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14
B. T. Stewart
rehabilitation [51, 52]. Additionally, homemakers and informal workers (e.g., undocumented migrant laborers, lawn maintenance workers, jacks-of-all-trades) are likely at high risk given their exposures to hazards and lack of formal protections, but data around injuries in these contexts are sparse.
Climate andSeasonality
Colder and high-altitude climates are variably associated with increased risk of burn injury. Residential fires that occur in winter months that are not associated with smoking or electri­cal faults in the United States are most often caused by heating appliances or cooking-related fires. Energy poverty necessi­tates the use of hazardous fuels, such as kerosene or open biomass (e.g., wood) fires to maintain warmth. As example, Nepal has an annual burn injury epidemic in the winter months, particularly among populations who live in mountain­ous and rural areas [46, 53]. In Nepal, like in many cold-climate countries, older children and women are often responsible for lighting and tending to fires, managing cookstoves and lamps, and maintaining warmth. These practices significantly increase their risk of burn injury and burn- related death.
Conversely, the colder northeastern region of the United States has a generally lower fire and burn-related mortality rate (0.97 per 100,000) than the more temperate southeast­ern region (1.49 per 100,000) [4]. Further, the fire and burn mortality rate of some of the coldest states in the United States are lower than the average national rate (1.23 per 100,000). As example, the fire and burn mortality rate in New Hampshire and Vermont was 0.5 per 100,000 population compared to Minnesota where it was 0.7 per 100,000. Nonetheless, Alaska had the highest fire and burn mortality rate in the United States (2.72 per 100,000). Although tem­perate climates are not protective, warmer climates in the United States do seem to have lower fire and burn death
Chapter 1. Epidemiology
rates, as reported in Arizona (0.87 per 100,000) and Florida (0.84 per 100,000).
In locations with significant seasonal variations of temperature, burns occur more frequently in the colder winter months. In some countries and during holidays (e.g., the Fourth of July in the United States, Diwali in India and Nepal, Greek Orthodox Easter in Greece, Hari Raya in Malaysia, and New Year’s celebrations globally), firework­related injuries become common, particularly among older male children [54]. Firework injuries often affect the hands, neck, face, and eyes and are not lethal. As a result, they exact a disproportionate morbidity for their incidence.
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Comorbidities
Comorbidities that have been associated with a higher risk of burn injury include epilepsy, peripheral neuropathy, and other physical and cognitive disabilities. In low- and middle­income countries where access to medications for epilepsy and diabetes is often limited, these comorbidities are a com­mon predisposing factor for burn injury. Epilepsy in particu­lar is a common cause of fires, severe burns, and burn-related fatalities as those suffering from the condition may fall into an open fire, onto a cookstove, or disrupt an ignition source [55]. The risk and severity of injury are further exacerbated by stigma and traditional beliefs about epilepsy. As example, in some communities the concerns about epilepsy being con­tagious prevent people from helping to put out the fire or lending first aid. Epilepsy among people who practice reli­gious fasting, which in some communities include medica­tions, also are at high risk and must be counseled about avoiding proximity to flames, chemicals, and hot substances while they are not on a seizure medication. As example, a prospective study of burns among people living with epilepsy in Saudi Arabia reported that 40% of injured patients sus­tained burns while fasting, in part, because they did not take their medications [56].
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B. T. Stewart
Burn injuries among people living with peripheral sensory neuropathy (e.g., from diabetes, leprosy, spinal cord injury) are common regardless of national income. Practices like soaking feet in “warm” water, warming feet in front of fires, and touching hot objects and substances without the sensa­tion that generates a withdrawal response often cause severe burns in tissues with poor perfusion, which lead to infection, need for reconstruction and/or amputations in many cases.
Other physical and cognitive disabilities have been associated with burn injuries, particularly those resulting from residential fires and scald and contact injuries. With a growing aging population, including people without access to cardiovascular disease management in much of the world, cognitive disabilities from stroke, vascular dementia, Alzheimer’s disease, and age-related cognitive dysfunction are a major cause of burn injuries [57]. Further, elderly patients with dementia tend to have poorer outcomes despite smaller injuries, and rehabilitation is typically limited [36, 41].
