ASIAN COUNTRIES

TENSIONS AND DILEMMAS OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION IN

CHINA

Ng Kwok Tung10

Social work education and social work practice, with their origins in capitalist systems, were long rejected by Communist countries such as the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). But modernization and the drastic economic development since the Cultural Revolution resulted in vigorous cultural exchanges with western countries. The Ministry of Civic Affairs in China began to recognize the importance of social work practice in addressing social problems, including poverty and post-disaster work. Social work and social work education have developed significantly since 1990. Social work practice and social work education in China have to address the tensions between politicization, professionalization and commercialization. In this article, the writer tries to examine these tensions in detail.

A brief historical review. Initial development of social work education before 1949 Social work education and social work practice were first introduced to China in the 1920s by American professors in the Sociology DepartmentinYanjingUniversity(now PekingUniversityinBeijing). In 1930, formal social work courses were established with 12 social work subjects. In the same period, related social work courses were also launched by other universities such as Jinling University, Lingan University, Fudan University, Qili University, Tsinghua University and Furen University. Many courses in universities ceased during the Japanese invasion and occupation between 1941 and 1944 but they gradually reopened after 1946.

Suspension of social work education, 1949-78. After the establishment of the PRC, social work education and practice, being a product of capitalism, were banned by the Communist government. In 1952, the restructuring of educational institutions had reduced departments

10 Ng Kwok Tung. Tensions and dilemmas of social work education in china // China Journal of Social Work, 2012. - № 5 (3). – P.293-297.

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in social science, including sociology and social work. Such scholars and their disciplines represented a potential criticism of the government and were suppressed to ensure political stability.

Re-establishment of social work and social work education, 197990 In the 1980s after the Cultural Revolution, under the leadership of Deng Xio-ping, China pursued the road to modernization and initiated exchanges with western countries. The Department of Sociology was re-established in Peking University. In 1987, the State Education Commission formally approved the launching of professional social work courses first in the Department of Sociology in Peking University and one year later in Jilin University, Xiaman University and Peoples University. At the same time, the cadre training school of the Ministry of Civic Affairs began to operate related courses in social work programs.

Formalization and professionalization of social work education, 1991 to present. Social work education in the PRC was formalized in 1990 and has since flourished. In 1991, the China Social Workers Association was formed. In 1994, the Chinese Association of Social Work Education was formed. In 1998, this association was renamed as the China Association of Social Work Education. Social work training courses were then quickly developed by many universities and cadre training colleges in China. In 1998, the number of institutional members of the China Association of Social Work Education increased to 37. The China Welfare Association was also formed at the same time. All these developments symbolized a new era of social work and social work education in China. By 2005, it was estimated that around 200 social work programs had been established by universities and related cadre training schools from various ministries, including the Institute of Administrative Cadres of Civic Affairs, the All-China Womens Federation, the Communist Youth League, the China College of Youth Politics and the China College for Women Administration. Furthermore, specialism in social work practice was gradually recognized. In 2001, the Chinese Association of Social Work consisted of three professional branches, the Family and Marriage Work branch, the Rural and Urban Social Development branch and Civic Affairs and Rehabilitation branch.

The professionalization and formalization of social work resulted in the institution of the registration system for social work. In 2004, the Ministry of Civil Affairs in Shanghai tried to formulate various ranks of social work professions ranging from class 1 to class 4. Class 4 social workers should possess a recognized degree in social work with relevant

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working experience. Class 3 social workers should have a recognized master's degree in social work and at least two years post-degree social work experience. Class 2 social workers should possess a recognized doctoral degree in social work and at least four years post-masters social work experience. Class 1 social workers should have at least post-degree social work experience and a recognized master's degree in social work. They should be in managerial or teaching positions in social work education or in social welfare organization (Ministry of Civil Affairs, 2004). Furthermore, Wu Bangguo, the new Communist Party leader, advocates the implementation of socialist humanism in social services, the rapid development of services in rural and deprived regions, fast growth in economy and science technology as well as strong measures to deal with the problems of the floating populations in large cities. All these pose a great challenge to the further development of social work practice and social work education. Social workers and social work educators have to develop intervention models and services aimed at serving clients in rural and deprived areas, marginalized street sleepers and floating populations, as well as adolescents, adults and workers in highly stressful and competitive large cities with fast growing economies.

From politicization to professionalization. Social work practice and education in China have to face tensions from three forces – politicization, professionalization and commercialization – in their future development.

Politicization of social work practice and education Politicization implies ideological and bureaucratic control and influence or even exclusion in related social services. Despite the fast economic development of the past decade, the PRC is still under the rule of the Communist Party. Political ideologies, like Communism, Marxism and Maoism, are still the official political ideologies in all aspects of life, including social work practice and education. For instance, every student in universities in China, including social work students, has to take courses in political ideologies before they take their professional subjects. In addition, quite a number of social work departments have been transformed from departments of political education and history. In official documents and conferences, political ideologies are still the mandatory values in guiding social work practice and social work education. Socialistic humanism advocated by the premier, Wu Bangguo, is actually a socialist interpretation of humanism in the particular political context of China. This implies that the humanist concerns advocated by the social work profession should be under the

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control and interpretation of socialism.

Also, governmental departments, such as the Ministry of Civil Affairs, the Ministry of Public Health, the All-China Womens Federation, the China Federation of Disabled Persons and the Communist Youth League, are initially large bureaucratic infrastructures aimed at imposing political control on the citizens. They are also the large providers of social welfare services in China. All of them claim that their services constitute social work and their workers are social workers. They also provide social work education and training courses in their cadre schools. Certainly, only those whose social work practice and education is informed by political ideologies and bureaucracy can be included.

Professionalization of social work practice and education. The consolidation of a profession is based on its claim to ownership of special esoteric knowledge which enables the professionals concerned to resolve problems in society. This special knowledge, in Freidsons (1986) terms, constitutes the power of formal knowledge in terms of rationalization and functional efficiency. The rationalization of formal knowledge not only shapes professional behaviors, but also justifies the way of managing the institution and public sanctioning. It implies a formal public recognition in the society related to formal training, registration and a specialized authority in handling certain problems in the society.

It sanctions a rational dominating process to incite, reinforce, control, monitor, optimize and organize the forces under it. As a new emerging profession, social work in China is struggling for professionalization in terms of formal training, social recognition, registration and employment opportunities. However, because of the short history of this profession, many clients still confuse social workers with officials coming from governmental departments. Many social services are still delivered by workers with no professional training. Li (2004) conducted a survey for 140 student's orientation in the social work profession. The findings showed that 38.74 percent of them were prepared to be social workers in the future, but that 34.2 percent of them were not willing to be social workers after graduation. The limited public recognition of the social work profession tends to prevent the growth of employment opportunities for social work graduates in China. Social work education and social work practice is still waiting for professional articulation of its own set of values and knowledge and the public sanctioning of spheres of practice competence.

