Добавил:
kiopkiopkiop18@yandex.ru t.me/Prokururor I Вовсе не секретарь, но почту проверяю Опубликованный материал нарушает ваши авторские права? Сообщите нам.
Вуз: Предмет: Файл:
Ординатура / Хирургия / Библиотека им академика М.И. Перельмана / Книга_5351_Библиотеки_им_академика_М_И_Перельмана.pdf
Скачиваний:
0
Добавлен:
31.08.2026
Размер:
29 Мб
Скачать
Socio-behavioural aspects of health and illness CHAPTER 3
There is also a distinction between individual risk factors and environmental causes of disease. Differ­ences in individual risk factors explain only a part of the variation in the occurrence of disease. While re­ducing high risk factors might be beneficial for the individual concerned, it makes a limited contribution to reducing disease rates in the whole population. Rose has suggested that the causes of individual dif­ferences in disease may be different from the causes of differences between populations. A risk factor does not necessarily cause the disease even if it is associated with it.
Socio-economic determinants
These factors are also environmental, but it can be debated as to whether they are genuine factors deter­mining health or whether they only represent predis­posing factors. Society establishes certain health values, which are often reflected in the media. These values can be both positive and negative. Being fit and healthy is goodand exemplifies a positive value, while celebrities smoking cigarettes or marijuana ex­emplify a negative value. The family is the closest and most continuous social relationship for most people. Therefore, many health-related habits, behaviours and attitudes are learned and modelled from this context. The degree of support or encouragement received from family members and friends for partaking in a health-related activity might be an im­portant factor. This is dealt with in more detail later (p. 38).
In developing countries factors such as poverty, poor nutrition and poor resistance to pathogens are all interrelated with a poor health status of the popu­lation. Similarly, historical statistics from industrial­ized countries show that over the last two or three centuries there has been a strong positive correlation between improved health, life expectancy and im­proved economy. In most countries the relationship between socio-economic status and disease runs across the social hierarchy. This shows that the rela­tionship between socio-economic status and health is a question of relative deprivation rather than absolute deprivation. This linear association can only be par­tially explained by lifestyle factors. Usually people with a higher socio-economic status have healthier habits than those from lower socio-economic groups. Similarly there are huge differences in life expectancy between western and eastern European countries that can be attributed to socio-economic factors.
Interaction of different factors
It is evident that no single factor can alone explain the health of a nation, demographic group or individual. It is difficult to capture all the relevant features and their relationships. Having good genes can prevent some people from getting a disease; on the otherhand, somebody with poor genes can get ill regardless of a healthy lifestyle and other positive factors. Consider­ing the impact of all aspects of a persons life as a total entity in understanding health and illness is called holism.
One comprehensive attempt to describe/model the interactions between different factors is the nested model of health. This model consists of two levels of activity, the individual and the commu­nity level. The individual level is composed of five different categories:
*
Psychosocial environment (e.g. personal housing)
*
Microphysical environment (e.g. chemicals and noise)
*
Work environment (e.g. work stress)
*
Behavioural environment (e.g. smoking, alcohol use, exercise)
*
Race/class/gender environment.
These environments are thought to affect each other and t o affect and be affected by the individual. The individual level is nested/located in the centre of the community level. This community level, which is the main focus of health policy decision makers, is composed of four components, the political/ economic climate (e.g. unemployment level), the macro physical environment (e.g. air quality), social justice/equity (e.g. social security system) and local control/cohesiveness (e.g. local planning efforts). These four components are interrelated and changes in them are expected to lead to changes in the health of individuals.

Process of illness

Becoming ill
Understanding illness behaviour can help pharmacists appreciate and accept why patients respond different­ly to seemingly similar pain or discomfort. The general criteria by which people view themselves as well include a feeling of well-being, an absence of symp­toms and an ability to perform normal functions. This is the baseline situation against which any changes are
29
SECTION ONE Pharmacy practice and society
judged. When studying health-related behaviour it is important to consider how behaviour changes with the health status of the individual. Kasl & Cobb de­fined three types of behaviour that characterize three stages in the progress of disease:
*
Health behaviour, which refers to any activity undertaken by people believing themselves to be healthy for the purpose of preventing disease or detecting it at an asymptomatic stage
*
Illness behaviour, which involves any activity undertaken by people who feel ill, to define the state of their health and to discover a suitable remedy
*
Sick-role behaviour, which refers to the activity undertaken for the purpose of getting well by those who consider themselves ill.
