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ABBREVIATIONS

ARu

M. David and E. Ebeling. Assyrische Rechtsurkunden. Zeitschrift

 

für vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft 44 (1929): 305-381.

 

Bi

Texts

from Tell Billa. See Finkelstein 1953.

 

DSC

Data

Sets. Cuneiform Texts. See Saporetti 1979 and

1982.

MARV

Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte. See

 

Freydank 1976 and 1982a.

 

OIP 79

Texts from Tell Fakhariyeh. See Güterbock 1979.

 

TCL 9

G. Contenau. Contrats et lettres d'Assyrie et de Babylonie. Musée du

 

Louvre. Département des antiquités orientales. Textes

cunéi-

 

formes 9. Paris: P. Geuthner, 1926.

 

TR

Texts from Tell Al Rimah. See Saggs-Wiseman 1986.

 

Urad-Serüa

Texts

from the archive of Urad-Serüa. See Postgate 1988.

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fact which has, or can have, considerable bearing on any interpretation of other sets of juridical systems, institutions and legal procedures. This is certainly the case with the Mesopotamian and related Near Eastern documentary heritage, especially as concerns the broad field of private law.

With specific reference to the topic of security for loans, there is hardly any need to recall here the epochal contributions of P. Koschaker and H. Petschow. The Nuzi evidence, which is particularly rich and intriguing, has been tackled by a vast number of scholars, including Koschaker himself and E. Cassin, E.A. Speiser, H. Lewy, B.L. Eichler, M. Müller and the present writer. This is certainly not the place to speculate on the different juridical backgrounds that have supported the various and often conflicting reconstructions

offered by

these

and other researchers whose contributions

are to

be found

in the

pertinent literature. At any rate, it is easy

to per-

ceive the serious difficulties that have been encountered by the various attempts to offer a coherent and "modern" interpretation of the

ancient Near Eastern practices

of securing loans.

 

It will suffice here to

call attention

to the

contract of

antichresis,

of Graeco-Roman and

modern

times,

which

has been

adduced as

the most appropriate term of comparison for a widespread type of contract, stemming from Mesopotamian, Syrian, and other peripheral private archives from the Ur III period until neo-Babylonian times. In them, a person or real estate is handed over to the cred-

itor(s) as security for a loan and

more specifically in usufruct in place

of interest on the capital lent.

In fact, close scrutiny of the textual

evidence reveals that, despite

their standardized and apparently

unequivocal formulations, the real substance of these contracts can hardly be reconciled with the features, scope and limits of classical antichresis. In this regard, the case of Nuzi "antichretic" contracts

(tuppi tidennūti) is very instructive: Eichler's exhaustive and

pénétrât-

ing investigation of

personal tidennūtu (Eichler 1973) and

later stud-

ies of the same legal

transaction on the one hand, and investigations

of the evidence pertaining to real-estate tidennūtu on the other have underscored noteworthy divergences between apparently identical (or closely similar) types of contract.2 I will return to this point later on.

2 Cf. inter alia Zaccagnini

1975: esp. 194-201; Zaccagnini

1976; Zaccagnini 1979:

esp. 7-13. The unpublished Ph.D. diss, of Jordan, G.D.,

The Land-Field tidennūtu

Transaction at Nuzi (Hebrew

Union College 1986) was not

available to me. Jordan

On a more general level, it can be noted in passing that, according to ancient Roman doctrine, which is still largely shared by modem Western juridical thought, security for debt is of two kinds: real (i.e. property) and personal (i.e. obligations). The former include pledge (pignus), hypothecary pledge (hypotlieca) and antichresis; the latter include the surety (fideiussio).3 However, this schematic arrangement should only be considered as an approximate attempt to compare similar but not identical juridical institutions and legal systems, whose respective historical backgrounds and developments are to a considerable extent independent of one another. It goes without saying that more serious problems are encountered in the study of the ancient Near Eastern evidence. It therefore seems advisable to analyse and evaluate the relevant documentation by concentrating on its substantial content without forcing it into inadequate schemes of interpretation.

