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144 S.K. Sinha and C. Christmas
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expected to double in Asia and the Latin America/Caribbean regions by 2030. Sub-Saharan Africa has the youngest of the world’s regions, with only 2.9% of its population being older than 65 years in 2000. It continues to remain the youngest region as the proportion of its older population grows slowly owing to the combined effects of high fertility rates coupled with an overall population decline due to the impact of AIDS. Nevertheless, population aging in many developing countries means they eventually encounter the same debates around intergenerational equity, social security, and increasing health care costs that have already emerged in Europe, the USA, and Canada [17].
Concepts in Individual Aging
Individual aging refers to the length of life for individuals, measured most often in years. A summary measure of indi­vidual aging for a population is most often represented by life expectancy [7]. Life expectancy is calculated from death probabilities observed throughout the age range over a selected time period, usually one calendar year, and may be estimated for a given birth cohort or for a population reaching any age or age range [7]. With individuals now living longer on average than ever before, there is growing interest around the degree to which life expectancies at birth and older ages can increase. While the risk of death remains relatively high at birth, it rapidly declines to its lowest point during sexual maturity, followed by an exponential rise until around 85 years of age. Thereafter, it has been demonstrated that the rate at which the risk of death increases actually begins to decelerate [18–21].
Complicating any discussion about individual aging is the idea that there may be some maximal lifespan that is biologi­cally determined for every species, including humans. This belief, interestingly, had its nonscientific origins in biblical references to a human lifespan of 120 years (Genesis 6:6). Indeed, if there is some age x beyond which no one could sur­vive, arguably there must be some eventual limit to the rise in life expectancy. The existence of such a maximal age is becom­ing increasingly questioned [22]. First, if it is possible to survive to age x, surely it must also be possible to survive to age x plus 1 day. Following this logic, there may be no finite limit, even though survival to very old age is already, from a statistical standpoint, highly unlikely. The oldest individuals whose ages have been reliably documented are a Frenchwoman, Jeanne Calment, who died in 1997 at the age of 122, and an American, Sarah Knauss, who died in 1999 at the age of 119 [23, 24]. Because the chance of death is high at such ages, the probability of observing significantly older individuals in the near future is exceedingly small. Nevertheless, these records are likely to be broken eventually.
Differential, Usual, and Successful Aging
Chronological age (age in number of years) and physiological age (age in terms of functional capacity) do not always coin-
cide, and often the physical appearance and health status of an individual belie their chronological age. Increasingly, it is being observed that disparities in the timetable of aging may occur among individuals or among selected populations, or in other words, that some individuals “age” at much slower or faster rates than others. Furthermore, changes with aging are heterogeneous not only among individuals within a select group, but also among various organs within each individual person. The onset, rate, and magnitude of the changes vary depending on the cell, tissue, organ, system, or laboratory evaluation of several parameters [25–27] and the manifesta­tions of aging are a complex interplay between genetic variables, disease states, and environmental exposures.
Attempts to define in humans a physiological “norm” inevitably disclose a range of functional decrements with advancing age. In earlier studies, the comparison of several functions from younger to older age focused on a gradation of decrements with increasing age [25]. However, as the prevalence of chronic diseases increase with age, the func­tional loss that was noted with age in these early studies, may have been due to the effects of disease rather than the natural concomitants of aging itself. More recent research has further continued to challenge the inevitability of functional impair­ment with chronological aging. While significant changes in laboratory evaluation of some physiological functions may be erroneously attributed to aging, normal aging changes may also be misinterpreted as evidence of disease. Laboratory values are generally interpreted with reference to a normal range. Many of the age-related levels do not change on average, but the variance (i.e., the deviation from average) tends to increase [26], making deviation from the norm increasingly common with aging.