Interpersonal andCollective Violence
The vast majority of burns in the world are unintentional. However, self-immolation and assault-by-burning occur worldwide although are more common in some regions and among specific populations [43]. In the United States, assault (including child abuse) is responsible for about 2% of injuries admitted to burn centers, and less than 1% of admissions are from self-immolation or attempted suicide [58]. Similar pro­portions have been reported from Europe and Taiwan [59].
Chemical assault—the use of acid or another caustic or corrosive substance by one person against another with the intent to injure or disfigure—has been perpetrated for centu­ries and is increasing in a number of communities [60, 61]. Recent high-profile attacks and advocacy campaigns have brought chemical assault to public attention and survivors are seeking systematic change to the way chemical assault is viewed and controlled through legislation [6163]. Although
Chapter 1. Epidemiology
17
such attacks are thought to be more common in the low- and middle-income countries, their incidence is on the rise in higher income countries too [61, 64]. However, little is known about the incidence and distribution of these events globally or the ways in which health systems and governments are addressing chemical assault [60].
In many cases, chemical assaults occur as a manifestation of gender-based (GBV) or intimate partner violence (IPV). These motives in particular have inspired local, national, and global campaigns to address chemical assaults and empower women and girls in communities with pervasive gender ineq­uity [65, 66]. Reports from several countries have described local efforts to limit access to corrosive substances, facilitate the prosecution of assailants, and increase support for victims [60, 61, 63, 67]. A recent systematic review of legislation around chemical assault collated policies and regulations to propose a comprehensive legislative framework to prevent chemical assaults and mitigate their effects on victims, and included five legislative priorities: (i) apply a public health approach; (ii) adopt legal definitions specific to chemical assault; (iii) control chemical supply, sales, and procurement; (iv) facilitate justice; and (v) support survivors [68].
The United Kingdom has a remarkably high incidence of chemical assault and acid violence that is predominantly per­petrated by men and boys against men and boys [69]. Unlike in other regions with high rates of chemical assault, the risk factors in the United Kingdom tend to be related to orga­nized crime. Acid Survivors Trust International, a United Kingdom-based, international, non-profit organization, is an exemplar in their use of epidemiological data to drive tar­geted interventions in different regions and populations, sup­port advocacy initiatives, and generate evidence-based policy to prevent and control chemical assault.
Collective violence and the complex humanitarian emergency that ensues are another form of violence that generate burn injuries at rates far greater than those in safe societies. Most wartime burn injuries are related to explosive devices (e.g., land mines, unexploded ordnances), breakdown
18
B. T. Stewart
of infrastructure (e.g., electricity, formal housing), and poor fire prevention practices. A representative, cluster­randomized, community-based survey of civilians in post­invasion Baghdad (2003–2014) determined that burn injuries occurred in 117 per 100,000 persons, which is three times greater than the rate of burn injuries pre-invasion (39 per 100,000 population) [70]. Further, burn injuries represented 10% of all injuries in Baghdad during the decade post­invasion. In the wake of turmoil, the lack of organized burn care led to a high mortality rate (16%). Additionally, 40% of burn-injured people were left with major disabilities and about half experienced catastrophic health expenditure and/ or food insecurity because of their injury. A report from Médecins Sans Frontières Operations Center Brussels described surgical care from projects in 15 countries over seven years [71]. Eleven percent of all operations were for burn injuries, including those for general surgical, obstetric, gynecologic, pediatric, and other conditions. People receiving surgical care at conflict relief projects had nearly twice the odds of having a burn operation compared to people requiring surgery in communities affected by natural disaster.
Data forBurn Injury Prevention andControl
Given the enormous and intolerable burden of burn injuries globally, prevention and control initiatives should be priori­ties of community organizations, burn centers, health systems, professional societies, and governments. Better data can inform burn injury prevention and control efforts, particu­larly data from community-based surveys, surveillance sys­tems, and national and multi-national registries.