The rich corpus of Nuzi loan contracts {hubullu) has been sufficiently investigated (cf. Owen 1970; Wilhelm 1992: esp. 9 - 23 with the comments of Zaccagnini 1997) and the basic features of this type of legal transaction have been ascertained. Individual or multiple loans, with or without interest, could be secured by one or more sureties, i.e. persons who guaranteed fulfilment of the debtors obligation in its entirety. Movables or real estate are not attested as security in hubullu- contracts; on the other hand, they occur in another type of Nuzi contract (the tuppi tidennūti) which, at least on a formulaic level, is patterned on the scheme of antichretic arrangements. Some features of these contracts that are relevant to the present discussion will be dealt with below.

According to the terminology of the Nuzi loan contracts (hubullu), the person(s) who assume obligation to stand surety for the full repayment of a debt are qualified māhis pūti (lit.: "striker of the forehead"). Whatever interpretation might be envisaged for this technical term,4 it is important to point out the distinctive features that characterize

1990—presumably a short résumé of his dissertation—represents a first provisional attempt to single out and evaluate the basic economic features of this type of Nuzi transaction. Besides total disregard of the previous Literature, the author's methodology and reasoning are not entirely convincing.

3 Note, however, that, according to modern doctrine,

antichresis is often con-

sidered to belong also to the sphere of personal

security.

 

4 Cf., with all due reservations, the now dated

contribution of Cassin 1937: esp.

154-59.

 

 

the functional role of the māhis pūti? Save for a very few exceptions, sureties only occur in multiple loans in which every single co-debtor assumes full liability to the creditor: the standard formulation of the

clause

is "one

man is surety for another man

(awīlu ana awīli mālvis

pūti)followed

by the repayment obligation

which concerns the

entire

amount

of the loan: "whoever of them

is present will pay χ

(= the total amount of the debt)

in full" (mannummê (sa) ina libbišunu

asbu χ

(ana PN

[= the creditor])

umalla). In addition to this clause,

many loan documents exhibit a further suretyship clause, whereby one or two co-debtors act as māhis pūti (note the variant writing MA.U) for the fulfilment of the obligation.6 It is not entirely clear what the exact function of these additional sureties might have been, given that the documents in any case foresee the full mutual responsibility of each debtor for the entire group of co-debtors: all that can

tentatively be suggested is that these loans were not only

secured by

a general fideinssio shared by each and every single debtor

but, more

specifically, by one or two of them as additional and final surety for fulfilment of the obligation.7

As mentioned before, individual loans, as a rule, were not secured

by sureties. I will briefly dwell on

the isolated and at times prob-

lematic occurrences of a personal

security supporting

hubullu-con-

tracts entered into by single debtors. HSS IX 68 (= Wilhelm

1992

no. 200) is an interest-bearing barley loan contracted

by

Prince

5 Note that the Nuzi documents attest to the sporadic occurrence of suretyship

outside the sphere of loan agreements: cf. e.g. J E N

263

(exchange

of fields); J E N

155

(lawsuit).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

6

For the abbreviated

writing MA.U = māhis pūti see Fadhil

1983:

175-76;

Deller

1984: 95, and Wilhelm

1992: 18 with n. 10.

The

functional and procedural

aspects

of the Nuzi joint responsibility clause in multiple

loan

contracts

have

been surveyed

by Wilhelm 1992:16-18, on the

basis of the

rich

evidence

provided

by the

Shilwa-

teshup archives (cf. the

remarks

of Zaccagnini

1994: esp.

30-34). In

this context I

offered a new interpretation of the standard

neo-Assyrian joint

responsibility

clause

(ša karmūni ušallam) and

further proceeded to

a

comprehensive

analysis of the other

neo-Assyrian occurrences of the verb karāmu, as attested in non-juridical documents

(ibid.:

37-42). For a different view, see Jas 1996:

84,

who could not

take

into

account the arguments and conclusions of my article, and cf. Radner

1997:

168

with

n. 889. Moving from Jas' standpoint, an alternative

unitary interpretation of

the neo-Assyrian verb líarāmu has been proposed by

Fales

forthcoming. I will

com-

ment

on these contributions elsewhere.

 

 

 

 

1 Wilhelm's suggestion (Wilhelm 1992:18) that the function of these sureties, selected from the group of co-debtors, was "die Exekutionsbereitschaft aller Schuldner zu garantieren und dem Gläubiger den säumigen Schuldner [itafics mine] auzuliefem" is not convincing.

some detail (Zaccagnini 1977: esp. 180-188), it is not necessary to comment again on this matter.