Ways of identifying and reacting to symptoms
Symptoms can be classified into three broad groups: those symptoms noted by the patient, symptoms not­ed by behavioural changes and patient complaints. A behaviour which in some situations is regarded as normal can in other situations be regarded as a sign of illness. Not all symptoms can be regarded as med­ical, as they may have a natural explanation, like tired­ness. Different symptoms may be perceived very differently, depending on the person, setting and sit­uation. Differences in illness behaviour occur as a function of the immediate experience, past experi­ences and the patients information processing, orga­nizing and recall. The significance of symptoms is judged according to the degree of interference with normal activities, the clarity of symptoms, the per­sons tolerance threshold, familiarity of symptoms, assumptions about cause and prognoses, interpersonal influence from the lay-referral system and other life crises making the symptoms appear more severe. The subjective and psychosocial aspects of an incident can be more important in determining decision and action than the symptoms themselves.
The experience of illness involves affective and cognitive reactions to illness, in which the patient undergoes emotional changes and attempts to under­stand the illness. Bernstein & Bernstein have de­scribed these emotional reactions to illness and treatment in the following ways:
*
Emotional reactions directly related to illness or treatment, including fear, anxiety and a feeling of
damage and frustration caused by loss of habitual gratification and pleasure
*
Reactions determined primarily by life experience before or during illness, such as anger, dependency and guilt
*
Complications such as depression and loss of self-esteem.
Women are more likely than men to interpret discom­fort as a medical symptom; they also recall and report more symptoms. These differences may partly be explained by a higher interest in and concern with health issues among women than men. The family often plays an active rolein the symptom identification process. Other family members may recognize some symptoms before the person does. The family also takes part in the interpretation process of symptoms. The culture is also an important factor influencing the process of symptom identification and evaluation. Some cultures describe more readily common symp­toms as medical, while others tend to suppress signs of medical symptoms. There might also be differences between generations in this respect. What was earlier considered as normal may today be seen as something requiring medical attention. The individuals feeling of anxiety may also explain the symptom levels, since high anxiety hasbeen associated with the identification of many symptoms.
Sick-role behaviour
When people perceive themselves to be sick they adopt the so-called sick-role behaviour. According to Parsons this includes the following components:
*
The patient is not blamed for being sick
*
The patient is exempt from work and other responsibilities
*
The illness is seen as legitimate as long as the patient accepts the undesirability of it
*
The patient is expected to seek competent help to get well again.
It has been found that not all people follow these patterns of the sick role and it should be seen more as a general framework for understanding illness be­haviour. However, this framework is not able to ex­plain variations within illness behaviour; it is not applicable to chronic disease and often not to mental illness. There are also certain diseases where there might be some unwillingness to grant the exemptions from blame. These include certain conditions related to smoking, overuse of alcohol and AIDS. But even epilepsy has been stigmatized in many cultures.
30
Socio-behavioural aspects of health and illness CHAPTER 3
The role of personality in illness
Personality has been shown to be associated with ill­ness. People who have high levels of anxiety, depres­sion and anger/hostility traits seem to be more disease prone than others. These emotions are part of reac­tions to different types of stress. People handle stress­ful situations in different ways. People who approach stressful situations more positively and hopefully are less disease prone and also tend to recover more quickly if they get ill. People who are ill need to overcome their negative thoughts and feelings in or­der to recover more quickly.
The cardiologists Friedman and Rosenman were the first ones to describe differences in behavioural and emotional style, when studying the behaviour of heart patients. These patterns have been named Type A and Type B behaviour. The Type A behaviour pat­tern is characterized by:
*
A competitive achievement orientation, including a high level of self-criticism and striving towards goals without feeling a sense of joy in achievements
*
Time urgency, e.g. tight scheduling of commitments, impatience with time delays and unproductive time
*
Anger/hostility which is easily aroused. This component, especially, seems to be detrimental to good health. Type A individuals respond more quickly and strongly to stress, often seeing stressors as threats to their personal control.
The Type A pattern may also increase the persons probability of getting into stressful situations. The relationships between Type A behaviour and psycho­social factors are very complex, involving multiple levels of human experience.
Type B behaviour is opposite to Type A, with indi­viduals taking life more easily with little competitive­ness, time urgency and hostility. Interestingly the overall evidence for an association between Type A and B behaviour and general illnesses is weak and inconsistent. However,many studies, but not all, have shown a clear association between Type A behaviour and coronary heart disease.