Commercialization of social work practice and education China is

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densely populated with over 1.3 billion people widely scattered in different regions with highly diversified geographical, social, cultural and economic conditions. Social and welfare needs and demand are huge and can hardly be met because of the scarcity of resources. For instance, it is estimated that there are over 16 million adults experiencing mental illness and 30 million adolescents with emotional and conduct disorders who require treatment and rehabilitation (Ministry of Public Health, Ministry of Civic Affairs, Ministry of Public Security and Disabled Persons Federation, 2002). The rapid growth of an aged population also brings a huge demand for social and medical services for older people in China. However, despite impressive economic development, the central government reduces funding for education, medical and social welfare services. Starting in the 1990s, many social welfare organizations and hospitals have had to find at least half of their own funding. The commercialization of social work practice may result in an over-concentration on the development of those services that can earn money from better-off clients, but this is at the expense of development of services for the poor people experiencing multiple deprivations. For example, fee-charging clinical counselling and psychotherapy are welcomed by mental hospitals and private practitioners as a major source of income. In 2001, counselling and psychotherapy were sanctioned by the central government as a crucial professional intervention for persons with psychological problems, in particular adolescents in schools. However, psychotherapy and counselling can only be afforded by wealthier people. Commercialization also results in a drastic difference between the salaries of professionals who operate in well-developed cities relative to those in rural and deprived areas. As a consequence, there may be a vast difference in standards of social work practice around the country. Social work education and practice are much better developed in large cities like Shanghai, Nanjing, Beijing and Xiaman, than those in rural and deprived regions, in particular the north-west.

Tensions and problems in social work education. The three forces - professionalization, politicization and commercialization – are together shaping the development of social work practice and education in China. They create tensions and problems in defining, perceiving and formulating values, service delivery, intervention modality and social work training.

Tensions and problems in social work values. The professionalization of social work may also imply adapting social work values such as individual rights, dignity and equality that originated from

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Eurocentric capitalist countries which are fundamentally different from the political ideologies in Communist China. The Communist Party leader, Wu Bangguo, advocates socialist humanism. This is a kind of collective humanist concern within socialism. Individuals should be responsible, independent and self-respecting. They should try their best for the improvement of their families, communities and country. Socialist humanism means collective concern in patriotism, collectivism and socialism. Wang et al. (2004) further elaborated humanism in terms of Marxism. While humanism in capitalism focuses on individual inner liberation, humanism in Marxism is a collective liberation by a collective striving for equality and prosperity. Class conflict and struggle is the only way to eliminate inequality and self-interest in individuals. While capitalistic humanism strives for human justice and is opposed to oppression, Marxist humanism interprets equality in terms of material equality in the distribution of wealth and the sacrifice of the individual for the benefit of the collective. There is a balance between individual rights and collective concern. Thus, advocacy for individual rights in social work in China should be concerned with political stability and collective harmony.

In social work practice and education in China, empowerment means developing clients potential to become responsible, caring and selfrespecting individuals striving for the betterment of his or her family and country. It also implies the role of the family in taking care of individuals with disabilities and problems.

The caring role of the family was also formalized by the Chinese government in the 1980 Marriage Law, Articles 14 and 15. It is an obligation of spouses, parents and children to render mutual support during times of incapability and illness. Thus, the values of social work practice and education in China are confined to affirming individuals and families responsibility and caring functions rather than advocating for a welfare state to help those in need.

Tension and problems in social service delivery in western countries, non-governmental organizations, especially religious and ethnic bodies, play a crucial role in social services delivery. However, in China, social welfare services are still mainly delivered by various departments and ministries like the Ministry of Civic Affairs, the All-China Womens Federation, the Communist Youth League, the Ministry of Public Health and the Ministry of Labor. Recently, the central government of China has encouraged civil society and non-profit organizations to take up the service

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provider's role. Places of employment are no longer providing welfare services to their workers. Instead they strive for survival within a market economy. Non-governmental organizations are budding in well-developed cities providing social services for those who are rich enough to pay for their own services. There are tensions and problems among the governmental ministries and these commercialized services. On the one hand, social services delivered by related ministries are still highly bureaucratic and deeply influenced by related political structures and ideologies. On the other hand, scarcity of financial support from the central government may make related service units in such ministries adopt market-driven ideologies in serving the rich, but neglect the poor and deprived. That is in contrast with those services proposed by political mandate sanctioned by the central government. It also increases the possibility of bribery, corruption and double standards in providing social services in treating related clients in service units. Some social work educators and senior social workers in China have even suggested that many working units in the ministries of Civil Service, Health, Labour and Personnel Affairs have tried various means to make money by imposing new regulations and charges on their clients. As a consequence of such tensions, committed social workers in China may feel highly frustrated in front-line practice. It also greatly increases the gap between social work theories and actual practice, as well as discrepancies between what has been taught in social work training and what has been done in the social welfare field.

Tension and problems in social work practice. Having a short history of social work practice and education, most social services are, in fact, rendered by non-professional social workers who may interpret social work practice in their own ways. There seems to be a strong voice among social work scholars in advocating for the professionalization of social work practitioners. However, because of seniority, those heading up service units and schools of social work may not have professional social work training. The increasing number of professionally trained social workers in related service units may also imply tensions, problems and even conflict between those with professional training and those without. For instance, a senior without professional training may try to suppress a subordinate with professional training by imposing bureaucratic and political control and sanction on his or her professional practice. Tensions and problems also exist between rural social work and urban social work. As over 75 percent of the population of China still resides in rural areas, rural social work

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informed by social development, social work with multicultural perspectives and anti-poverty strategies are crucial for social work practice and social work education, especially for those highly deprived rural areas. This is particularly important when Chairman Wu advocates for significant rural development. However, there are also many highly developed and fast growing cities in which juvenile delinquency, substance abuse, marital problems and mental illness are pressing problems of everyday life. Apart from anti-oppressive social work, clinical and specialized practice in addressing all these problems tends to be the ongoing trend in urban social work practice in China. Tensions between generalized social and community development in rural social work and specialized clinical practice in urban social work pose an increasing challenge to social work practice and education in China.