Another type of debt agreement, widely attested in Nuzi private archives, concerns loans of various amounts of different commodi-

ties (primarily barley) that are handed over to individuals for a

fixed

or indefinite length of time: as security for repayment of the

capi-

tal sum and in compensation for accruing interest, persons or land

(most often

fields) are put at the creditor's disposal.

In

both

cases

the

creditor

will benefit: either from the work of the

persons

given

as

security

or from the usufruct of the land owned

by

the debtor.

In the unique legal terminology of the Nuzi documents, these agreements are labelled as tuppi tidennūti and the security itself is termed tidennu.I0 In spite of the still unclear etymological explanation of the term, the substance of these contracts has been sufficiently elucidated, on the basis of an internal analysis of the Nuzi textual evidence and by comparison with analogous Near Eastern sources." Broadly speaking, the tidennūtu contracts can be interpreted as loans secured by 1) individuals, including the debtor himself, or by 2)

parcels of

land

belonging to the debtor, that are either 1) physically

transferred

or

2) put at the creditor's disposal in accordance with

the well-known

antichretic mechanism. Movables other than human

beings are

never handed over as security.

As was intimated above, the personal and real estate tidennūtu contracts only apparently correspond to "classical" antichresis, for reasons that need not be repeated. Suffice it to say that, despite the apparently strict similarity between the formulaic patterning of Nuzi tidennūtu and ancient or modern antichretic obligations, the former agreements de facto represent a form of alienation of persons or land to third parties, in compensation for an outstanding obligation. This substantial aspect of the tidennūtu contracts is clearly revealed by those instances in which the agreed duration of the "antichretic" arrange-

10 This term exclusively concerns persons: I only know of two occurences in which tidennu refers to fields: HSS XIII 171: 1-2 and HSS V 66: 8 (cf. AHw, p.

1362b): both texts belong to the

archives of Shilwa-teshup. As an incidental

remark,

I would like to point out the extremely interesting evidence provided by

the

for-

mer text, a short memorandum

which records 41 homers of tidennu fields and

13.8

homers of fields ša mārūti: there

is little need to stress the significance of this

datum,

which to my knowledge has never been duly appreciated, for any inquiry concerning the vexed question of the nature, functions and possible relationships of the

tidennūtu

and mārātu institutions—a subject

that cannot be dealt with

here.

11 Cf.

Eichler 1973, and the additional

bibliography quoted above

n. 2.

his work obligation, PN shall give back the 30 minas of copper and then go free. After the usual penalty clause imposing a payment of one mina of copper for each day of absence from work, the contract adds that PN3 stands surety for PN and for (repayment of) the

copper (due by the same PN):

"Therefore, if PN

dies or disappears,

then PN2 [= the creditor] may

seize PN3 and he

shall pay

the cop-

per in

full"

(lines 19-23).

 

 

 

 

J E N

306

(cf. Eichler

1973:

129) records a loan of 10 homers of

barley in favour of PN,

who remain in PN2's house for ten

years.

PN3 stands surety for PN: "If

PN departs from work for

a

single

day, PN3 shall pay one

mina

of copper per day. If PN3

and PN

[note the inversion of the sequence as between the main debtor and the surety] violate the agreement, they [i.e. each of them, individu-

ally responsible

for the entire obligation] shall pay (a fine of) one

mina

of silver"

(lines 11-17).

EN

9/2

152

(SMN 2102: cf. Eichler 1973: 128-129) records a

loan of 29

minas of bronze in favour of PN and PN2—two broth-

ers—one of whom (= PN2) is to stay in the creditor's house for four

years and perform service. Both

brothers share joint responsibility

for compensation in the event of

PN2's "hiding" from his service:

the standard amount of the fine is one mina of copper per day. Two

people

[PN3 and PNJ

stand surety for the two brothers: "If they

cannot

find them [i.e. the two brothers =

PN and PN2], then PN5

[=

the

creditor] can seize PN3 and PN4 [=

the

sureties]".

 

To all appearances, these additional personal securities who are

included in the personal

tidennūtu contracts,

have different functions.