Health knowledge, beliefs and attitudes

There are different definitions of what this knowledge is. Sometimes it may include a variety of things such as beliefs, expectations, norms and cognitive percep-
tions. If this is the case, knowledge has to be consid­ered in a wider framework than merely having some factual knowledge about diseases and treatment. One of the goals in current health care is to improve the patients problem solving capacity. The starting point is providing the necessary information and improving the factual knowledge of the patient. It has been shown several times that knowledge alone is not sufficient to ensure change in behaviour, which is often the goal. Preventive behaviours, the treatment process and taking medications all require a certain amount of knowledge. The current trend emphasizing guided self-care in chronic diseases such as asthma, diabetes and hypertension requires a well-informed patient. The aim is to produce patients who actively participate in their own treatment. In research set­tings, the narrow approach towards knowledge usually involves using a knowledge index (set of questions) that the patient has to answer before and after an educational intervention.
Attitudes have been defined as states of readiness or predisposition, feeling for or against something, which predisposes to particular responses. They in­volve emotions (feelings) and knowledge (or beliefs) about the object and emanate in behaviour. Attitudes are not inherited but learned and, though relatively stable, are modifiable by education.
The health belief model
The health belief model, which was originally devel­oped by Rosenstock and his colleagues to predict the use of preventive health services, has been extensively used during the last two decades to try to explain various health behaviours. The model was further developed for predicting health behaviour in chronic diseases and reformulated for predicting compliance with healthcare regimens.
The elements of the model are subjective percep­tions which can be modified, at least in theory. Accord­ing to the model, the probability that a person will take a preventive health action – that is, perform some health, illness or sick-role behaviour – is a function of:
*
The perceived susceptibility to the health problem or disease
*
The perceived severity of medical and social consequences of the disease
*
The perceived benefits and barriers (costs) related to the recommended behaviour.
According to the model, the more vulnerable the per­son feels and the more serious the disease the more
31
SECTION ONE Pharmacy practice and society
likely it is the person will act. Furthermore, various factors that result from the perceptions are expected to modify this motivating force. These factors include demographic, socio-economic and therapy-related factors as well as the illness itself and the prescribed regimen. Prior contact with the disease or knowledge about the disease may modify the behaviour. Some incidents, so-called cues to action, are also expected to trigger the behaviour. These include, for example, a mass media campaign, magazine article, advice from significant others or illness of a family member or friend.
The concept of perception is important in the health belief model. It is the patients and not the pharmacists perceptions that drive the decisions and behaviours of the patient. In studies of compli­ance with prescribed medications the concept of per­sonal susceptibility has been modified because the illness has already been diagnosed. One approach includes examining the individuals estimate of or belief in the accuracy of the diagnosis. This concept has also been extended to estimating resusceptibility or measuring the individuals subjective feelings of vulnerability to various other diseases or to illness in general. Studies show that in hypertension, for exam­ple, the threat posed by hypertension and the per­ceived effectiveness of treatment in reducing this threat seem to be important predictors of compliance. Likewise the perceived control over ones own health is important. There is some controversy about the chronology of these beliefs and whether they precede or develop simultaneously with health behaviour.
The health belief model and common sense might tell us that the patients decision to seek health care, accept a diagnosis and engage in health-related beha­viours would be related to the seriousness of the dis­ease. Research indicates this may not always be the case. Patientshealth behaviours are a function of many psychosocial variables. Reasons why humans may behave illogically are dealt with in more detail in the section The conflict theory, below, and also in the section Decision analysis and behavioural deci­sion theory(p. 34).
The theory of reasoned action
According to the theory of reasoned action by Ajzen & Fishbein, a persons intention is the best predictor of what he will do. The persons intention is determined by his attitude regarding the behaviour and whether he thinks it is a good or bad thing to do. This assess-
ment is based on behavioural beliefs about possible outcomes of the behaviour and evaluations of whether these outcomes would be rewarding. The other atti­tude represents the impact of social pressure or influ­ence. These are based on normative beliefs regarding othersopinions about the behaviour and the persons motivation to follow those opinions, i.e. what do other people think I should do? The theory proposes that the subjective norm and the attitude regarding the behaviour combine to produce an intention, which leads to the behaviour.
