- •Contents
- •Table of Cases
- •List of Contributors
- •Introduction
- •1. Bottom-Up Theories
- •2. The Humean Approach
- •1. Introduction
- •2. The Moral Right to Labour Productively
- •2.1 The intellectual context for Lockean rights
- •2.2. Labour as a moral right
- •3. Property Acquisition in Labour Theory
- •3.1 Extending labour from the person to things
- •3.2 The social character of productive appropriation
- •3.3 Productive use as a limit on labour
- •3.4 The communicative function of productive labour
- •4. Control Rights in Labour Theory
- •5. Accession in Labour Theory
- •6. Lost Opportunities to Capture in Doctrine
- •7. Acquisition in Doctrine
- •7.1 The basic test for capture
- •7.2 Constructive capture
- •7.3 Multiple proprietary claims
- •8. Accession Policy and Ratione Soli Doctrine
- •9. On the Relation between Legal Property and Moral Rights to Labour
- •10. Conclusion
- •3: Property and Necessity
- •1. Some Conceptual Preliminaries
- •2. Winstanley’s Challenge
- •3. Grotius on Property and Necessity
- •4. Three Important Objections
- •5. Saving Property and Public Necessity
- •6. Is the Right of Necessity a Property Right?
- •4: Private Property and Public Welfare
- •1. The Fifth Amendment Paradox
- •2. Why Acquisition?
- •3.1 Physical possession
- •3.3 Exchange
- •4. Property in Civil Society
- •4.1 The origin of welfare entitlements
- •4.2 Civil society as a bifurcated entity
- •5. Property in the Political Community
- •5.1 Property in the totalitarian state
- •5.2 Property in the dialogical state
- •6. Conclusion
- •5: Average Reciprocity of Advantage
- •1. Introduction
- •2. Background
- •2.1 Judicial opinions
- •2.2 Academic commentators
- •3. Sources of Average Reciprocity of Advantage
- •4. The Limits of ‘In-Kind’ Compensation
- •4.1 General reciprocity
- •4.2 Probabilistic compensation
- •4.3 Basic structural problems
- •5. Reciprocity and Respect
- •5.1 Accepting the conclusion
- •5.2 Rejecting the premisses
- •5.3 Partial, ‘objective’ compensation
- •6. Conclusion
- •1. Introduction
- •2. Between Promise and Detachment
- •2.1 The moral principle
- •2.2 The value of LPA
- •3. Legal Enforcement
- •3.1. Encouraging pre-contractual Investment
- •3.2 Building up trust: the role of LPA
- •4. Proprietary Estoppel
- •4.1 Varieties of PE
- •a) Bargain
- •b) Gifts
- •4.2 The remedy
- •5. Conclusion
- •7: Possession and Use
- •1. Possession
- •2. The Priority of Exclusion
- •3. Bringing Actual Use Back In
- •4. Conclusion
- •8: Possession and the Distractions of Philosophy
- •1. Introduction: The Puzzle
- •3. Possession and Title
- •4. The Right of Possession and its Omnilateral Structure
- •5. Possession and the Incidents of Ownership
- •6. A Principled Practice of Property?
- •7. Conclusion
- •9: The Relativity of Title and Causa Possessionis
- •2. Privity, Estoppel, and Rights to Possess outside of Ownership
- •2.1 A public law problem?