At

all

events, they serve as further security

for

the

implementation

of

the

creditors' rights,

which are recorded

in

the

standard format

of these transactions. The first object of the suretyship always concerns the regular and uninterrupted performance of the tidennu's work.

In addition, in TCL IX

10 the surety also assumes responsibility for

repayment of the debt;

in J E N 306 a

surety is provided in case of

breach of contract. It is

difficult, not

to say impossible, to ascertain

what might have been the reasons that induced the contracting parties to include these additional suretyship clauses: we can only surmise that the particular backgrounds of these agreements, albeit

totally unknown to us, prompted the inclusion

of the above

clauses,

in addition to the personal security offered by

the tidennu.

 

In this connection, a unique and enigmatic

case is recorded in

AAS OR XVI 29 (cf. Eichler 1973: 129-130): PN, a weaver,

declares:

to PN3 as security for a loan of

barley and wheat, to be repaid after

three

years. A

third party (PN4)

stands surety (māhis pūti)

for PN and

PN2

and for

the field (lines 1718־). The first object of

the surety-

ship is clear, also in the light of the parallel evidence that has been discussed above. On the other hand, it is difficult to specify the nature and function of PN4's guarantee of the tidennu field, also because it cannot be meant as a security against possible prior encumbrances of the land (the clear title clause in lines 1 3 1 4 ־ is personally assumed by PN and PN2).

The above evidence reveals the complexities and the still open questions raised by the overall system of Nuzi security institutions and legal procedures, especially if they are analysed from the viewpoint of other ancient and modern juridical frameworks—a point that I have tried to underscore at the beginning of my paper. I will conclude by offering some comments on the extremely meagre and by no means clear evidence provided by a few lawsuits dealing with personal security attached to loan contracts: as far as I know, only two lawsuits are of particular interest for the present matter at issue.

EN 9/1 400, a badly damaged and difficult text, concerns the judicial settlement of a defaulted debt (hubullu), amounting to 16 shekels of silver, contracted by PN with PN2, father of PN3. PN4, who had stood surety for PN (PN4Jpussu sa PN ašar PN2 imhas [lines 810־]),

will be responsible for PN's delivery

of his wife and children (?) to

PN3, son of the original creditor. To

all

appearances, PN's default

on his

debt implied the handing over of

his family to the creditor

( P N 2 )

and, later on, to the creditor's

son

(PN 3 ) . In accordance with

well-known Nuzi practice, we can surmise that the new obligation would take the form of a personal tidennūtu. The functional role and personal liabilities of the surety (PN4) are anything but clear and I refrain from any further speculation.

A

different and again difficult case is recorded

in AASOR XVI

73. PN suits PN2 and

declares: "I am not indebted (hubullāku) to

PN2,

but he threw me

into jail (?) (sīhu)20 and for two days I have

been

in jail (?)" (lines 4-6); the judges summoned

PN2

who

declares:

"PN

stood surety for

my debtor and I (!) threw

him

into

prison"

(lines

10 12: PN 1ú hubidlia pūta imtahasmi u ina usurti iddxšumî). Following

a negative declaration

issued by the only witness

produced

by PN2,

20 Cf. CAD Š, p. 242b; AHw, p. 1040b.

P N 2 ' S

and subsequent refusal to take an evidentiary oath, P N 2 lost the case and was condemned to pay a fine of one ox for having thrown PN in jail (?). The evidence of the above court procedure is indeed remarkable and would require extensive comment; I shall only draw attention to two points. First, and most important, the ambivalence—or, in other terms, the semantic extension—of the technical term hubullu (line 5: habālu D stative; line 10: amēl hubulli), which unquestionably refers both to the original debtor's obligation and to the accessory personal security provided by the surety; in the second place, the unique occurrence in the Nuzi texts of imprisonment

of a surety—albeit for only two

days—following his failure to per-

form

the substitutive obligation

incumbent on him in his role of

māhis

pūti.

 

I hope that the above synthetic sketch of the complex and still partly obscure topic of security for debt, as resulting from the rich evidence of Nuzi private archives, can represent a useful starting point for future research and discussion, also in a wider historical perspective which should include the Northern Mesopotamian and Syrian documentary corpora of the Late Bronze Age.