If behaviour is determined by beliefs, this raises the question of what factors determine beliefs? These factors would include things like age, sex, education, social class, culture and personality traits. These vari­ables influence behaviour indirectly rather than directly. One of the problems with the theory is that people do not always do what they plan, i.e. intentions and behaviour are only moderately related. Another problem is that people do not always act rationally. Irrational decisions such as delaying medical treat­ment when symptoms exist cannot be explained by the model. Neither does the model include prior experiences with the behaviour, which might be an important factor to consider, since past behaviour is a strong predictor of future practice of that behaviour.
The conflict theory
The conflict theory has been used to explain rational and irrational decision making. According to the mod­el the process a person is using in arriving at a health­related decision involves five stages. It starts when something challenges the persons current course of action. It can be a threat (e.g. symptom) or a mass media alert about, for example, the danger of narco­tics or an opportunity (e.g. free membership to a health club). The different stages of the conflict theory model are:
*
Assessing the challenge, i.e. whether the risk is serious enough. The assessment may involve thoughts such as the risk is not real, it is irrelevant or inapplicable. If the risk is not considered serious enough, the behaviour continues as before and the decision-making process stops.
*
Assessing alternatives, i.e. the search for alternatives for dealing with the risk starts when the risk is acknowledged. This stage ends when the
32
Socio-behavioural aspects of health and illness CHAPTER 3
suitability of available alternatives has been surveyed.
*
Weighing alternatives, i.e. the pros and cons of each alternative are weighed to find the best option.
*
Making a final choice and committing to it.
*
Adhering despite negative feedback, i.e. after starting a new behaviour people may have second thoughts about it if the environment is not supportive or it gives negative feedback.
The decision process can be aborted at any point. Errors in decision making are often caused by stress, information overload, group pressure and other fac­tors. The way people cope with stress has an impor­tant role in health, illness and sick-role behaviour. According to the conflict theory, a persons coping with a conflict is dependent on the presence and absence of risks, hope and adequate time. Different combinations of these may result in different types of behavioural response. For example, when there are perceptions of high risk in changing the behaviour and no hope in finding a better alternative, a high level of stress is experienced. Denial and shifting responsi­bility to someone else are typical responses, with delays in seeking care when needed. The perception of serious risk, and belief in a better alternative, but also a perception of running out of time, also create high levels of stress. People search desperately for solutions and may choose an alternative hastily if promised immediate relief.Different untested cancer quacks are good examples where unscrupulous people try to make use of this kind of situation. The percep­tion of serious risk, with a belief that a better alterna­tive will become available and there is time to search for it, results in low levels of stress and rational choices.
Locus of control
It has been claimed that how individuals perceive their ability to influence disease and the treatment is an important determinant of health behaviour. Peo­ple have been categorized into two groups: those with an internal locus of control and those with an external locus of control. The former tend to perceive that they are in control of their own health by their actions and behaviour, while the latter consider that health is externally determined and their actions have little or no effect. Therefore those with a strongly internal locus of control should tend to practise behaviours that prevent illness and promote health. Research has shown that this is the case, but the relationship
is not very strong. This shows that the locus of control is just one factor among many others that determine health behaviour. Belief in internal control is likely to have a greater impact among people who place a higher value on their health than among those who do not.
Self-efficacy and social learning
Sometimes performing a health action is hard to do because it is technically difficult or it may involve several steps. Therefore the belief in the success in doing something – called self-efficacy – may be an important determinant in choosing or not choosing to change behaviour. People develop a sense of effica­cy through their successes and failures, observations of othersexperiences and assessments of their abili­ties by others. People assess their efficacy based on the effort that is required, complexity of the task and situational factors, e.g. the possibility of receiving help if needed. People who think they are not able to quit smoking will not even try, while people who believe they can succeed will try and eventually some may even succeed.
Those with a strong sense of self-efficacy show less psychological strain in response to stressors than those with a weak sense of efficacy. People differ in the degree to which they believe they have control over the things that happen in their lives. Those who ex­perience prolonged, high levels of stress and lack a sense of personal control tend to feel helpless. Having a strong sense of control seems to benefit health and adjustment to sickness.
As environmental factors and expectations direct­ed towards the individuals change, they must either intensify their activities or change their environment. Individuals have different capabilities of coping and different coping strategies. According to the social learning theory, people change their environment with the help of symbols they choose in accordance with their values, norms and goals. On the other hand, the environment changes the individuals behaviour by rewarding beneficial activities and punishing or not rewarding activities that harm the environment. Through the socialization process the individual adopts the values and norms of the community, is socialized as its member and gains identity. Through this process the individual has learned to act efficient­ly in social systems.