Regulation of certain functions may remain efficient until advanced age, whereas in others it declines at an early age. Examples of such differential aging may be inferred from fasting blood glucose levels and acid–base balance, which remain stable as late as 70–90 state. In contrast, the basal metabolic rate declines continu­ously throughout the life-span, while certain sensory modali­ties, such as vision and hearing, show functional decrements beginning during early adulthood. Although fasting blood glucose values are minimally affected by aging, when these levels are determined after increased physiological demand, the ability of the organism to maintain normal levels and the rate at which the levels return to normal are markedly different in mature and aged subjects. Similarly, cardiac index param­eters, renal function, respiratory function, and conduction velocity in nerves have been demonstrated to tolerate less
years of age in a nonstressed
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stress in the elderly than in younger individuals but are seem­ingly unimpaired in nonstressed states. Such declining ability of the aging organism to withstand or respond adequately to stress reveals an age difference not otherwise obvious.
Aging is believed to be a slow, continuous process. Therefore, some of its effects can be observed only when they have progressed sufficiently to induce identifiable alterations that can be validated by available testing methods. An illustrative example is atherosclerosis, the consequences of which manifest during middle and old age even though the atherosclerotic lesion may start early in infancy. Whatever organ or tissue is considered, timetables of aging represent an approximation, as the onset of aging cannot be pinpointed precisely by a specific physiological sign.
While a number of functions undoubtedly decline as we age, the extreme heterogeneity of overall functional status even in the oldest cohorts supports the view that aging must be evaluated on an individual basis. In addition to genetic makeup, the elderly individual’s health, social status, and economic and environmental conditions all contribute to how they age [28]. Aging processes have thus been catego­rized as usual aging, referring to the average physiological changes associated with some decrements in function, and successful aging, referring to advanced chronological age with minimal physical decrements [29].
Accordingly, individuals who age successfully are those who do not exhibit pathology and have minimal functional decrements. The concept of successful aging was formulated as “a reconceptualization of the aging process, one that provides a significant and necessary counterbalance to previous research that tended to emphasize age-related declines in functioning and health” [30]. It distinguishes three modalities of aging (1) disease/disabled, characterized by the presence of pathology, disability, or both; (2) “usual” (normal) aging, characterized by the absence of overt pathology but the presence of functional declines; and (3) “successful” aging, characterized by few or none of the physiological losses seen in the usual aging group. The concept is based on (1) the sub­stantial heterogeneity among aged individuals; (2) the obser­vation that aging is not a uniform or inevitable process of disease or disability; (3) the persistence of plasticity well into advanced age, that is, a continuing capacity for adaptive and compensatory rehabilitation; and (4) the identification of predictors of various patterns of aging, especially factors that contribute to more successful trajectories of aging.
Current studies of successful aging provide evidence for continuing good functional competence and recuperative plasticity into old age [31, 32]. The distinction among successful groups supports the hypothesis that extrinsic factors play an important role in age-associated functional decline. In one study, factors promoting maintenance or improvement of functioning included younger age, higher income, being Caucasian, low body weight, good lung
function, the absence of diabetes or hypertension, higher education, and high cognitive performance. Other correlates of high functioning were the absence of hospitalization, participation in moderate/strenuous exercise, and receiving emotional support [30]. Taking all such factors into account, the prospects for avoidance, or eventual reversal, of func­tional loss with age are vastly improved, and the risks of adverse consequences are reduced [29].
Consequences of Successful Aging
By focusing on the various modalities of aging, the heteroge­neity of the aging process is emphasized, and the validity of this concept is extended to all biomedical branches. Interventions may be beneficial at all ages provided they are customized to the individual [33, 34]. The potential for rehabilitation at advanced age is much greater than previ­ously supposed [27, 35–37], and there is a significant prob­ability of regaining function at all levels of disability. Physical exercise, dietary, surgical, and pharmacological interven­tions have proved successful in enhancing health even at older ages. Identification of “predictors” designed to maximize health and physiological competence enhances the quality of life of the elderly, reduces their burden of disease and disability, and decreases the socioeconomic need for health care resources. This previously underestimated the ability to significantly recover, though sometimes incompletely, portends even more benefit to surgical therapies into advanced age for certain individuals than once anticipated.