Tension and problems in education and training As a result of the forces of commercialization, professionalization and politicization, tensions and problems exist in education and training. First, there is tension between university training and cadre school training. Cadre schools from the Ministry of Civil Affairs, the All-China Womens Federation, the Communist Youth League and the Ministry of Labor tend to focus more on social work practice within political and bureaucratic contexts. Also each department may have its own specific focus and mandate in serving their historical functioning roles. For instance, the Ministry of Civil Affairs may focus on anti-poverty measures and disaster management, while the AllChina Womens Federation may focus more on work with women in their respective social work training and education programmes. However, schools of social work in universities may be more inclined to provide a more academic and professionally based training in social work. However, Yan and Tsangs studies (2005) showed that most of them are housed within departments of social sciences, political education and philosophy. They can only offer a very limited range of social work courses and subjects.

The greatest tension in recent social work education in China is that it only has a very short history of development and has invested limited resources in professional development. The first school of social work only appeared after 1987. Most of the current ones were established in the 1990s or later. In 2002, there were 125 schools of social work with 80 percent of them formed after 1999. In 2005, it was estimated that there were 200 social work programs in China. Many social work courses in China do not have sufficient teaching and practice experience in formulating their own professional curriculums. They may need help from scholars in Hong Kong

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or in western countries. Furthermore, many schools of social work were transformed from departments of history, political education or philosophy in the universities. The reason was that as an emerging profession, social work courses could easily attract new students. A short history of social work education also implies limited texts for social work training. As most social work scholars and students are not fluent in the English language, they have to depend on texts written or translated in China. A study done by the China Social Work Education Association in 1999 described the total number of related social work textbooks available (China Social Work Education Association, 2000). Compared with social work education in developed countries, the number of available texts written in Chinese is exceedingly few. Furthermore, only a few of them conceptualize indigenized intervention and have authentic insights into cultural, political and social contexts in China. Many of them are summaries or translations from famous social work texts from western countries. Additionally, libraries in most training institutes are not able to access international journals, academic indexes and books published in western countries.

Finally, a short history in development also implies insufficient experience in designing curriculums in social work education, especially in facing the conflicting challenge of professionalization, commercialization and politicization. Yan and Tsang (2005) interviewed 47 social work scholars in China and identified six forces and challenges shaping the social work curriculum in China. They are as follows.

•Most social work programs are sheltered in departments of social sciences and philosophy.

•Many social work programs are offered with special mandates to serve the historical functional roles of government ministries.

•Communist political ideology is a mandatory constituent in the social work curriculum.

•Chinese scholars strongly advocate making social workers independent professional practitioners instead of government officers.

•The indigenization of social work is strongly felt and is promoted in order to resist western cultural domination.

•There is a need for social work educators and scholars in China to have an identity and an influence in the international social work platform.

One of the ways to meet these challenges is to have a collection of subjects of various types, such as political education, social work education and trendy intervention models. However, a bundle of such subjects does

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not make for integrated or effective training. Instead, students may either feel confused from learning subjects with different underlying values and assumptions or just treat the training as rationalized skills equipment without reflective learning and emotional commitment. Another way is simply to ignore one or two of the above factors when designing the curriculum, which results in discrepant theorie's taught in social work training and actual practice in social services.

Conclusion

This article is an attempt to describe the tensions and problems of social work practice and education in China. To resolve them, parties may try their best to equip social work practitioners to face the challenges of professionalization, commercialization and politicization. For instance, when facing professionalization, with the help from scholars in Hong Kong and western countries social work educators should try their best to equip themselves with proper social work training. When looking at commercialization, people should learn how to produce cost-effective social services, as well as equipping themselves with the knowledge and skills to implement self-finance services for clients in fast-growing cities. As for politicization, people should learn how to integrate Chinese political ideologies with social work values. For the future development of social work and social work education in China, it is important that the relevant personnel should cooperate closely together to formulate an indigenous social work practice and education so as to address the diversity of social needs of the different regions.

SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION IN JAPAN: FUTURE

CHALLENGES

Ayako Sasaki11

Japanese social work/welfare education has been developing since the 1920s and has already reached a relatively high educational standard. It has also been helping to produce successful certified social workers through the state certification system since 1987. It finds itself facing a

11 Ayako Sasaki. Social work education in Japan: future challenges //Social Work Education. Vol. 29. - No. 8. - December 2010. - PP. 855-868.

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number of challenges. Fewer social workers are graduating, turnover rates are higher than those of other professions, and there is still an insufficient social recognition of the value of social work as a profession. The author briefly reviews the history of Japanese social work/welfare education, examines the current issues in the discipline, and indicates future challenges. The quality of Japanese social work/welfare education has improved, which has helped its promotion as a profession in the traditional welfare fields, but it must also foster new types of social workers who can work with globalization issues and assure the quality of life of marginalized people in Japan. Educators, researchers, and scholars have to address social changes in cooperation with people in various areas of responsibility, rather than focusing entirely on improving the quality of education. Our priority should be to build a working environment for social workers who have enjoyed a high-quality education that allows them to make the most of what they have, and make them united in their commitment to social changes.

Brief History of Japanese Social Work/Welfare Education

1. Around WWII. Japanese social work/welfare education has been developing since the 1920s in private schools and universities with religious foundations. In the 1930s, Japanese society was placed on a war footing, and its imperialist regime suppressed the public expression of socialism, communism, and other values that could stimulate opposition against the government. According to Ichibangase, some universities had to change the name of their department or major in order to continue to provide social work/welfare education – for example, using home economics rather than social work/welfare.

Japan lost the war in 1945 and came under American occupation. US General Headquarters (GHQ), tasked with rebuilding Japanese society, gave the nation the responsibility of building a social welfare infrastructure. Of special importance was the public assistance system: Japan was in urgent need of educated and trained public officers able to provide public assistance to those in need. The Civil Information & Education Section of the GHQ supervised educational matters, while the Public Health & Welfare Section (PHW) assumed responsibility for medicine, dentistry, pharmacology, and social welfare. These agencies propose higher education for social work/welfare, and official standards were established for setting up social work/welfare departments in universities in 1947. The standards did not function well, though, since they were applied only to universities which had just begun to offer their social work/welfare education programs.

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During this period, the Japanese government established three foundational welfare acts: the Child Welfare Act in 1947, the Act on the Welfare of Physically Disabled Persons in 1949, and the Public Assistance Act in 1950. Ichibangase states that most of the educators at that time did not begin as social work/welfare majors but discovered an interest in social work/welfare issues while studying disciplines like English literature, economics, or sociology, and gradually moved to social work/welfare. Nevertheless, social work/welfare students were very passionate. The contents of their programs included the translations ofmany foreign theories and also included capitalism and poverty related issues, emphasizing questions of policy and systems at the macro level.