Antonowsky has used the sense of coherence concept, which is an extensive and constant feeling
33
SECTION ONE Pharmacy practice and society
of an individuals internal and external environment being in harmony with each other. Every individual has characteristic psychosocial potentials that include material resources, intelligence, knowledge, coping strategies, social support, arts, religion, philosophy and health behaviour. Antonowsky calls a sense of coherence salutogenicor health generating. Dis­ease–health is a continuum, at one end of which is a high degree of coherence and health (ease) and at the other end a low degree of coherence and illness (dis­ease). External factors that the individual considers threatening mobilize the defence mechanisms and cause stress conditions in the individual. Prolonged stress is disease generating and causes the condition dis-ease.
Coping
Because of the emotional and physical strain that accompanies it, stress is uncomfortable and people are motivated to do things that reduce their stress. The concept of coping is used to describe how people adjust to stressful situations in their life. Coping is the process by which people try to manage the perceived discrepancy between the demands and resources they appraise in stressful situations. Coping means the abil­ity to meet the demands of new situations and solve the problems with which one is confronted. Coping is determined by situational and personal determinants. At the individual level, external factors turn into stress factors if previous experiences together with personality traits, consciously or unconsciously, are considered as threatening or diminish self-esteem. Coping efforts can be quite varied and do not neces­sarily lead to a solution of the problem. It can help the person to alter his perception of a discrepancy, toler­ate or accept the harm or threat and escape or avoid the situation. The coping process is not a single event.
Coping mechanisms
Coping can alter the problem or it can regulate the emotional response causing the stress reaction to the problem. Behavioural approaches include using alco­hol or drugs, seeking social support from friends or simply watching TV. Cognitive approaches in­volve how people think about the stressful situation, e.g. changing the meaning of the situation. Emotion­focused approaches are used when people think they cannot do anything to change the stressful situation. Problem-focused coping is used to reduce the demands of the stressful situation or to expand the
capacity and resources to deal with it. The two types of coping can also be used together. Sarafino (2005) has summarized commonly used methods of coping as follows:
*
The direct method, i.e. doing something specifically and directly to cope with a stressor, for example negotiating, consulting, arguing, running away
*
Seeking information and acquiring knowledge about the stressful situation
*
Turning to others, i.e. seeking help, reassurance and comfort from family and friends
*
Resigned acceptance, i.e. the person comes to terms with the situation and accepts it as it is
*
Emotional discharge, i.e. expressing feelings or reducing tension by taking, for example, alcohol or drugs, smoking cigarettes
*
Intrapsychic processes, i.e. cognitive redefinition, for example the things could be worseattitude.

Decision analysis and behavioural decision theory

Decision analysis is a systematic way of studying the process of decision making among patients, pharma­cists and physicians. This is a widely used tool in phar­macoeconomics today (see Ch. 19). It usually involves assigning numbers to perceived values of the therapeu­tic outcomes and the probability that the outcome will occur. This gives a utility of each outcome and the one with the highest utility would be chosen. One problem is that humans do not always make decisions logically or treat information as value free.
Why dont humans behave logically? One explana­tion that has been offered is that humans are biased when making decisions under uncertainty because we fail to appreciate randomness. We believe that there are known causes and effects for all phenomena and we have a need to be able to explain outcomes. It is easier to explain, even incorrectly, than to have to deal with uncertain situations.People also tend to be inconsistent in judgment, often because of difficulties in remem­bering how a judgment was made. Another reason is that we seldom receive feedback from negative deci­sions,for example ifwe decide not to take the medicine we do not know how effective it would have been.
Behaviour decision theory has been used to under­stand how patients make decisions about their med­icine and health-related behaviour. These include acquisition of information, information processing,
34
Socio-behavioural aspects of health and illness CHAPTER 3
making decisions under uncertainty and interpreting outcomes of that decision. It has been found that patients are more likely to take a health risk to avoid an aversive situation than to gain a positive health outcome. Patients are also more likely to choose a certain outcome than an outcome with a high proba­bility of occurrence, even if the certain outcome is less valued than that one with a high probability of occur­rence. When a person has already invested time and money on a product or activity they are likely to continue it, even if it does not appear to be effective.