Future Trends
Rather than converging toward some biological limit, it seems that mortality trends are now pointing in the direction of fur­ther gains in human longevity. Mortality rates continue fall­ing across the age ranges in most developed countries, where the pace of decline has accelerated among the elderly in par­ticular. There is no sign in most demographic data that humans are approaching a mortality plateau imposed by some fixed biological limit [38]. The rapid increases in life expectancy witnessed during the first half of the twentieth century has slowed because the earlier increase resulted from the near­elimination of deaths during infancy and childhood which ultimately yields a much larger increment in average life expectancy than reducing deaths in later life. As measured by the chance of death at any given age, however, the reduction in mortality has been remarkably stable over the past century and shows no sign of decelerating [39].
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Current projections based on trend extrapolation antici­pate that life expectancy at birth in developed countries will be around 85 years in 2050 [40, 41]. Given the long-term
stability of mortality trends and the multiplicity of factors that have contributed to the historical change, it seems naive to believe that the pace of change in the future will be substantially different from that in the past. Thus, it seems unlikely either that the increase in human longevity will end abruptly in the near future or that medical innovations will lead to a significant acceleration in the pace of change. Rather, we should expect continued slow improvements in life expectancy, which will be accompanied by the continued aging of the population and therefore an associated increase in the demand for health and social services.
Aging and Disability
The extent to which a longer life will be a healthier one, rather than one that contains more years of chronic illness or disability will have a significant impact on the future demand for health and long-term care services. While controversy exists among studies in this area, recent studies have gener­ally concluded that most of the gains in life expectancy seem to be occurring without growth in disability and potentially less disability for a given age with time. Thus, the increase in total life expectancy does not specifically correspond to increased time living in severe disability [42–46]. This reflects what Fries [47] described as a progressive com­pression of morbidity that seems to be characterizing aging populations. Likewise, Manton et al. [48] have characterized the declining rates of disability and associated health care expenditures among the elderly population in the USA. According to Manton [49], what is largely responsible for this continuing trend is that rate of decline in disability prevalence continues to be a faster one than the increase in total expected years of life. For instance, while disability prevalence among older people declined 0.26% per year between 1982 and 1989, the rate of decline increased to
0.38% per year between 1989 and 1994, and further to 0.56% per year between 1994 and 1999 [ been attributed to this progressive decline in the prevalence of disability, and including improvements in medical treatments, overall socioeconomic status, positive behavioral changes, and the more widespread use of assistive technologies. The overall result is illustrated in Fig. 11.2 which demon­strates how the prevalence of chronic disability among older people fell from 26% in 1982 through 23% in 1994 to 20% in 1999 [45]. This, it is argued, not only lessens the upward pressure of demographic change on health expenditures, but also has the potential to lower per capita demands on health and social services as well [50].
45]. Multiple factors have
Thus, if in addition to living longer, the current generation of older people is healthier and less disabled than their predecessors, the important question then becomes – what level of disability is present in those extra years? With disability representing the inability to perform a specific task because of health or age, resulting in impaired functional performance, the concept of active life expectancy has been developed to measure the number of years that people can expect to live on average without disability. Manton and Land [51] estimate that a woman of 65 with a life expectancy of 22.2 years remains fit and active for 15.7 years and a man of the same age, with a life expectancy of 15.7 years for 13.7 years.
In the classification of functional dependency, the Activities of Daily Living (ADLs) and Instrumental Activities of Daily Living (IADLs) are two classes of measures, based on an individual’s ability to perform specific tasks, that are widely utilized in home-dwelling populations to determine the capability for independent living or, vice versa, as indica­tors of disability. ADL tasks refer to those that are required to carry out basic self-care activities, such as transferring out of a bed or a chair, walking, toileting, bathing, and eating [52–54]. IADL tasks refer to those that are required to maintain an independent household, such as doing light housework, preparing meals, using the telephone, shopping for personal items, managing money, and getting around the community [55]. Within older populations, ADL dependency is less common than IADL dependency, and in the commu­nity dwelling population, 85 years of age and older, only 16% required help with one ADL, 10% with two or three ADLs, and 9% with four or more ADLs [56]. More than half of the community dwelling population, 80 years of age and over can still perform IADL tasks independently [56] which generally demand a combination of both cognitive and physical abilities.
