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96 LAYING THE FOUNDATION
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UNIT 1
is culturally safe or not. Cultural safety is experienced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people when individual cultural ways of being, preferences and strengths are identied and included in policies, processes, planning, delivery, monitoring and evaluation.
Nurses play a vital and important role in creating safe, accessible, person­oriented and informed care for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Learning to become a culturally competent healthcare professional takes hard work. It is important to acknowledge this, and the authors extend a heartfelt thank you for being here in this moment and taking this journey towards cultural safety as you undertake health assessments and physical examinations.
IAHA (2019, p. 4)
Cultural responsiveness
Nurses work in teams with other allied health professionals. The Indigenous Allied Health Australia’s Cultural Responsiveness Capability Framework (IAHA-CRCF) is a high-quality action-oriented, ‘Cultural responsiveness’ places particular emphasis on action. It is not enough to be motivated or simply understand the need for change; it is about what you do to enable safe approaches to care that delivers genuine impact.
Cultural responsiveness is innately transformative and must incorporate knowledge (knowing), self-knowledge/behaviour (being) and action (doing). It is about the approaches we take in engaging with people and how we act to embed what we learn in practice. This requires genuine dialogue to improve practice and health outcomes; it is how we achieve, maintain and govern cultural safety.
Responding appropriately is a key part of the ‘Registered nurse standards for practice’: Standard 1: 1.3; Standard 3: 3.1, 3.5; and Standard 6: 6.1 (NMBA, 2016). The IAHA-CRCF focuses on providing information and support to prepare nurses to engage in this transformation renewal so that, whatever your role, you can learn more about yourself, your capabilities and positively inuence the health and wellbeing, quality of life and future aspirations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, and their families and communities (IAHA, 2019). Part of the challenge in becoming culturally-responsive health professionals is reaching beyond your personal comfort zone so that you can more effectively interact and work with people, families and communities who are both similar and markedly different to you. It is both a personal challenge and an opportunity.
As shown in Figure 4.1, there are ve key interconnected cultural capabilities in the Nursing and Midwifery Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Curriculum Framework (NMATSIHCF) (CATSINaM, 2017a). While this chapter will focus on the ‘respect for the centrality of cultures’ and ‘self-awareness’ capabilities, it is important to understand that capabilities are inherently interconnected and interrelated and that you will naturally build these capabilities at the same time. The NMATSIHCF and IAHA-CRF overlap in terms of cultural respect and central emphasis on culturally safe health care.
A key part of cultural capabilities is developing respectful communication skills. In nursing clinical practice, the yarning approach is increasingly adopted as a respectful communication method with interacting with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (see the ‘Communication in clinical practice’ section for more detail). One aspect of yarning is getting to know some First Nations words (see the ‘Further resources’ section at the end of the chapter).
First Nations-focused approach to cultural safety.
Strengths-based communication
There are numerous reports documenting the statistical disadvantage/gaps of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (JCCTG, 2020). The reliance on ‘disadvantage statistics’ in health policies is known as ‘decit discourse’ (Fforde, Bamblett, Lovett, Gorringe & Fogarty, 2013) and while statistics are important for health planning, they do not account for the cultural strengths and resilience of
ABORIGINAL AND TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER PEOPLES’ HEALTH 97
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CHAPTER 4
FIGURE 4.1 Graduate Cultural Capability Model: the ve key interconnected cultural capabilities required to
demonstrate cultural respect
BASE D ON COMMON WEALTH O F AUSTR ALIA (DE PARTMEN T OF HEALT H) MATERI AL
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Fogarty, Lovell, Langenberg & Heron,
2018). Using ‘strengths-based’ talk and language is a way to demonstrate respect for cultural identity.
Throughout this chapter, Aboriginal and Torres Islander peoples refers
to the diverse cultures, languages and nations of the First Peoples of this land we know as Australia (shown in the ‘Gambay First Languages Map’, https://gambay. com.au). The word peoples emphasises this diversity of language groups. There is no single identity among Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander peoples to describe all nations as a collective, which is often acknowledged in terminology guides that contain examples of ‘what not to say’ when talking about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (e.g. WIC, 2019). Increasingly, local languages are used to self-identify project names and training programs, because languages are intrinsically connected to Aboriginal and Torres Islander peoples’ identities, cultures and Country.
Learning to think about strengths-based talk and language also involves acknowledging the cultural diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Wherever you train and practise as nurses, seek out local Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisations (ACCHOs) that are expert in local cultural protocols and communicating with First Nations communities (see the ‘Strength in partnerships’ section for more detail).