Hogarth has described different biases that people tend to have in decision making which may be helpful in understanding patient choices about health behav­iour. We tend to believe more in well-publicized events than in those that are less publicized. This has direct links with the consumers choice of well­advertised over the counter (OTC) medicines. There is a tendency to believe what matches our existing beliefs. This selective perception has direct implica­tions for health education in pharmacies. We also tend to believe real incidents more than abstract statistics. Positive experiences from a family member quitting smoking is more likely to be effective than showing statistics about future (uncertain) consequences of smoking. Two incidents occurring close in time and place tend to be regarded as causal. Becoming ill after having taken a medicine (regardless of cause and ef­fect) would usually trigger a response of aversion next time seeing the same medicine. We are reluctant to change our beliefs, even when given new data, and tend to discount the new information rather than discount our belief. Very few instances of an occur­rence are needed for us to form a new belief if it has a strong effect upon us. This has direct implications to the experience of side-effects of drugs. We also be­lieve something is more likely to happen if we want it to happen. A decision that was successful is more likely to be considered to be due to the knowledge and wisdom of the decision maker. On the other hand, a decision resulting in bad outcomes is likely to be blamed on others.
Theory into practice – the process of behaviour change
A lot of pharmacistsactivities will focus on changing the behaviour of patients. Without going into the ethical aspects of behaviour change, we will concen­trate on the process of change. It has been proved several times that merely using common sense is not
enough to reach permanent behaviour change. Using a common-sense approach would assume that, given the facts, people will be able to change their behaviour in a direction anticipated by the healthcare profes­sional. A simple example illustrates the limits of this approach – why do so many people still smoke cigar­ettes despite knowing all the negative consequences of smoking?
Even if many of the behavioural theories are far from complete or comprehensive, they may guide us in improving the outcome of behavioural interven­tions. Behaviour change includes a long list of steps that need to be taken before it is finalized:
*
The process starts with attention. The person needs to be exposed to the message; this might be a counselling session by the pharmacist or a health campaign in the mass media. If the same message is repeated from different sources and these sources are regarded as credible, the likelihood of change grows. Therefore it is important that the information received from physicians and pharmacists is congruent. If patients receive mixed messages they are more likely to ignore them.
*
Attention is followed by motivation. The person must feel motivated to change their behaviour. It is well known that immediate rewards are more motivating than anticipated rewards after several years.
*
Next the person has to comprehend the message to be able to act upon it, but they also need to learn some facts, i.e. improve their knowledge base. These facts need to be simple and match the local culture.
*
The following step is persuasion, i.e. the person needs to change their attitude.
*
Furthermore they might need to learn some new techniques and skills in how to take or handle the medication. Demonstration and guided practice are the best ways of handling this step.
*
The person must also be able to perform the skills and maintain the learned skills, which include self­efficacy training and feedback of success. Many experiments with a long enough follow-up show that positive results can be achieved with pharmacistsinterventions, but when the experiment is over, the results soon deteriorate to pre-experiment levels.
*
Continuous reinforcement is necessary to maintain good results in any intervention, be it changing medicine-taking behaviour or modification of preventive health behaviour.
35
SECTION ONE Pharmacy practice and society

The treatment process

Self- and lay care
During the 1970s and 1980s a new trend emphasizing the role of the individual and patient emerged as a part of a more general trend called consumerism. People have become more committed to getting and taking control of their own lives and assessing the impact of their behaviour on their health. Different self-care and self-help movements were a direct result of this trend. The same trend has been obvious in most coun­tries although the starting time and speed of it has varied. At the same time the dominant role of health­care personnel has diminished. With new information sources, and especially the Internet, the trend con­tinues to grow and spread to countries where physi­cians and other healthcare personnel still dominate. This new trend has included a much more critical attitude towards what is being done in health care and the quality of care given. Patients are asking more questions, seeking more information and taking a more active role in their health care. They have a better basic education and greater knowledge, espe­cially about their own disease and treatment of that disease.
The new trend has also put increasing demands on pharmacists regarding their knowledge base, especial­ly in therapeutics but also in communication. The priorities in treatment goals may differ between the patient and the treating physician and this calls for negotiation. One aspect is that patientsviews have to be taken seriously.
According to the self-care philosophy, people should be given more responsibility for their own health. One way this can be achieved is to empha­size the role of self-care in treating minor ailments using home remedies and an in crea sed number of self-medication products. Especially in the 1980s and early 1990s this trend was obvious in many countries. The most common ‘action’ in response to a perceived health problem has been to ignore the problem or wait for a few days. It is estimated that some 30–40% of health problems are dealt with in this way. Of those who take some action, 75–80% self-diagnose and use self-treatment, while only 20–25% seek professional care. Therefore a seemingly small change in this ratio (towards using more professional care) has a substantial impact and burden on the official healthcare system. Of those who use self-treatment, some 70–90% are
self-medicating, and of those self-medicating, some 80% are using OTC drugs. Home remedies such as onion, garlic and warm drinks, as well as different herbal products, vitamins and minerals, are widely used all over the world. Some of the newly emerg­ing preparations are marketed with high promi ses of eternal youth and health, the evidence base for which is n onexistent or weak.