Kane et al. [56] note that because health care profes­sionals tend to see the sick, they may form a distorted picture of the health and functional status of older individuals. Indeed, most older people are self-sufficient and able to function on their own or with minimal assistance. Even though they carry a greater burden of chronic conditions and impairments, 72% of older people report being in good to excellent health. Among all older adults, 95% are able to move about within their homes independently, 80% are able to leave their homes without assistance and had no difficulty with any personal care task, 68% had no difficulty with any domestic task, and 69% had no difficulty with any locomotor task [57]. As well, of those ages 75 and over, about one-fifth report taking no medication on a regular basis, two-fifths report needing medication regularly to control medical problems, while the remainder report having multiple medical problems and using three or four medicines on a regular basis [58].
(Age-standardized to 1999 population aged 65 and older)
Institutionalized and disabled
6.6
6.1
5.7
4.2
1982
6.8
2.9
3.0
3.4
3.7
3.0
1984 1989 1994 1999
3.5
3.7
3.1
3.0
3.4
6.0
6.7
7.0
6.9
6.1
3.2
4.8
6.2
5.7
4.4
19.7
24.4
26.2
26.2
22.5
Total disabled
IADL only
1
1 or 2 ADLs
2
3 or 4 ADLs
2
5 or 6 ADLs
2
1
Instrumental activities of daily living.
2
Activities of daily living.
Note: The reference population for these data is the Medicare enrollees aged 65 and older.
Fi g u r e 11.2 Percentage of people
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aged 65 and over with chronic disability: 1982–1999 [45].
14711 The Demography of Aging and Disability
Aging and Health Services Utilization
Notwithstanding the low degree of dependency among the majority of older people, this 12.4% of the population are the principal users of health care systems. In being the predomi­nant user of more expensive institutional services, they account for over one-third of health expenditures in the USA [56]. The 1997 National Medical Expenditure Survey demonstrated that the annual per capita costs of health care for older persons in the USA was $5,947 as compared to $3,226 for those aged 45–64 years and $1,666 for those aged 18–44 years. Increasingly, questions are being raised around whether societies with aging populations are able to cope with the concomitant ever-increasing costs that seem to be
associated in providing care for them. Clearly, new cost­conscious models of care delivery to meet the needs of the aging populations are needed.
While expenditure projections have traditionally exam­ined the effect of age on health care costs, it is being increas­ingly argued that well-founded estimates should account for the influence of remaining life expectancy, declining disabil­ity rates and the concentration of costs that often occurs toward the end of life. Lubitz and Riley [59] demonstrated that just under a third of annual Medicare payments are made on behalf of persons in their last year of life, with over half of their costs being incurred in the last 60 days of life, reflecting the fact that over half the deaths among elderly persons occur in the hospital [60]. In considering remaining life expectancy
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on future health care spending, Seshamani and Gray [61] demonstrated that the despite the pressure of population increases and aging demographic structures on overall hospi­tal expenditures, these will be partially countered by the postponement of death-related hospital costs later in life. The heterogeneous pattern of health care expenditures was fur­ther demonstrated when Lubitz et al. [62] determined that the average calculated Medicare expenditure for those who died at age 70 was $35,511 compared to $65,633 for those who survived to age 101 in the USA. Thus, the average Medicare expense per year from age 65 on for those who died at age 70 was $7,100 per year compared to only $1,823 for centenari­ans. While overall Medicare expenditures continue to increase, this should be properly attributed to the combined forces of cost inflation, therapeutic advances, and a growing number of beneficiaries with chronic illness requiring long­term maintenance therapy as opposed to aging itself.