2. High Economic Growth Period and the Establishment of the JASSW. Japan experienced high economic growth from the middle ofthe

1950s to the beginning of the 1970s and was thus faced with new problems arising from rapid economic and social changes. Three of Japans welfare laws – the Act on the Welfare of Mentally Retarded Persons, the Act on Social Welfare Service for the Elderly, and the Act on the Welfare of Mothers with Dependents and Widows – were passed in 1960, 1963, and 1964, respectively.

The JASSW was established in 1955 together with 14 member schools. One of the reasons for its establishment was to affiliate it with the International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW) in 1956 and to host the 9th International Social Work Education Conference in Tokyo in 1958. Social work/welfare education in Japan had not yet been solidly defined, however, and there were still no advanced degrees in social work/welfare. The JASSW encouraged the Ministry of Education several times to give students bachelors and/or masters degrees for social work/welfare.

3. The State Certification System and the Establishment of Numerous Schools. By the 1970s, the concept of normalization had not yet

become dominant in Japan; institutionalization was more common. The Japanese government faced the need to build many welfare institutions, such as nursing homes, hospitals and facilities for people with serious disabilities. It also needed to develop a plan for training people to work at these facilities, a need which, in turn, stimulated a discussion on the relationships among social work/welfare education, the social work profession, and the lack of human resources. In the 1980s, this discussion became serious and finally led to the establishment of the state certification system for social workers in 1987 based on the Law of Certified Social

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Workers and Care Workers.

Afterwards, many universities, colleges, and professional schools were built. The declining birthrate and an aging population were acknowledged as serious problems in Japan, and the social work/welfare field was predicted to be a significant future employer. Many laws and systems concerning social work/welfare were created, and many schools were founded in response to those needs. Many schools of social work began to teach the subjects that candidates needed to take in order to meet the criteria for the state examination for certified social workers and care workers.

However, many of the social work/welfare universities built during this period have begun to face a significant decline in enrollment. As we will see later in the paper, the number of social work graduates who have become social workers has also decreased over the past five years. Even after their certification, graduates are tending to decide not to do social work or even work in a related field.

In the context of this historical background, the author would like to examine some pertinent current issues, especially in relation to the role of the JASSW and of the state certification system in Japan.

The Role of the JASSW and its Affiliation Standards

1. The Role of the JASSW. Originally, there were 14 JASSW member schools. By 2009, there were 143 full members, 27 associate members, and 18 individual associate members. Between 1985 and 1995, the member schools increased from 47 to 85; there were 147 by 2000. Currently, most of the members are private universities offering a four-year undergraduate course (JASSW, 2009). There are 91 universities offering a graduate course among the member schools, but most of them tend to focus on the theoretical aspects of social work/welfare and specialize in the training of researchers and scholars rather than of social workers in the field (JASSW, 2009).

Kuroki (2002) lists the achievements of the early JASSW: it organized schools that provided social work/welfare education; it developed model curricula and set the affiliation standards for the JASSW; it committed to social action for the development of professional social work certification, training and practice, and the improvement of the quality of Japanese social work; it enhanced the quality of field practice; and it promoted social work/welfare education on an international scale, and participated in international exchanges with foreign schools of social work.

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In 1960, JASSW formed a committee in order to examine the quality of education on case work, group work, and community organization, and to explore the standard curricula for social work/welfare education in a four-year undergraduate course. The committee's findings were later incorporated into the JASSW standards in 1966. The standards were modified and became the first affiliation standards for the JASSW in 1987; the latest standards were established in 2005. These standards provide one of the most accurate measurements for assessing and assuring the quality of social work/welfare education in Japan and reflect the current curricular status quo for Japanese schools of social work.

2. Affiliation Standards for the JASSW. Affiliation standards have been repeatedly modified in response to social and political changes, changes to the educational policy set by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, and modifications to the law of Certified Social Workers and Care Workers. Currently, the standards consist of six articles which apply mainly to universities offering a four-year undergraduate course. They include two separate sections on faculty organization and on subjects and credits. The standards for faculty organization require a minimum of six full-time educators who specialize in social work/welfare and whose level of expertise is assessed through their published journal articles and books, the academic societies they belong to, the types of academic degrees they earned, and the university they graduated from.

However, it is sometimes difficult to decide who should be considered a social work/welfare specialist. Research shows that more than half of the members of the Japanese Society for the Study of Social Welfare, the largest society of social work/welfare scholars, possessed either a masters or doctoral degree in social work/welfare in 1980, but that many educators who teach university-level social work/welfare still hold degrees in other, related disciplines, such as sociology, education, medicine, or economics. Some claim that the conferral of specialist status depends entirely on the opinion of those doing the assessing and the connections of the candidates.

The section on subjects and credits seems to be much more objective and clear. There are four categories, going from the basics to disciplines related to social work/welfare education. The Credits section indicates the minimum credits which students studying the subjects in the category should have acquired upon completion. All the subjects in each category should contain elements that teach the principles of social

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work/welfare, the domains of social work/welfare, and the intervention approach and method of social work/welfare (JASSW, 2005).

All members of the JASSW have a common understanding, expressed through their standards, of the kind of education the schools of social work need to provide. Most of them are universities offering a fouryear undergraduate course, and their mission is not to provide education with the sole purpose of making students social workers, especially certified social workers in the state certification system: statistics indicate that graduates of these universities are likely to pass the state examination for certified social workers (Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, 2009a), but many of them do not work as social workers after graduation or even enter a related field (JASSW, 2009b).

Certified Social Workers and Social Work/Welfare Education

1. How to Become a Certified Social Worker. According to the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare (2006), a certified social worker is a person who provides, as his/her profession, consultation, advice, guidance and other forms of support according to his/her expertise to those who have difficulties in living their daily life due to their physical/mental disabilities or environmental reasons. The emphasis here is on the social workers mission to provide consultation, advice, and guidance. As of January 2010, the number of registered certified social workers was 122,382 (Center of Social Welfare Promotion and National Examination, 2010).

In order to become a certified social worker, one has to meet criteria regulated by law before taking the state examination. The law regulates three categories of candidates: those who have taken university courses on subjects related to social work/welfare (enumerated by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare); those who have not studied social work/welfare at the university level but who have taken studies in a training facility designed to complement the designated studies set by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare; and those who have more than five years of work experience as a social worker. Those whom the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare acknowledges as a social worker include child welfare officers, welfare officers for people with physical disabilities, inspection instructors, welfare officers for people with mental retardation, and social workers for the elderly (Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, 2006). For example, a case manager who works with refugees or exploited migrant workers as a member of an international organization is not recognized as a social worker in Japan, and experience working as a social worker with NGOs cannot be counted, according to the state system.