Diversity and identity
Each coloured patch in Figure 4.2 attempts to represent a First Nations language, social or nation group. Of the approximate 300 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples/groups (AIATSIS, 1996), community varies not only according to geographic location, environment and resources but to each having their own unique cultural practices, histories, languages, beliefs, knowledge and kinship systems. Even within these communities there is signicant variability and nuances with the families within the communities and the stories, songlines, values, spiritualities, religion
98 LAYING THE FOUNDATION
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UNIT 1
The AIATSIS map serves as a visual reminder of the richness and diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australia. Please nd the link below to the map:
https://aiatsis.gov.au/explore/map-indigenous-australia
FIGURE 4.2 AIATSIS map of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples of Australia
This map attempts to represent the language, social or nation groups of Aboriginal Australia. It shows only the general locations of larger groupings of people whichmay include clans, dialects or individual languages in a group. It used published resources from the eighteenth century – 1994 and is not intended to be exact, nor the boundaries xed. It is not suitable for native title or other land claims. David R Horton (creator), © AIATSIS, 1996. No reproduction without permission. Topurchase a print version visit: https://shop.aiatsis.gov.au/
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CHAPTER 4
The AIATSIS map serves as a visual reminder of the richness and diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australia. Please nd the link below to the map:
https://aiatsis.gov.au/explore/map-indigenous-australia
100 LAYING THE FOUNDATION
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UNIT 1
and/or practices that can be handed down. In the same way that a French person could not speak on behalf of all Europeans, an Aboriginal person cannot speak on behalf of all Aboriginal peoples, let alone Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
Although Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have distinct cultures and societies, the shared experiences of dispossession, oppression and disadvantage have provided a political bond and shared identity for the First Peoples of Australia.
REFLECTION IN PRACTICE
Stop and think: have you ever struggled with being unaccepted?
Imagine having the people in authority over you automatically assume you are inferior based on something you have no ability to change. What would it feel like to be encouraged to be like the majority culture around you, but then be denied the rights and opportunities to do so?
Indigenous Australians still live with the reality that they are a minority group that is often expected to conform with majority norms, biases and values in regard to culture and lifestyle. They also live with the very real gap in wellbeing that affects their ability to thrive within broader Australian society.
Australians Together (2020)
HISTORY
Despite history being grounded in extreme injustice for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, there has also emerged profound resilience in survival and refusal to adopt the beliefs, tactics and values of colonisation. Despite the massacres, wars and genocide, many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have survived, fought back and maintained their cultures.
At the heart of ‘cultural concepts’ is the recognition of the cultural strengths of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Wiradjuri man, Uncle Kevin Gilbert (1933–93, author, activist and artist) described First Nations survival as a great cultural and moral victory because through ‘knowing, sharing, caring and respect’, the struggle to preserve the knowledge of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples remain intact.
No matter which Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander person or community you come across, these are the children of leaders, of peoples who fought back and resisted the violent invasion of Country and colonisation. These children are proof that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples were successful in saving First Peoples and cultures. While there is still much pain, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples continue to right injustice, and to honour Elders and ancestors by telling the true history of colonisation.
Truth-telling
‘History’ can be described as a collection of stories about events that occurred in the past, recorded and written about by observers of these events (primary sources), or people who researched the available resources and compiled a story to present ‘their version’ of the historical events (secondary sources). Just as Western history is made up of many stories that are important to those societies, First Nations histories are made up of stories necessary to this population group.
One of the many differences between the two is that Western history was predominantly recorded through the written word, while First Nations histories were maintained and passed down through generations as part of an oral tradition. The Western version of history was not successfully challenged by Aboriginal and
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Torres Strait Islander peoples until they gained sufcient education and mastery of Western literary traditions, particularly over the last 50 years. Today, this mastery is being achieved by an increasingly signicant number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. This has enabled a different version of history to emerge from the margins. In fact, C. D. Rowley (1970) claimed that Australian history was silent regarding Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples for almost 150 years.
A signicant factor in this silence is that the dominant Western voice that has been historically privileged over First Nations voices has been that of a ‘white male historian’. This dominance and bias resulted in a sanitised version of Australian history, one in which the invasion and colonisation of the continent waspresentedas being peaceful, with no conicts or battles, when the reality was quite the opposite.