When it was implemented, Medicare was designed to deal primarily with the effects of acute illness, which was then seen as the major threat to the health and financial security of older individuals. Now, the implications of having increasing numbers of older people living increasingly longer with chronic illness is becoming readily apparent, when 68% of current Medicare spending is accounted for by the 23% of Medicare beneficiaries having five or more chronic condi­tions [63]. Furthermore, federal outlays for Medicaid and Medicare are expected to grow substantially, from 21% of current government spending to an estimated 31% in 2017 [64]. The increasing cost pressures associated with financing public health insurance programs likely affect public spend­ing around other priorities, and overall economic growth, especially as the ratio of nonelderly taxpayers to elderly ben­eficiaries contracts. It is likely that unless the financing mechanism for Medicare is changed, or its benefit structure altered, the Medicare Trust Fund will be depleted in 2019 [65]. Increasing consideration is being given to determine to what extent the government will be willing to shift the costs of providing care to current recipients and to what extent it will look at shifting resources to support the provision of preventive care or health promotion services – not currently covered by Medicare or Medicaid – that may help to lessen the burdens associated with managing chronic disease. Finally, the significant indirect costs associated with treating chronic diseases in the elderly should also be noted when relatives may shoulder an enormous personal and economic burden when caring for an older spouse, parents, or other relations unable to live independently.
The pattern of increasing Medicare expenditures, however, remains in distinct contrast to the accumulated liability that increased life expectancies have on Social Security expendi­tures, without any foreseeable countering mechanisms. While the Social Security trust fund will have resources until
2041, the more critical dates are when Social Security and Medicare begin paying out more in benefits than they are receiving in taxes because that represents the time the govern­ment must start redeeming the bonds in the trust funds that support these programs. To do that, the government will have to increase its borrowing on financial markets, raise taxes or divert money from other government programs. For Medicare, the threshold when benefits exceed program income already occurred a few years ago. For Social Security, it is estimated that this threshold will be crossed in 2017.
Effective Interventions in the Elderly
With the growing expectation that future older cohorts will live longer and be in better health at later ages, greater consid­eration is being given to how treatment interventions can be extended to mitigate morbidity and mortality within older populations. While more comprehensive evaluations of the efficacy of treatment interventions at later ages will better inform practitioners about how and for whom these interven­tions should be extended, overcoming agism around treating illness at later ages will be just as important.
Agism is a term that describes the negative stereotyping of older adults and discrimination because of older age. As Salzman [66] notes, health concerns and symptoms in the elderly are sometimes overlooked or dismissed as part of the normal aging process. Consequently, several conditions in older adults con­tinue to go significantly underdiagnosed and undertreated which continues to provide further evidence of age discrimination still occurs in the delivery of health care [67–69].
While health care professionals do not necessarily intend to behave in a discriminatory fashion, it is clear that a lack of skills and confidence in working with older people can lead to behavior which may be perceived as discriminatory. Nevertheless, the quality of the care older individuals receive has also been demonstrated to be affected at times by negative staff attitudes in a number of settings [70, 71].
Denying access to services on the basis of age alone is not acceptable. Decisions about treatment and health care should be made on the basis of a patient’s health needs, the overall health status of the individual, their own wishes and aspira­tions and, where appropriate, those of their carers, and the patient’s ability to benefit as even complex treatments, used appropriately, can benefit older people.
The extension of surgical interventions to individuals at increasingly later ages is an area of active research. Largely, this body of literature demonstrates that the benefits of surgery in advanced age may have been underestimated. Hosking et al. [72] examined how intraoperative mortality rates in patients over 90 years of age had significant declined from 29 to 8%
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over a 20-year period. Furthermore, the 5-year survival rate of this group at 21%, which had a mean age of 93.5 years, was determined to better than that of the comparable general popu­lation cohort at 16%. Elayda et al. [73] demonstrated similar results in demonstrating the efficacy and improved 5-year sur­vival rates in patients 80 years of age and over undergoing aortic valve replacement. Ko et al. [74] demonstrated the increasing efficacy of elective coronary artery bypass surgery versus conventional medical treatment in patients 80 years of
age and over with coronary artery disease.
Interventions with low mortality risks that have been demonstrated to significantly improve function and thus disability burden in older patients include cataract extrac­tions and joint replacements. In regards to cataract extrac­tions, Lundstrom et al. [75] demonstrated in one of few studies that looked specifically at individuals 85 and over that about 85% of patients achieved improved visual acuity from the surgery. Therefore, despite the higher risk of complications, cataract extraction remains a highly effective procedure for the very elderly [76]. In a recent review of 36,711 hip and knee replacement performed among nonage­narians and centenarians, the low in-hospital mortality data suggest that arthroplasties should not be denied to centenar­ians solely because of their relatively short remaining life expectancy estimates, when they can significantly improve functional status in these individuals [77].