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The examination pass rate for certified social workers has been around 30% in the last five years, and candidates who meet the first criterion mentioned above (graduates of universities offering a four-year undergraduate course) make up around 65% of all successful candidates. In addition, more than 60% of successful candidates are under 30 years old (Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, 2009). The examination is usually held annually in January, and most of the successful candidates seem to take the examination in their graduation year or within a few years afterwards.

2. Decrease in the Number of Graduates who Become Social Workers. Research indicates, however, that successful candidates who graduate from universities offering a four-year undergraduate course may not always seek working opportunities as a social worker immediately after graduation. In Japan, people usually start working from April right after graduation in March, but the number of graduates who go to work as social workers immediately after graduation has decreased over the past five years.

The JASSW started researching social-work graduate's career paths since the end of the 1990s, working closely with the Japanese Association of Schools of Certified Social Workers (JASCSW), established with the help of JASSW in 2001 in order to improve education for certified social workers (Kuroki, 2002). Many member schools of the JASSW also belong to the JASCSW (although social work training facilities and professional schools tend to belong only to JASCSW). The total number of JASCSW member schools was 273 as of October 2009, with 271 full members and two associate members. The group of full members comprises 193 universities, 12 junior colleges, 27 professional schools, 38 training facilities, and a single social work graduate school, the only graduate school in Japan that focuses on fostering practitioners (JASCSW, 2009).

The JASSW provided 287 questionnaires for JASSW member schools and JASCSW member schools in 2008, without overlapping. Only 43.7% of graduates answered that they were going to work for organizations or facilities in the social welfare and medical fields. For graduates of universities offering a four-year undergraduate course, the percentage was 37.8% (JASSW, 2009b). The social welfare and medical fields include the challenging areas which six Japanese traditional welfare laws regulate: the local council of social welfare, hospitals, and long-term care.

The number of university graduates who were going to work in the

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social welfare and medical fields decreased from 48.8% in 2003 to 37.8% in 2008. On the other hand, the ratio of those graduates who were going to work for organizations unrelated to social welfare increased from 19.1% to 35.0% during the same period.

In addition, many of them will be employed as care workers rather than social workers, even though they answered that they were going to work in the social welfare and medical fields. Japan has one of the largest elderly populations; its aging rate reached 22.1% in 2008. The need for care workers has increased, and it seems that many organizations, facilities, hospitals, and communities are seeking more care workers than social workers.

The JASSW anticipated some of these unfavorable results, pointing out that Japan has never sufficiently acknowledged the importance of social workers and that the working conditions and salaries for social workers have not reached adequate levels, so that many graduates do not opt to seek working opportunities in the social welfare and medical fields, even though some of them would do so if circumstances were different (JASSW, 2009).

Recent Policy Implementation and Social Needs. Some progress in social work/welfare occurred from the middle of the 1990s to 2002, during the period when the number of JASSW member schools increased and many graduates aimed to be social workers. The Long Term Health Insurance Act was established in 1997 (the system actually started in 2000), and the Social Welfare Service Law, originally established in 1951, was modified to have its name changed to the Social Welfare Act in 1999 and the scope of social welfare services under its jurisdiction expanded. Additionally, the Child Abuse Protection Law was enacted in 2000 and the Act on the Prevention of Spousal Violence and the Protection of Victims in 2001.

The number of child abuse cases reported to the child guidance center has continued to increase every year in record-smashing style since 2000, likewise with cases of domestic violence. Issues facing the working poor, the sudden cut-off of temporary staff, and the increasing poverty rate of single mothers and children have become serious social problems over the past five years in Japan. Given this situation, social workers can become overburdened and burn out.

For example, child welfare officers have 34.1 cases per person on average in Kanagawa prefecture and 32.6 cases in Hiroshima prefecture (Asahi newspaper, 2010), while 142 children were killed due to abuse between January 2007 and March 2008 (Ministry of Health, Labor and

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Welfare, 2009b). Over 80% of child welfare officers have less than five years of experience (Asahi newspaper, 2010).

Recent Changes in Social Work/Welfare Education. The government has been discussing the need to improve the state examination system for certified social workers since 2006 as a result ofsocial changes, needs going unmet by the current social welfare laws and systems, and insufficient human resources. The Law of Certified Social Workers and Care Workers was modified in 2007 with the purpose of addressing the current situation and enhancing the quality of social workers skills and knowledge in order to better meet their clients diverse and complicated needs. Modifications were made to the curricula delivered to candidates for the state examination: designated subjects were changed, time-frames were widened, and credits were made compulsory for candidates intending to sit for the state examination. The role of social worker was also reviewed, and some aspects of social work, such as cooperation with other professionals, were officially acknowledged and added to the conventional tasks, such as providing consultation, advice, and guidance (Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, 2008).

In order to foster quality in their social workers, educators, schools and organizations such as the JASSW have also continued to improve the quality of social work/welfare education and seek an appropriate degree of social recognition for social workers. Kuroki stated that it is necessary to consider how to combine liberal arts education with professional education since social work/welfare is strongly related to other disciplines, and the more we try to assure quality of service, the more we need to cooperate with other disciplines. Some schools create an opportunity for students to meet with young social workers so that they can describe their future to them concretely. Also, the Council of Social Care Service Practitioners established Social Worker Day on Marine Day (a Japanese holiday occurring on the third Monday in July) in 2009. A series of events and symposiums was held on that day in 2010, and many booths for social work counseling were created simultaneously all over the country so that people could familiarize themselves with social work and social workers professional lives. Education programs based on the modified law started in April 2009, and new activities have only recently been created, so it is too early to examine the outcomes. While we wait for results, we should strive to improve the working conditions for social workers, to prevent their burnout, and to reduce their high turnover rate.

Future Challenges for Japanese Social Work/Welfare

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Education

1.Globalization and Social Workers. The JASSW analyzes the decreasing number of social workers in relation to inadequate working conditions and insufficient social recognition, but the research seems to be confined to the social welfare and medical fields. Although educators teach that social workers can work in a variety of settings, the JASSW has pursued a very limited conception of the fields in which social work graduates have found work.

Globalization has influenced Japanese society and has produced new problems which Japanese social workers need to address, such as the exploitation of migrant workers and the trafficking in persons. Many Japanese lost their jobs due to the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers, including migrant workers (Kobe newspaper, 2010). The number of foreign victims of domestic violence has increased recently, and 23.2% of resident foreigners were on the public assistance system in 2008, which is about double the Japanese average. The number of Filipina single mothers has increased since 2001, presumably because of domestic violence perpetrated by their Japanese husbands.