Before people decide to seek medical care for their symptoms they get and seek advice from friends, relatives and co-workers. These advisors form a lay referral network that provides its own information and interpretation regarding the symptoms, recom­mending home remedies, self-medication, profes­sional help or consulting another lay expertwho may have had a similar problem.
The pharmacy is often the first place where peo­ple come to seek help within the healthcare system. Increased self-care includes also potential risks in thatlaypeoplemaynotbeabletodistinguishbe­tween serious and non-serious symptoms. Certain situations may demand professional care without further delay cau sed by inappropriate self-medica­tion practices. The lay referral network can in some cases be guilty of causing delay in seeking care. This treatment delay has been divided into three stages: appraisal delay, illness delay and utilization delay. Appraisal d elay is the time it takes to interpret a symptom as a part of an illness. Illness delay is the time between recognizing the illness and the deci­sion to seek care. Finally, utilization delay is the time between the decision to seek care and actually using a health serv ice.
There has also been concern about misuse of OTC drugs such as laxatives, codeine-containing cough medicines, etc. The other side of the coin is saved resources in health care when there is less reliance on professionals. This seems to be an important aspect as healthcare budgets tend to increase more rapidly than the general inflation rate.
Primary care
Simultaneously with emerging self-care, the con­cept of primary heal th care was intr oduced. In 1977 the World Health Assembly of the World Health Organization adopted the concept of Health for All by the Year 2000. The following year this concept was translated into the so-called Alma Ata Declaration at the Alma Ata conference on primary health care. The focus was on making health care
36
Socio-behavioural aspects of health and illness CHAPTER 3
more accessible and lowering the healthcare costs and thus improving the quality of life for the whole population. According to the declaration, primary health care should include:
*
Education about prevailing health problems
*
Methods of identifying, preventing and controlling them
*
Promotion of food supply and proper nutrition
*
Adequate water supply and basic sanitation
*
Maternal and child health care including family planning
*
Immunization against the major infectious diseases
*
Prevention and control of locally endemic diseases
*
Appropriate treatment of common diseases and injuries
*
Promotion of mental health
*
Provision of essential drugs.
Primary health care focuses on principal health pro­blems and must be part of national health policy and planning. The conference recommended a re­evaluation of health priorities, putting less emphasis on curative facilities, especially in third world coun­tries. The conference also called for cooperation and commitment in striving for an acceptable level of health for all people by the year 2000.
The scope of public health is population based rather than individually based. Public health problems are not a series of individuals presenting diseases to a healthcare provider for cure, alleviation or preven­tion, but are considered in the context of the commu­nity. It is a public health problem to determine the prevalence of a disease in the community, compare that with figures from previous years and plan health services to reduce the prevalence. Public health includes enumeration, analysing and planning, but also specific actions to be taken. Public health exists on two levels: the micro level, for example performing some public health function such as immunization or preventing inappropriate use of illicit drugs, and the macro level, with activities like planning or policy formulation.
Factors influencing the use of health services
The structures of the healthcare systems in differ­ent countries have a lot of similarities but also a lot of differences. The system is the sum of historical development, culture and economic factors. In some countries there are actually several different
systems in place within the healthcare system. It is not within the scope of this chapter to describe these different systems, rather to highlight some of the current issues in organizing the health care of the citizens and to highlight some socio­behavioural factors influencing the provision of care. It may seem obvious that when having bad angina you will need hospital care and you will be provided with all the technical know-how and help in dealing with the problem. However, the country you happen to live in, the insuranc e policy you have, the services available, quality of care, etc. will all influence the outcome of the disease. The orga­nization and financing of health care, the environ­ment of medical care, social and cultural factors all influence t he care that you will receive.