The ability of pacemakers to improve survival and quality of life outcomes in elderly patients has become well estab­lished [78, 79]. In reviewing patients 80 years and over receiv- ing pacemakers, Schmidt et al. [80], determined that pacemaker therapy is both a clinically and economically effective thera­peutic option to control bradyarrhythmia-related symptoms, considering the median survival time of their patients stood at 8 years. Interestingly, while practice guidelines recommend dual rather than single-chamber pacing for patients with high­grade atrioventricular (AV) block, Toff et al. [81] noted that not only were elderly patients less likely than younger patients to receive more sophisticated dual-chamber pacemakers, but also 51% of elderly patients with this diagnosis were receiving them, despite their perceived association with improved qual­ity of life and lower mortality risk. Nevertheless, their UKPACE trial, the first to evaluate and compare the long-term clinical impact and cost utility of dual versus single chamber pacing in patients aged 70 block, suggested no mortality benefit of dual over single­chamber pacing in this population [82].
In the field of organ transplantation, common practice has been to exclude older recipients because of the chronically limited supply of organs and lower expected survival of older patients after transplantation. While consensus guidelines for the selection of transplant recipients often recommend an upper age limit of 65 years, the number of people 65 years
years and over with high-grade AV
and older in the USA who have received organ transplants nearly tripled between 1996 and 2005, going from 1,145 to 3,154 [83]. Currently, elderly patients including those into their early 80s have come to represent 12% of the annual transplant recipients. Furthermore, Mahidhara et al. [84] have suggested that the idea that younger patients do better than older patients may not actually be valid after demonstrating that 73.6% of their elderly lung recipients were alive 3 years after surgery, compared with 74.2% of younger patients.
There is increasing evidence to support the greater use of nonsurgical interventions in the management of conditions common to the elderly patient as well. While the benefits of treating of hypertension in the very elderly were unclear as to whether they could be countered by an increased risk of death, the HYVET Trial demonstrated that treating hyper­tension in patients 80 years and older to a target of 150/80 was associated with a 64% reduction in the rate of heart fail­ure, a 23% reduction in the rate of death from cardiovascular causes, a 30% reduction in the rate of fatal or nonfatal stroke, a 39% reduction in the rate of death from stroke, and a 21% reduction in the rate of death from any cause [85].
The increased recognition of osteoporosis as a preventable and treatable disease common in older individuals would aid in the dissemination of proven medical therapies that could significantly impact on the excess morbidity and mortality associated with this disease. Nevertheless, Kamel et al. [86] demonstrated that the failure of surgical and medical special­ists to diagnose and initiate the treatment of osteoporosis in elderly patients hospitalized with hip fracture remains prob­lematic when those treating the consequences of osteoporosis may often be ignoring the underlying condition [87].
Even though near complete vaccination coverage rates have been achieved in children, significantly fewer adults are being vaccinated against serious and even deadly dis­eases, such as influenza, pneumonia, and shingles. The CDC has established a goal to vaccinate at least 90% of individu­als 65 years of age and over against influenza and pneumo­coccal disease, however, coverage estimates in this age group were just 69 and 66%, respectively in 2007. Despite being available for 1 year and having been integrated into the US Preventive Services Task Force guidelines as a recommendation for all elderly, only about 2% of eligible older adults appeared to have been vaccinated against shin­gles by 2007. While their effectiveness with aging is debated, estimates are that many of the 63,000 deaths in the USA in 2005 due to influenza and pneumonia could have been prevented by immunization against influenza and pneumo­coccal infections [88].
