. Waljee et al. found that chronic opioid use was associated with
longer hospital length of stay, hospital readmission, and increased financial costs for
care [46].
While preoperative opioid use appears to be associated with negative outcomes in
the postoperative period, one must also consider how undergoing a surgical procedure
can potentially contribute to chronic opioid use. The impetus to completely eliminate
postoperativepain due to both social and marketing determinants may have resulted in
the exposure of many opioid-naïve patients to high opioid regimens postoperatively.
Compounding the situation is the lack of an established workflow for guiding patients
from acute perioperative pain management to outpatient chronic pain management.
In a landmark study, Brummett et. al examined over 3,6000 opioid-naïve patients
who had undergone “major” and “minor” surgeries between 2012 and 2015 and
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The Implications of the Opioid Epidemic for the Treatment … 61
found that 6.5% of the major surgery patients and 5.9% of the minor surgery patients
were still filling opioid prescriptions between 90 and 180 days postoperatively [52].
There was not a statistical difference between the major and minor surgery groups;
patient risk factors for persistent postoperative opioid use included tobacco use,
alcohol and other SUDs, anxiety, depression, and preoperative pain disorders such
as back pain and centralized pain. Notably, the number of oral morphine equivalents
prescribed, was also associated with an increased rate of persistent postoperative
opioid use, though the authors note the overall effect size was small. This and other
studies support the existence of modifiable patient factors that seem to predominantly
contribute to the risk of persistent postoperative opioid use, while the predicted or
actual magnitude of surgical pain does not appear to be a major differentiator [52, 53].
Other retrospective cohort studies have shown similar findings. Clarke et. al found
that approximately 3.1% of a total of 3,9000 opioid-naïve patients in Canada from
2003 to 2010 were still receiving opioid medications more than 90 days following
surgery [54]. Alam’s 2012 retrospective cohort study in Canada demonstrated that
opioid-naïve patients undergoing short-stay surgery were 44% more likely to become
long-term opioid users within 1 year if they received an opioid prescription within
7 days after surgery [55]. Not surprisingly, preoperative opioid use is associated with
longer duration of postoperative opioid use, with studies reporting 64–77% of chronic
opioid users continuing to fill opioid prescriptions several months after surgery [53].
More than 20% of patients arriving for elective surgery are already taking opioids, a
sizable portion of the surgical patient population [53].
In summary, opioid-naïve patients are at risk of developing persistent postop-
erative opioid use while individuals already on chronic opioids are also unable to
consistently wean from their opioid regimens following surgery, even if these surg-
eries may be improving their underlying pain generators. This suggests that the
surgical procedure is often an inflection point adding to the population of patients
on chronic opioids. A combination of patient risk factors (some modifiable), peri-
operative management, and postoperative opioid prescribing practices may play a
significant role in this process.
Preoperative
The first “intervention” point is at the time of surgical procedure scheduling, with
identification of patients who may be at increased risk for persistent postoperative
opioid use. As previously noted, there are multiple patient characteristics that increase
such risk, and established questionnaires such as the Opioid Risk Tool (ORT) aim to
use self-reported data to predict the risk of opioid misuse. However, recent studies
suggest that revisions to the ORT may be needed to maintain their validity and its
applicability to the postoperative period is unclear [56–58].
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62 N. Xiang et al.
2 Opioid Risk Tool—OUD (ORT–OUD) [58]
This tool should be administered to patients upon an initial visit prior to beginning
or continuing opioid therapy for pain management. A score of 2 or lower indicates
low risk for future opioid use disorder; a score of >/= 3 indicates high risk for opioid
use disorder.
Revised Opioid Risk Tool
Category Yes No
Personal history of illicit drug use [1]
Personal history of alcohol misuse [1]
Personal history of prescription drug misuse [1]
Family history of illicit drug use [1]
Family history of alcohol misuse [1]
Family history of prescription drug misuse [1]
Age between 16 and 45 years old [1]
History of depression [1]
History of ADHD, OCD, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia [1]
Tota l
Adapted from Cheatle et al. [58].
For patients at increased risk for persistent opioid use (and those for whom
increased or chronic opioid use could potentially be harmful), it is important to
provide appropriate expectations for severity of postoperative pain, as Waljee et al.
have shown that appropriate analgesic expectations correlated with lower reported
postoperative pain [59]. Additionally, a discussion about non-opioid therapies for
analgesia as well as the expected course for postoperative recovery can be beneficial.
Furthermore, in patients with a history of chronic pain and on chronic opioid therapy,
care coordination with their prescribing physician is essential. A clear roadmap for
timely follow-up with the surgeon to assess appropriate recovery as well as a return
visit for the patient’s prescribing physician can provide clarity and reassurance. For
at-risk patients without a chronic pain practitioner, discussion of a possible postop-
erative consultation with a pain specialist may be appropriate. While addressed in
other areas of this text, a similar approach can be taken with patients suffering from
substance use disorders. For SUD patients, close collaboration between the surgical,
anesthesia, and SUD treatment teams is likely to improve the rate of follow-up as
well as outcomes [60].
In patients on chronic opioids, a discussion should be held regarding potential
tapering of the regimen prior to surgery. While tapering strategies vary, one study
recommends a reduction 10% per week over multiple weeks with collaboration
between the surgical, anesthesia, and primary care or pain management services [61].
A small study evaluating the effects of preoperative reduction of opioids on patients
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