The approach to injury prevention and control is comprised of four core functions (i.e., surveillance, analysis, intervention, evaluation). Injury prevention and control practitioners undertake a spectrum of activities to understand the problem, address hazards systematically and holistically, and reduce the burden of injury:
Chapter 1. Epidemiology
19
• Surveillance and data collection
• Strengthening individual knowledge and skills
• Educating healthcare professionals
• Changing practices of institutions and agencies
• Fostering coalitions and networks
• Mobilizing neighborhoods and communities
• Influencing policy and legislation
A precise understanding of the problem and factors that contribute to it is the basis for planning effective interven­tions. In much of the world, data regarding hazard distribu­tion and burn injuries are scarce, inaccurate, or both. A lack of sufficient and high-quality data limits the development, implementation, and evaluation of potentially lifesaving and morbidity reducing interventions. The Haddon Matrix is a tool to conceptualize host-agent-environment factors that must be considered when collecting data for planning preven­tion and control interventions (Table1.2 ). A third dimension has been added to the matrix that includes common causes of intervention success and failure (e.g., equity, stigma, prefer­ences, feasibility, cost) (Fig.1.2 ). These issues can facilitate priority setting and decision-making, but only have value in light of the epidemiological characteristics associated with burn injury in specific populations and communities.
There are exemplars of comprehensive national burn registries (e.g., Australia and New Zealand, Taiwan) and a nascent, global, hospital-based burn registry supported and promulgated by the World Health Organization [48, 72]. These registries currently and will continue to inform key burn injury prevention and control strategies. However, where these databases do not yet exist or are not utilized, active surveillance programs and representative community- based surveys are required to ensure that key risk factors and vulnerable populations that hide in the shadows of health systems are understood. Data and patterns from these surveys from Ghana, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Iran, Nepal, Uganda, and Rwanda have taught us that hazards are not equally distributed within communities, countries of similar national incomes, or regions [6, 14, 73, 74]. No one set of pre-
20
B. T. Stewart
safe cookstoves
• Support transition to
of structures
• Lower flammability
groups to disseminate
safe cooking best
practices
• Use community
cooking spaces when
able
• Separate living and
smoke detectors
• Pass subsidies for
CO detectors
• Install smoke and
programs
• Fund fire response
• Increase availability
extinguishers
• Distribute fire
• Ensure access to
of burn stabilization
points and care
centers
telephone to call
emergency response
matchboxes
• Childproof
• Safer cookstoves
• Safer fuel storage
about risk of fires
Host Agent Physical environment Social environment
T . Haddon Matrix applied to childhood burn injury from residential res caused by cookstoves
Pre-event • Teach children
creches
• Provide barriers
• Create community
near cookstove
• Keep fire blanket
Event • Teach stop, drop
fabrics and upholstery
• Regulate flammable
fire escape plan
and roll
• Plan and practice
regulators on LPG
stoves
• Install auto- shutoff
education to lay
people
response
• Ensure rapid first
Post-event • Provide first aid
Chapter 1. Epidemiology
F . Haddon Matrix with a third dimension that incorporates high-value domains for decision-making [75]
21
vention and control interventions will be effective or cost­effective without such granular data.
Conclusion
The vast majority of burns can be prevented with targeted, context-specific interventions that are responsive to the diversity of people, ways-of-life, home and work environ­ments, and competing interests that exist locally and globally. There are major inequities in incidence of burn injury between and within populations and the prevalence of dis­abilities from un- or under-treated burns globally. Mitigating exposure to known hazards and changing behaviors are key to reducing the burden of burn injuries and promoting restor­ative health justice among disadvantaged populations. The first step is to generate epidemiological data to describe the problem, identify opportunities to prevent injuries and improve service delivery, and benchmark interventions. Every
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B. T. Stewart
stakeholder in the burn community has a role in supporting high-quality data collection and utilization, including those who focus on epidemiology and injury prevention, but also those in fire services, emergency departments, burn centers, health systems, and patient advocacy groups. Together, we can reduce preventable death and disability from burn-related hazards and eliminate one of the greatest health inequities on our planet.
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