Because the aging population carries the greatest burden of illness and disability, it not only poses the most complex diagnostic and therapeutic problems, but also reaps the most benefit from medical and nursing care. The health problems
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of older people are also inseparable from their social relationships and circumstances. As a result, their problems challenge various health and social care professionals to understand their patients through the organic, social, and psychological dimensions of their lives. Furthermore, evalu­ating the potential benefits of therapeutic interventions for elderly individuals with specific health profiles, and under­standing in general what service increases are needed to meet the needs of the growing numbers of older patients is not only necessary, but as Manton et al. [48] assert, require con­sideration of the long-term demographic and health changes that are constantly evolving integrated with an understanding of both personal and cultural values. For older patients, espe­cially those at late ages, it is clear that the cost-benefit ratios of therapeutic medical and surgical interventions have been commonly underestimated – because life expectancies, mor­tality benefits, the amount of functional capacity that can be regained is usually underestimated. In the management of elderly patients, understanding the heterogeneous nature of this population and that the use of physiological age, rather than chronological age is becoming increasingly more rele­vant in the prognostication of an individual’s disability and mortality profile is important.
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Chapter 12
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Providing Surgical Care to an Aging Population: Implications for the Surgical Workforce
David A. Etzioni and Clifford Y. Ko
Introduction
The demographic trends underlying the “aging population” have already been discussed in Chap. 12. As a result of increasing life expectancy and the aging of the baby boom­ers, the United States (US) population will see a dramatic increase in the number of older individuals. Between 2010 and 2030, those aged 65 years and older are projected to rise by 78%, an absolute increase of over 30 million individuals. These unprecedented changes in the demographics of the US population will lead to significant growth in the demand for surgical treatment.
This chapter comes with an acknowledgement. In the interest of simplicity, we examine these trends within the context of the US population only. Furthermore, we focus more on general surgery and its subspecialties than on other areas of surgical specialization. This is in the interest of developing a succinct, circumscribed report. The analyses described here are easily applicable within other fields of medicine, as well as to other countries.
Another acknowledgement is also important. This chapter could easily be its own textbook. In selecting which points should be made, we focus on a survey of existing opinions and concepts that are driving policy. We will also offer some original analysis regarding how the aging population will affect the delivery of surgical treatment. Our hope is at the end of this chapter, the reader will be familiar with the methods used to forecast the impact of the aging population on the healthcare delivery system, and be able to differentiate the relative importance of the various factors that will drive health care expenditure in the immediate and more distant future.
D.A. Etzioni (*) Department of Surgery, Mayo Clinic Arizona, Mayo Clinic College of Medicine, 5777 E Mayo Blvd, Phoenix, AZ 85054, USA e-mail: etzioni.david@mayo.edu
Older Individuals in the US Population: Disproportionately High Use of Resources
In general, older individuals use medical and surgical services at higher rates than do younger individuals. To illustrate and characterize this fact, we will rely on analyses of the National Hospital Discharge Survey (NHDS), a data source which deserves at least a brief explanation. Since 1965, the National Center for Health Statistics has conducted an annual survey (sampling) of domestic discharges. Each year, over 350,000 discharges from approximately 500 hospitals within the US are sampled, and the sampling strategy is designed to yield a dataset that is representative of the universe of domestic dis­charges [1]. The NHDS reports specific information about each discharge, including age, gender, race/ethnicity, diag­noses, procedures, diagnosis-related grouping (DRG) admis­sion source (emergency room, home, etc.), and admission type (emergency, elective, etc.). At several points in this chapter, we will rely on analyses of the NHDS to give a quantitative analysis of historical and projected trends in the patterns of hospital-based health care delivery in the US.
Hospital-Based Care
According to data from the US census, in 2006, individuals over the age of 65 comprised 12.5% of the US population [2]. However, according to data from the NHDS, individuals over the age of 65 were responsible for:
32% of cholecystectomies• 38% of hospitalizations• 43% of hospital days of care• 54% of colon resections• 55% of total hip replacements• 60% of total knee replacements•
This disproportionate use of services can be considered in terms of an incidence rate curve, demonstrating the likeli­hood of an individual in the population requiring a specific
R.A. Rosenthal et al. (eds.), Principles and Practice of Geriatric Surgery, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4419-6999-6_12, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011
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