The true history of colonisation is a record of violation and abuse, leaving a legacy of trauma among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. This history can be very shocking to non-Indigenous Australians because many cannot believe that such atrocities could be committed in this country; reactions are often aggressive and focused on denial to escape the uncomfortable emotions that arise.
The contemporary Australian population is composed of peoples from many nations who have chosen Australia as their home. These diverse people who are becoming healthcare professionals will also benet from understanding the historical legacy of the colonisation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, so that they are better equipped to provide culturally-responsive care both in urban areas and rural and remote communities.
This history is presented to you, not to make you feel blamed or shamed, but rather for your benet and that of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples cannot heal, let alone trust you as a healthcare professional, unless you have an understanding and acceptance in your heart of what has truly happened on this land you call home. Specically, the truth-telling in this chapter seeks to serve three purposes:
> To address the ‘culture of denial’, which continues to be perpetuated today and
undermines reconciliation and the pathways to healing among Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander peoples and ultimately all Australians.
> To increase compassion and to reduce the ‘blame and shame narrative’ that is
often placed on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples for having complex
health, social and emotional wellbeing conditions, and to understand why there
is mistrust in using the healthcare system effectively.
> To highlight the ‘historical foundations’ on which barriers to accessing health
care, and the structural inequity of the system, have been built. More specically
and relevantly, this history tells a story of how Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander peoples’ trust continues to be broken by current attitudes, treatment
and unsafe environments.
What you read may make you uncomfortable and bring up many emotions for you. Becoming a culturally-responsive health professional is about getting uncomfortable to get comfortable and thus more effective with interacting and working with those similar or markedly different to you.
It is important to sit with these feelings, lean in and critically reect (see the ‘Bass Model of Holistic Reection’ in Figure 4.5), realising that these injustices are our shared injustices and evolve your learning. May this new knowing inspire you to act and genuinely walk alongside Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples so that you can help to co-create a fairer and more just healthcare environment for all Australians. As nurses you have an important role to play in rebuilding trust with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
CHAPTER 4
102 LAYING THE FOUNDATION
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PUTTING IT IN CONTEXT
UNIT 1
Reecting on colonisation can result in healing, as evidenced in the 2022 apology delivered by the Council of Deans of Nursing and Midwifery (Australia & New Zealand) (CDNM):
I would like to acknowledge the place of nursing and midwifery education and research, and how this has contributed to culturally unsafe practices and has caused ongoing suffering of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander nurses and midwives and their communities through having their cultural practices and contributions to the professions and healthcare ignored, or minimised, through privileging colonial approaches – Professor Karen Strickland.
CDNM (2022)
There are extensive resources available to learn about the history of colonisation. Colonise is ‘to plant or establish a colony in; form into a colony; settle’ (Macquarie Dictionary, 2023b). In summary:
> Colonisation: is the impact of the frontier wars (1788–1930s) which were marked by invasion,
massacres, genocide, communicable diseases, cultural devastation and a belief in terra nullius (land belonging to no-one) (Harris, 2012; Ryan, Debenham, Brown & Pascoe, 2017; Booth, 2021). The trauma from this history is raw and leads to protests about Australia Day/Survival Day and the Change the Date campaign (Ryan, Gilroy & Gibson, 2020).
> Protection and segregation: the impact of missions and reserves (1890–1950s) saw Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander peoples removed from ancestral lands and placed onto missions and reserves, forced into training and education into ‘civilised’ Western lifestyles and religions, and continued racial discrimination and segregation. After this era it became possible for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women to become nurses and midwives if they trained in a British dominion; but this did not happen in Australia until after ‘the end of segregation and introduction of assimilation policies in the 1960s’ (Mayes, 2020, p. 298). It was thought that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples could not learn the skills and knowledge needed for nursing. It was not until the late 1960s that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples could train as nurses and midwives in Australian hospitals (Best, 2018).
> Breeding out the ‘black’ to create a ‘white Australia’: assimilation (1901–1970s) was ‘the
process whereby individuals or groups of differing ethnic heritage, as migrant groups, or minority groups, acquire the basic attitudes, habits and mode of life of another all-embracing national culture (distinguished from acculturation)’ (Macquarie Dictionary, 2023a). Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples were forced and coerced to adopt the cultural norms of Western society; in dress, education, work ethic, religion, and in beliefs and behaviours. One aspect of this was the Stolen Generations (which involved nurses and hospitals [Cox, 2007]), where children were removed from their parents, and which resulted in many devastating consequences, such as ‘intergenerational trauma’ (continued and cumulative effects of discrimination, racism and child removal) that nurses still see in their workplaces today (Power, Lucas, Hayes & Jackson, 2020). TheBringing them home report details the practices and consequences of the removal of Aboriginal and Torres Islander children from their families (AHRC, 1997).