Problems related to globalization have not been addressed appropriately by Japanese social work/welfare education until recently, and it is the NGOs that have been most energetic in dealing with the issues, whereas the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare appears unaware that social workers work for them. Public welfare offices and womens consulting offices tend to have difficulties working on their cases because of language problems or clients visa status. It is time for Japanese social work/welfare education to train social workers who can work with globalization issues and affected populations, and not only in the traditional social welfare and medical fields. Case workers in NGOs should enjoy a high quality of social work/welfare education, become certified social workers, and work with new problem areas.

2.Working on Social Changes. Global standards regulate many

different areas of activity, such as program curricula (including field education), core curricula, professional staff, social work students, and cultural and ethnic diversity and gender inclusiveness, all based on the international definition ofsocial work and the core purposes of the social work profession (IASSW and IFSW, 2004). As reviewed in this paper, many schools of social work in Japan and the JASSW try to reflect the criteria put forth by the global standards, especially regarding program curricula, core curricula, and professional staff. As a result, Japanese social

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work/welfare education seems to have already reached a relatively high standard, and we must continue to improve it.

We must understand, however, that social work is only one of the professions that alleviate social problems. There are limitations to what a social worker can do, no matter how excellent and well-educated he or she may be, as society cannot be changed overnight. One priority might be to build a working environment for social worker's that allows these highly educated people to make the most of what they have to offer, and to provide the opportunity to make them united in their commitment to social changes.

The greatest challenge in Japanese social work/welfare education might be realizing that highly educated social work students do not necessarily guarantee a high quality of life for people who are socially marginalized. There is a need for educators, researchers, and scholars from other disciplines to join hands and address social changes.

Conclusion

This paper briefly reviews the history of Japanese social work/welfare education, examines current issues, and presents possibilities for future improvement. Japanese social work/welfare education has sought to assure quality of education and has contributed to making social work a profession, but it has negotiated a complicated relationship between the state certification system and the universities. Here, the most serious issue for many Japanese schools of social work seems to be the lower number of graduates who become social workers, despite the fact that universities produce the highest rate of successful certified social work candidates.

However, the ultimate goal of providing social work/welfare education and training should be assuring the quality of life of marginalized people. It is not always interlocked with the increase in the number of certified social workers, especially those working in the traditional welfare fields. We should continue to offer an education that encourages graduates to do something for marginalized people using what they have learned, even if they do not chose to become social workers. At the same time, it is necessary for social work/welfare educators to realize that social work is only one of the professions that enhance society and to commit to building a working environment for social workers that allows them to make the best use of their knowledge and skills.

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INTEGRATING CULTURAL COMPETENCY IN SOUTH KOREAN

SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION

Jun Sung Hong,Charu Stokes, Soo-Jung Byoun, Sharlene B.C.L. Furuto, Young Sook Kim12

In recent years, there have been increasing demands for international and cultural competency training in social work education programs around the world. Recognizing the importance of cultural competency, the Global Standards for the Education and Training of the Social Work Profession of the International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) stipulates the following: recognition and development of indigenous or locally specific social work education and practice from the traditions and cultures of different ethnic groups and societies, insofar that such traditions and cultures do not violate human rights.

Despite the increasing demands for cultural competency in social work training, social work educational programs in many countries have not appeared to move steadily in the direction of incorporating a new vision of social work practice within cross-cultural contexts. Social work in South Korea has been rapidly growing due to a major increase in social problems, such as poverty, discrimination, violation of human rights, and so forth. According to the Korean Association of Social Workers, a social worker in South Korea is defined by the Social Welfare Law, Article 11, as a professional who possesses expertise and skills related to the welfare of society. Although the issues of multiculturalism and diversity have been raised as a result of the rising rate of immigration along with a number of recent social problems such as an increasingly aging population, only a handful of programs in major universities such as the Seoul National University and Ewha Womans [Womens] University have incorporated international and multicultural contents in their social work curricula.

Struggles that are frequently experienced by migrants and nonSouth Korean residents attest to a critical need to incorporate cultural competency in social work education and practice. This article underscores the importance of incorporating cultural competency in social work education and practice. We begin with a brief discussion of theoretical

12 http://isw.sagepub.com/content/early/2011/10/07/0020872811418995

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frameworks for understanding cultural competency, which is followed by demographic profiles of non-South Korean residents and a background of social work education in South Korea. We then examine the reality of incorporating cultural competency in South Korean social work education programs. Suggestions for effectively incorporating cultural competency in South Korean social work programs are also included.

Cultural competency: Definition and theoretical framework. In the United States, there have been increasing demands for cultural competency in social work training due to the rapidly growing diverse population. The National Association of Social Workers (NASW) Code of Ethics, which sets the ethical standards for the social work profession in the US, includes evidence of social workers growing recognition of the importance of acquiring cultural competence in training and practice. Cultural competence in social work research and practice has become a required standard in the United States when working with diverse racial and ethnic groups. According to the NASW Code of Ethics, cultural competence is a process by which individuals and systems respond respectfully and effectively to people of all cultures, languages, classes, races, ethnicities, nationalities, religions, etc. in a manner that recognizes, affirms, and values the worth of individuals, families, and communities and protects and preserves the dignity of each. NASW also stipulates that culturally competent social workers must be cognizant of cultural differences; they must reflect on their own cultural identity and biases, and be aware of the dynamics of difference in others and the development of professional knowledge when working with diverse clients.

A variety of theories and models of cultural competence and related constructs, such as cultural sensitivity and multicultural practices, have emerged in social work in the United States. Green (1982) defined cultural competency as the ability to provide professional services in a way that is consistent with the culture of the client, which requires workers ability to adapt their professional tasks and work styles to the cultural values of their clients.

A number of recent researchers have developed several theoretical frameworks for social workers in the United States to strengthen cultural competency. One example is Lu and colleagues (2001) who set criteria for cultural competency, including:

1) awareness of ethnic and cultural experiences that are an integral part of the personal and professional socialization and education of the social worker;

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2)knowledge related to culturally diverse practice;

3)skills related to working with culturally diverse clients;

4)inductive learning that forms a continuum of heuristic information on culturally diverse persons, events, and places.

Cultural competency can also be understood as a process that integrates attitudes, knowledge, and skills to effectively assist clients achieve behavioral and emotional changes or bi-culturalization integration. According to this theory, clinical knowledge is the foundation for cultural competency; hence, social workers must incorporate their clinical skills to fit them for a target population. This clinical-cultural integrative process solidifies practical processes for social workers to utilize.