Demographic factors
Several important differences have been reported between different age groups and between genders. However, few reports have been able to validate the reasons for these differences. As mentioned before,itiswellknownthatwomenreportmore symptoms and that they have a lower threshold of pain and discomfort and are more likely to seek care. Men are more hesitant than women to admit to having symptoms and to seek medical care for these symptoms. This can be a result of perceived sex-role stereotypes – men should be tough and independent and ignore or endure pain. Women use physician services more than men in all age groups except for the first few years of life. Regard­less of this, men have a higher mortality and shorter life expectancy at all ages.
In general, young children and the elderly use physician services more often than adolescents and young adults. Age differences in health behaviour cannot be explained by biological ageing alone. El­derly people have different views on health and illness, symptoms, healthcare use and drugs. There is a danger in labelling all elderly people as having similar attitudes concerning health issues, but, as with younger persons, among the elderly there are also a wide variety of views on health and treat­ment. Certain ideas are more prevalent am ong t he elderly than the young. The differences can partly be explained by so-called cohort effects, meaning people of the same age have been exposed to the same kind of experiences and attitudes in society and therefore are also likely to share certain beha­vioural characteristics.
37
SECTION ONE Pharmacy practice and society
Cultural and socio-economic factors
Ethnic and cultural background may explain some differences in symptom experience, how people seek medical care and how they take their medicines. In the 1950s a classic study about how people deal with pain found big differences between Italian, Jewish, Irish and Yankee (Old American) hospitalized patients. Italian and Jewish patients were more likely to respond emotionally and expressively to pain than Irish or Yankee patients, who tended to deny pain. Italian and Jewish patients showed their pain by cry­ing, complaining and demanding, while the Irish and Yankee patients preferred to hide their pain and with­draw from others. More recent studies among immi­grants in the USA found that the differences in willingness to tolerate pain diminish in succeeding generations. Other similar studies have shown cultur­al differences among European countries and the USA, e.g. in perception of fever and the need to medicate childrens fever.
There are also differences in seeking care according to social class, education and income. These factors all point in the same direction – those who are better off also use more health services. Different models of why people seek or do not seek health services have been proposed. The health belief model has also been used in this context.
Social support
Social environments and networks are important in the growth, development and health of people. So­cial support is an important factor in all phases of the process of illness and the treatment process. Social support relates directly to the general a nd universal needs of people. The best known theory is that by Maslow. According to his theory, human needs are hierarchical, starting with basic physio­logical needs, followed by safety needs, belonging­ness and love needs, esteem needs, and finishing with the highest – self-actualization needs . A slight- ly modified and simplified model is that by Allardt; according to Allardt, peoples needs include stan­dard of living (having), social relations (loving) and forms of self-actualization (being). Social relations include social networks and belonging to them is the basis of ones identity and social existence. Social support is the term used for different forms of emotional and material supp ort. The nature of social support is reciprocal. It can be support pro­vided directly by one person to another or indirect­ly through the system or community.
Forms andlevels of social support
*
Material or instrumental support includes money, goods, auxiliary appliances and medicine
*
Operational support includes service, transportation and rehabilitation
*
Informational support includes advice, directions, feedback, education and training
*
Emotional support involves the expression of caring, empathy, love and encouragement
*
Mental support involves a common ideology, belief and philosophy.
Social support has two dimensions, a qualitative and a quantitative dimension. It can also be subjective and objective in nature. The quality of social support can be measured only by subjective assessments. When providing material support the quantitative aspect is more prominent (medicines an exception); in the other support forms the qualitative aspect (including timing) is more important than the quantitative as­pect. Thus a small functioning support network is better than a broad but passive one.
Social support has been divided into primary, sec­ondary and tertiary levels bas ed on the in timacy of the social relationships. The primary level includes family and close friends, the secondary level includes friends, colleagues and neighbours and the tertiary level acquaintances, authorities, public and private services. Social support can be provided by a lay person (usually on the primary and secondary level) or a professional (usually on the tertiary level). Recently different organizations have started training courses for lay providers of support aiming at strengthening the second level of s upport. Social support has both direct effects on health and well­being and indirect stress-buffering effects o n coping in stressful situations.
The research on the effects of social support on health goes back to the late 1940s and early 1950s. The first studies in this area showed that lack of social support exposes people to recurrent accidents, suicide and risk of catching tuberculosis. In the 1970s the emphasis was on relationships between social support structures and health in communities. It was shown that the lack of social support increases the incidence of coronary heart disease, mortality due to myocardial infarction and total mortality in the population. It has also been shown that social support is important in perceived health and in reducing hypertension. Social support also has a positive effect on physical, social and emotional recovery. It reduces the need for med­ication and speeds up symptom amelioration. The
38