- •2.2 Privity: the missing link between property and person
- •2.3 Let the chips fall where they may
- •3. Conclusion
- •1. Introduction
- •2. Setting the Limits of Property Rights
- •2.1 Where A has an undoubted property right
- •a) The ‘right to exclude’
- •b) The ‘right to use’
- •i. Chattels
- •ii. Land
- •c) Conclusion
- •2.2 Determining if B’s right counts as a property right
- •a) Physical things
- •b) Non-physical things
- •c) Equitable property rights
- •3. Conclusion
- •11: On the Very Idea of Transmissible Rights
- •1. Title and Succession
- •2. The Argument against Transfer or Transmissibility Stated: The Hohfeldian3 Individuation Argument
- •3. Why the Hohfeldian Individuation Argument is Wrong
- •4. Justifying Transmissible Rights
- •4.1 The power to authorize what would otherwise be a battery
- •4.2 The right to immediate, exclusive possession of property
- •4.3 The power to license and to give property away
- •4.4 The power to sell or transfer pursuant to an agreement
- •4.5 The liability to execution
- •5. A Last Word on Conventions and Social Contexts
- •12: Psychologies of Property (and Why Property is not a Hawk/Dove Game)
- •1. The Inside Perspective
- •1.1 Identity formation
- •1.2 Identity fashioning
- •1.3 Refuge
- •1.4 Empowerment
- •1.5. Generosity
- •1.6 Economic incentives
- •1.7 An admonitory postscript
- •2. The Outside Perspective
- •2.1. The picture from in rem
- •2.2 Hawks and Doves
- •2.3 The virtues of non-ownership
- •13: Property and Disagreement
- •1. Disagreements Substantive and Verbal
- •1.1 Verbal disagreements
- •1.2 Disagreement that is partly substantive and partly verbal
- •a) Clarifying the disagreement
- •b) The analysis of property
- •c) The metaphysics of property
- •d) What about W2 and W3?
- •3. A Minor Disagreement that is both Substantive and Conceptual
- •4. Penner Redux: A Major Disagreement that is both Substantive and Conceptual
- •4.1 Reservations: of Wittgenstein and Dworkin
- •4.2 Individuation and incomplete understanding
- •5. The Nature of Property
- •5.2 Smith and the architecture of property
- •6. Conclusion
- •Appendix
- •14: Emergent Property
- •1. Intensions and Conceptualism in Property Law
- •2. Formalism versus Contextualism
- •3. Functionalism
- •4. Holism and Emergence
- •5. An Application to in Rem Rights and Duties
- •6. Conclusion
- •References
- •Index
Average Reciprocity of Advantage |
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to person, and some landowners might be risk-averse enough that they would not have found the bet attractive. Compounding this problem is the fact that different landowners will place different values on the payoffs offered by the various scenarios. Some owners might greatly enjoy civic goods which the relevant governmental actions promote—e.g. the sorts of public works which require the exercise of eminent domain—while others might be largely indifferent to those benefits. As a result, different landowners would likely differ in their assessment of the bet offered by any given regulation, and there is no guarantee that each landowner who suffers an actual net loss was one who ex ante would in fact have found the bet attractive.60 Thus, even on the probabilistic account, there is still no assurance that those burdened by the contested legal rule have in fact enjoyed an average reciprocity of advantage with respect to it.
4.3 Basic structural problems
Moreover, there is an inherent problem with the logical structure of general reciprocity justifications for imposing restrictions without compensation. One way to approach the difficulty is by observing a peculiar difference between these justifications and the ordinary way of thinking about physical takings. Ordinarily, under the law of physical takings, the amount of monetary compensation which the owner of taken property receives is not reduced by the amount of value which the owner receives from the general effect of public project for which the condemnation occurred.61 This makes sense, because everyone else receives the same benefit without having to surrender their property. Thus, deducting the project’s benefit from the compensation paid would effectively make the condemnee worse off relative to everyone else.62 One might therefore expect a similar approach in the regulatory takings context. However, the opposite is true when general reciprocity of advantage is invoked to justify denying monetary compensation to burdened landowners: the general benefit received from the system is counted as diminishing claims for compensation.
The puzzle deepens when we consider how the law treats compensation for partial takings. When the government condemns only a portion of a privately owned parcel rather than the entire parcel, it may reduce the compensation that it pays for the taken portion if the portion that was not taken benefits from the public
60These sorts of probabilistic argument have the additional curious feature of entailing that even those owners who enjoyed net benefits from the application of a legal rule could have a claim for compensation (or at least a justified complaint about the rule) if their risk preferences and personal valuations of potential payoffs would have led them ex ante to reject the bet which good fortune happened to allow them to win. Thus, although this sort of argument would, if successful, potentially allow regulations to evade objections from people who had ended up net losers as a result of the regulation’s application, it would open those regulations to objections from people who had in fact profited from the regulations but who would not have wished ex ante to chance that outcome.
61See e.g. Sackman et al. 2012, vol. 3, s. 8A.03[2].
62See e.g. Krier and Serkin 2004, 866 (‘To be sure, condemnees are still worse off relative to all the rest of the public who realize the benefits of the same government project but retain their property as well’).