Multicultural education promotes the right to equal opportunity in education; affirms equity and full inclusion; calls for elimination of all types of discrimination; encourages respect for all color, cultures, and creed; and demands the guarantee of fundamental human rights and dignities. Considering that multicultural education is a prerequisite for culturally competent social work practice, there is a critical need to understand the present situation of multicultural population and social work education in South Korea, and to call for cultural competency training in South Korean social work education.

Multicultural population. Throughout history, Koreans have

developed a sense of nation based on sanguine ties and common ancestry, and the Korean nation was racialized through a belief in a common origin that produced a sense of collective oneness. Although ethnicity and race are distinguished in multicultural societies, such as the United States, this is not so for the Koreans. Instead the Koreans, like the Japanese, believe that they all belong to a unitary nation (tanil minjok), characterized as being ethnically homogeneous and racially distinctive. Thus, South Korea remained a homogeneous country for several centuries with relatively few non-South Korean residents in South Korea. However, rapid industrialization and economic growth in South Korea in recent years have generated major changes in South Korean demographics. Despite several tragic events that befell the Korean peninsula during the first half of the twentieth century such as Japanese imperialism (1910-1945), the Korean War (1950-1953), and decades of military dictatorship, South Korea emerged as one of the four newly industrialized countries (NICs) along with Japan, Taiwan, and Singapore in the late 1990s. South Koreas success story in a relatively short period of time earned its reputation as the Miracle of the Han River. Today, South Korea is recognized as a world leader in

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information and technology.

As the thirteenth largest economy in the world, South Korea has attracted migrants and refugees from countries such as the Peoples Republic of China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Cambodia, India, Pakistan, and Uzbekistan. According to the Ministry of Justice (2000), the total number of laborers from Third World countries increased from 6,409 in 1987 to 243,363 in 2000 (as cited by Seol, 2000). Since 2000, the number of foreign migrant workers in South Korea has increased rapidly. The number of foreign migrant workers rose from 115,466 in 2002 to 528,812 in 2008 (Kwon, 2009). As of 2009, among the 696,817 foreign migrant workers who entered South Korea, 36,921 (5.3 percent) were employed as professionals while 659,896 (94.7 percent) worked in low-skilled jobs.

The number of inter-national marriages between South Korean men and other Asian women has also risen significantly since the late 1990s. According to the Korean Statistical Information Service, inter-national marriages increased from 3.2 percent in 1997 to 13.6 percent in 2007. Of these, marriage between South Korean men and foreign women constituted 75.7 percent of all inter-national marriages, which also resulted in an increasing number of mixed-race children in South Korea. According to the Korean National Statistics Office, South Korea saw the number of mixedrace children increasing at schools across the nation from 7,998 (30.6 percent) in 2006 to 13,445 (119.7 percent) in 2007.

Unfortunately, these groups frequently experience discrimination, abuse, and human rights violation in South Korean society, with little or no recourse, mainly due to language and cultural barriers. Social workers are in a position to advocate for the inclusion of marginalized, socially excluded, disposed, vulnerable, and at-risk members of society and to address and challenge barriers, inequalities, and injustices ... as stated by the IFSW. However, given the major lack of research regarding cultural competency in social work practice in South Korea, much is unknown about the degree to which South Korean social work professionals have taken a stance against the prevailing cultural values and paradigms that reinforce racist and xenophobic sentiments. The question then remains: to what degree are social workers in South Korea educationally prepared to meet these challenges?

Social work education in South Korea. A social work education program in South Korea was first established in 1947 at Ewha Womans [Womens] University when a limited number of classes in casework were offered. The program at Ewha Womans University followed the direction

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of social work education programs in the United States. Several major universities in South Korea, notably Seoul National University and Yonsei University, subsequently established schools of social work in 1958 and 1980 respectively.

It was not until the 1980s that social work became recognized as a legitimate profession. Concerns about income inequality and relative poverty stemming from the adverse effects of rapid industrialization and urbanization prompted greater demands for social adequacy and economic satisfaction in South Korea. To meet societys demands, the social work workforce has increased with a growth rate of 50 percent annually within the last two decades (Korea Association of Social Workers, 2005). In the 1980s, there were only about 600 licensed social workers in South Korea, but in 2004 the number rose to 85,000. In 2001, there were 77 graduate and 101 undergraduate programs in social work and social welfare, and the 64 vocational schools offering a specialized program in social work increased to more than 369 in 2009 (Korean Academy of Social Welfare, 2007). These programs produced more than 15,000 social workers in 2004 and approximately 45,000 licensed social workers in 2007.

Recently, a handful of programs in South Korean schools have included classes in international and multicultural social work in the curriculum. The Graduate School of Social Welfare at Ewha Womans University, for example, offers classes such as International Social Work, International Cooperation for Regional Development, Cultural Diversity and Social Work Practice, and Regional Study and International Volunteerism.

However, the major focus of social work education in South Korea has been to prepare students for the Social Worker Licensure Examination rather than train students to effectively provide culturally relevant social services. Moreover, as Han and Hong (n.d.) argue, despite establishment of the social work licensure system, there is a critical lack of a qualification system that fosters social work specialization that meets global standards in a wide range of fields, such as cultural competency.

Applicability of cultural competency training in South Korea.

There has been much discussion and implementation of multicultural education in South Korea in recent years. Although there have been a number of books and research studies on multicultural education in South Korea, there exists relatively little concrete information that would provide guidance for preparing social work students and professionals for culturally competent practice with a multicultural population.

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The critical lack of educational information regarding culturally competent social work practice with racially and ethnically diverse populations in South Korea is attributed to the fact that South Koreans have been taught since elementary school that they are racially and ethnically homogeneous - a belief which most South Koreans have taken for granted. South Korean children are taught in elementary school that Koreans are of the Han race and therefore have the same ancestry and bloodline. The major goal of multicultural education in culturally pluralistic societies such as Europe, Canada, and the United States is harmonious co-existence. In South Korea, multiculturalism is a relatively recent phenomenon. Foreign immigrants and ethnic minorities in South Korea, like their counterparts in the United States who underwent assimilation and mainstreaming, are often forced to abandon their traditional cultural heritage in order to adjust to the mainstream society.