> Self-determination to reconciliation: this includes an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
Voice to Parliament (1973–present). The idea of ‘self-determination’ is the right of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to ‘freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development’ (UNGA, 2007). The ‘reconciliation movement’ began in 1999 with the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation established in response to the 1991 report of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (Johnston, 1991). The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice to Parliament movement has a long history rooted in social and political activism for Australian parliaments to create a formal and permanent way for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to inuence Australian social policies that relate to them (Arcioni, 2021).
Reecting on colonisation
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This brief overview of Australian history highlights the role of power in determining health outcomes, with the Ahpra denition of cultural safety urging you to consider ‘power differentials’ and how that contributes to disempowerment (Ahpra, 2020). In the following ‘Reection in practice’ box, consider the power of wording about identity, which is a contentious issue in Australia (Fforde et al., 2013).
REFLECTION IN PRACTICE
Assumptions of identity
Given this history of colonisation, what do you think the impact of statements such as ‘You don’t look Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander’, or questions such as ‘What part/ percentage Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander are you?’ have on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples?
By asking everyone how they identify, you will not offend, but it is important that you ask everyone, not just those that you think ‘look’ Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander, because as this chapter details, history has bred out some of the pre-colonial appearance of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
Nurses and healthcare professionals can overcome assumptions of identity when asking the question: ‘Are you an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander?’ The act of doing so improves the identication of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in health and administrative data collections (Scotney, Guthrie, Lokuge & Kelly,
2010). This allows health planners to shift resources to areas of need, which is a key aspect of improving access to health care.
CHAPTER 4
Barriers to access: health care
… for Indigenous people to be able to participate in Australian society as equals requires that we be able to live our lives free from assumptions by others about what is best for us. It requires … recognition of our values, cultures and traditions so that they can co-exist with those of mainstream society. It requires respecting our difference and celebrating it within the diversity of the nation – Dr W Jonas, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, Social Justice Commissioner, 1999–2004.
Being subjected to generation after generation of violent conict, forced relocation from Country, dislocation from ancestral understandings and forced removal from families and communities meant intentional, systematic exclusion and disadvantage for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. These policies and practices have ensured that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have had poor nutrition, inadequate education, lack of employment opportunities and, of course, inadequate health care.
It is important to highlight that this ‘history’ is recent; in fact, older Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples were born into a world where they were considered inferior human beings and were not included in the census or allowed to vote. Many spent their youth as domestic servants in Western households doing unpaid work for many years (see the stolen wages link in the ‘Further resources’ section at the end of the chapter). Horric acts and policies happened to the Stolen Generations (1910–70s), survivors of the most harmful policy that has ever existed in Australia (see the Healing Foundation website; details under ‘Further resources’ atthe end of the chapter).
The barriers to accessing health care have been established and reinforced by the Western biomedicine world since colonisation and this translates to the reality of inequity. While there are many barriers that could be unpacked here, this chapter will focus on the fundamental one that underpins Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ barriers to accessing health care and improving health and wellbeing: racism.
Jonas (2000)
104 LAYING THE FOUNDATION
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UNIT 1
Racism
‘Racism’ can be broadly dened as the behaviours, practices, beliefs and prejudices that underlie avoidable and unfair inequalities across groups in society based on race, ethnicity, cultures or religion (Paradies, Chandrakumar & Klocker,
2009).When racist attitudes and behaviours are built into the operations (governance, structures, process and service delivery) of institutions, such as health care, it creates discrimination through prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness, racist stereotyping and unsafe physical spaces. For example, a health professional might consider an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander person as unsuitable for a kidney transplant, assuming they will be non-compliant with the treatment regime, when, in reality, the patient faces many daily challenges to compliance that the health professional may not consider.
This is known as ‘institutionalised or systemic racism’ and is unrecognised by those involved in it. ‘Institutionalised racism’ has occurred since colonisation when it was ‘lawful’ to dispossess and exploit Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. It has set up a legacy of discrimination as systems are intrinsically built on non-Indigenous ways of ‘knowing, being and doing’, which is often at odds with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ ways of ‘knowing, being and doing’. Given Australia’s history and the lack of education in the general population of Australians about colonisation, there remain entrenched beliefs, assumptions and stereotypes about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Within healthcare settings, there is no shortage of literature reporting the frequency of racist experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Paradies et al., 2015). The unequivocal impact of racism is considerable and enduring, with most harm affecting the social and emotional wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. It is no surprise that the increased psychological distress, depression and anxiety because of racism is coupled with increased smoking, alcohol and substance misuse (Paradies, Harris & Anderson, 2008).