Moreover, as Boyle and Springer (2001) pointed out, empirical measurement of educational outcomes is essential for the development of multicultural awareness and cultural competency. Unfortunately, there is no clear consensus in South Korea regarding what would be considered an appropriate and effective training program or about how the outcomes of such training are to be assessed empirically. To date, there has been little focus among social work researchers directed toward developing psychometrically sound instruments for assessing and evaluating cultural competency training and multicultural practice. Boyle and Springer (2001) also argued that little has been done in the United States about measuring cultural competence skill development in social work. In the case of South Korea, this may be attributed to the fact that there are only a handful of social work classes that minimally cover cross-cultural and multicultural social work practice.

And finally, a number of researcher's, argue that cultural competency requires an in-depth exploration of oppression (pedagogy of oppression) with its multiple realities. Similar to the United States, however, such exploration generates fear and resistance in students learning, vulnerability, misunderstanding, guilt, and resentment. When confronted with the reality of oppression, students either embrace or reject early in the process. Schmitz and colleagues (2001) warn that unless students are able to accept the reality of oppression and are guided in separating the ugliness of oppression from the strength of diversity, they will not be fully equipped with cultural competency. Because the issue of immigration is relatively recent in South Korea, students have little

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opportunity to experience the reality of oppression for two reasons: (1) there are relatively few (if any) foreign students in South Korean social work programs, and (2) consequently South Korean students have limited contact with foreigners in the classroom, and little opportunity to directly explore diverse viewpoints and experiences of minorities. As Schmitz et al. (2001) warn, unless social work students are given the opportunity to explore their understanding of the impact of oppression and the value of diversity, they will not have a context for the application of cultural competency.

Suggestions for cultural competency training in South Korea.

In spite of the barriers to inclusion of cultural competency in social work education, cultural competency training is nevertheless becoming an important element of social work educational programs in South Korea. Following are several suggestions to consider when moving towards cultural competency training in South Korea. First, require cultural competency training on multiple social work educational levels: baccalaureate, masters, and doctoral, as well as in the social work licensure examination system. Social work graduates who become practitioners, administrators, and academicians all need to have cultural competency education to be effective. In order to train social work students in South Korea to be culturally competent, educators must consistently educate themselves about problems that ethnic minorities and immigrants frequently encounter such as domestic violence, discrimination, and poverty. To instill a substantive understanding of the importance of cultural competency, educators must also actively reach out and involve these groups in educating social work students (e.g. acting as a guest speaker).

Second, include cultural competency knowledge, skills, values, and ethics content throughout all classes required for the social work degree. Cultural competency content in practice, human behavior, policy, and research classes grounds the student in a broader perspective that fosters professional effectiveness with the diverse populations in South Korea. Cultural competency content may be infused throughout the required classes or offered as specific required classes. Social work practicum in South Korea offers students a wide range of social work-related experiences at various types of social services agencies. Students need to have the opportunity to experience and demonstrate cultural competency when working with ethnic minorities at their practicum site. Social work practicum must include cultural competency, particularly for those students interested in working with ethnic minorities and immigrants and using their

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knowledge and skills to bring about changes for the betterment of these groups.

Third, conduct research and develop cultural competency perspectives, paradigms, and models that target the current and projected incoming ethnic minority populations. South Korean researchers in recent years have conducted extensive research on the prevalence and problems of ethnic minorities and immigrants. By comparison, there are relatively fewer studies regarding the efficacy of interventions and social services designed specifically for ethnic minorities and immigrants. Social work scholars need to conduct research on social work practice that can effectively meet the needs of ethnic minority and immigrant populations. Perhaps an appropriate beginning is to evaluate the immediate and long-term effectiveness of the existing intervention programs and social services for ethnic minorities and immigrants in South Korea.

Fourth, cultural competency can be best achieved through joint collaboration and partnerships between social workers and social services for ethnic minorities and immigrants in South Korea. Recently, social work programs in South Korea have actively established ties with international organizations and civic groups for oppressed groups. In addition, we recommend that social work programs forge partnerships with leaders in the minority and immigrant communities to address their needs and to determine what are effective and culturally relevant services. We also suggest that social work educational programs empower these disenfranchised groups by actively recruiting talented and qualified ethnic minority and immigrant students to be involved in the change. To our knowledge, South Korean social work programs have not actively established joint collaborations and partnerships with disenfranchised communities.

Lastly, anchor cultural competency education on a broad Asiancentric foundation that takes into consideration the immigrants many countries of origin. While it is understandable to want to focus cultural competency training on the larger immigrant groups, the smallest group should be included also as we promote social justice.

Conclusion. As a response to an escalating demand to alleviate social problems, the South Korean government has been rapidly expanding its social expenditure by increasing social insurances and social services. According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), South Korea spent 7.87 percent of the total gross domestic product (GDP) on social expenditure, which rose from 5.3 percent

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in 1996 (OECD, 2008). Over the past 20 years, the government increased its expenditure on social welfare from 2.9 percent in 1986 to 6.7 percent in 2006 (Ministry of Health and Welfare, 2006) to increase public services for vulnerable populations, including the elderly, the disabled, and children. At the community level, about 400 community-based nonprofit social service centers nationwide have been operating, which include an array of services for the vulnerable population. These community-based centers provide services for the disabled (130 centers) and the elderly (190 centers).

Currently, there are 63 international non-governmental organizations that provide services for non-Korean residents in South Korea, such as Puchon Migrant Workers Welfare Center, Nepal-Kyung Hee Goodwill Hospital, UNICEF Korea, and United Help for International Children. In addition, the South Korean government has subsidized a number of programs that facilitate adjustment for immigrants and multicultural families, such as scholarships for Korean language classes in major universities, as well as after-school Korean language classes for school-age children of foreign migrants. Although providing these services and incentives for ethnic minorities and immigrants are first steps, the development of cultural competency and multicultural education in South Korean social work educational programs still has a long way to go.

This article demonstrates that the changing demographics of the South Korean society necessitate training social workers who can effectively provide services for diverse clients. The South Korean society has evolved from the days of a military dictatorship to a constitutional democracy, and the government respects the rights of its citizens. Unfortunately however, it is difficult for non-South Koreans to be fully accepted, and legal protection for ethnic minorities and immigrants is often weak. As a result, many ethnic minorities and immigrants in South Korea struggle to adjust to their new homeland. Discrimination, exploitation, abuse, and human rights violations are unfortunately social problems that ethnic minorities, immigrants, foreign brides, and mixed-race people in South Korea frequently encounter. Although a number of social services and government subsidies for multicultural families have been expanded since the 1990s, social work education in South Korea has not effectively equipped social workers to address these problems from a culturally competent perspective. Perhaps the first step is to raise awareness in social work education of the importance of multicultural and cultural competency training, which would go hand-in-hand with achieving equality and social justice for all.

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