The impact of these historic and current accumulated experiences is a deep distrust of the health system by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, which, in turn, translates to delays in seeking care, not following recommendations, interruptions in care and avoidance of healthcare services altogether (Cox, 2007). This distrust also inuences the number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples who want to work in the healthcare system, which again reduces access to culturally safe health care for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples twofold: rst, by not having a trusted First Nations healthcare professional who intrinsically understands the client; and second, by decreasing the organic cultural learning opportunities that non-Indigenous practitioners gain by working alongside Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
Internalised racism
Racism and discrimination towards Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are realities that are exacerbated by a history of abuse, dispossession and intergenerational trauma occurring and continuing since colonisation. The link between racism and its pervasive impact on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ health is well established and it starts in childhood (Priest, Paradies, Gunthorpe, Cairney & Sayers, 2011). An insidious impact of growing up in a world where you are surrounded by racist stereotypes, beliefs and attitudes towards you and your communities is the ‘internalisation of this racism’, resulting in many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ feelings of self-doubt, disrespect and disgust towards their own communities.
Many darker-skinned Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, particularly those who remain on missions and reserves, carry the shame that has been ingrained since colonisation, and this shame is compounded and conrmed with the everyday racism they experience. For many fair-skinned Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, the emotion can often be one of guilt; guilt
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for having fairskin and so being able to access ‘white privileges’. (White privilege is the unearned and unconscious rights, benets, entitlements and advantages bestowed on white-skinned people by society simply because they were born white.) Fair-skinned Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples may also have feelings of shame and betrayal, to appear European on the outside and be treated and assumed as such but feel wholeheartedly different in spirit. This can cause incredible identity distress that is exacerbated by frequent remarks and reminders, such as ‘You don’t look Aboriginal’. These emotions contribute a reluctance to use the dominant Western health system and/or identify as being of First Nations descent.
The deep intergenerational grief, and unspeakable loss and trauma that is entrenched in the hearts of many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples today, has cultivated a deep distrust of the Western healthcare system, and in some cases has created a future of hopelessness. This unfolds in many systemic and layered barriers for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to the effective use of the healthcare system.
You may not be able to change the entire system that you operate in, but you can be the change. With reection and undertaking the uncomfortable journey of educating yourself about Australia’s history, you can avoid contributing to the problems in this system and instead be a champion for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. You are capable of critical thinking and profound, transformative growth, but you must truly want this and see the importance of it for not just Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, but for yourself as a reective and caring person, both professionally and personally. See the ‘Putting it in context’ box following.
CHAPTER 4
PUTTING IT IN CONTEXT
Closing the health gaps
Nurses play an important role in closing the gaps in health outcomes, and leadership in this area is shown by First Nations nurses, and their allies and champions. Nurses can help close the gap. See the:
> position statement by the Australian College of Nursing (ACN, 2017)
> Nursing and Midwifery Board of Australia (NMBA) and the Congress of Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander nurses and midwives (CATSINaM) joint statement on culturally safe care (Cusack et al., 2018)
> nursing research (Stewart, 2018; Power, Lucas, Hayes & Jackson, 2020; Flemington et al.,
2022; Power et al., 2022; West et al., 2022)
> leadership from First Nations organisations: Narrunga Kaurna woman and nurse
Dr Janine Mohamed as CEO of the Lowitja Institute: Australia’s National Institution for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Research (Mohamed & West, 2017); and Kalkadunga and Djaku-nde woman and professor Roianne West as the CEO of CATSINaM (Fedele, 2020). Dr Janine Mohamed said of CATSINaM:
CATSINaM now has the shared responsibility to ensure that cultural safety as an Indigenous nursing philosophy is rstly understood and secondly embedded into systems to ensure that its efcacy is not reliant on individual efforts.
Mohamed & West (2017)
STRENGTH IN PARTNERSHIPS
Partnerships between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and non-Indigenous Australians have always been important for the goal of equitable health care. The NMATSIHCF advocates for a strengths-based approach to facilitating partnerships with First Nations’ healthcare professionals, organisations and