
учебный год 2023 / history as precedent
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These examples, however, do not fully account for how the Rehnquist Court deals with documentaryevidence that was not available to earlier Courts. The case law suggests that the division between protestantand catholic originalists might dissolve when such evidence is introduced.In Camps Newfound/Owatonna,Inc. v. Town of Harrison,99for example, Justice Thomas argued vehemently that the expansive reading of the dormant Commerce Clause in Woodruff v. Parham'??was essentially worthless, because Justice Nelson "seems not to have had in his arsenal many of the historical materials cited above."0'' In a footnote, Justice Thomas went on to prove that every single key piece of primaryevidence about the CommerceClause was not compiled until the twentieth century, concluding that "our ready access to, as well as our appreciationof, such documentshas increasedover time."102JusticeThomas's argument,as well as his eagerness to obliterate bad history from the Court's record, exemplifies the protestant historical approach. But it is significant that Justice Scalia and Chief Justice Rehnquist,both of whom have eschewed aggressiveindependenthistoricalanalysis,andone of whom-Chief Justice Rehnquist-might be classified as a catholic originalist on the basis of Seminole Tribe,joined Justice Thomas's dissent in Owatonna.'03Because
judges revisit so few early cases with historicalanalyses, the emergence of completely new andpertinentprimaryevidence is exceptionallyrare.When it happens,however, even staunchlycatholic originalistsprobablywill not ignore it.
D. TheMeritsof theApproaches
Because cases like Owatonnaare so rare, the two approacheslead to fundamentallydifferentposturestowardmost innovativehistoricalanalysis.
Yet both approacheshave strengths and weaknesses from an originalist point of view. The catholic originalist approachenjoys the advantagesof self-sufficiency and stability. It does not rely on extensive historical research by nonhistorians,nor does it requirejudges to depend on the research of nonlawyers. It also has a predictable effect on the Court's jurisprudence,while protestanthistoricalanalysis,because it can undermine the understandingof a clause on which Justices have relied in many
decisions, has at times a profoundlydestabilizingeffect. By dismissing the
99.520 U.S. 564 (1997).
100.75 U.S. (8 Wall.) 123(1868).
101.Owatonna,520 U.S. at632-33(Thomas,J., dissenting).
102.Id. at633 n.17.
103.Cf. Scalia,supranote 10, at 859 (suggestingthatChiefJusticeTaftin Myersv. United States,272 U.S. 52 (1926), did not benefitfrom full access to the historicalrecordas today's
judgeswould).
2000] Historyas Precedent 141
dissent for offering an innovativehistoricalargumentratherthanrelying on official history,the Seminole TribeCourtitself emphasizedthe relationship between catholic originalismanddoctrinalstability.
The destabilizing effect of protestanthistorical analysis, moreover, is not alwaysjustified by greaterhistorical accuracy.Indeed, in the case of a SupremeCourtthat seeks to recover the original meaning of language that is often around210 years old, the link between novelty and accuracycan be particularlytenuous,especially with regardto Justiceswho lived duringthe nineteenthcentury.Althoughthoroughhistoricalresearchsometimesyields
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time to the Framerswere surelyin a betterposition to interpretthe Framers' language and grasp the Framers'worldview than their successors.10The propositionthatestablishedhistoricalconclusions deserve deferenceis thus consistent with the basic assumptionthat the meanings of historical texts become more difficult to discernover time, and thatan establishedpractice can be a better guide to discerning an original meaning than a historical inquiry. The catholic historical approach therefore corresponds with a fundamentalgoal of the originalist project-doctrinal stability once the original meaning has been established-without necessarily undermining historicalaccuracy,a second fundamentalgoal of the originalistproject.By privileging Powell's well-documentedhistorical conclusions over its own because of the Powell Court's especially thorough examination of the documentaryevidence, the ThorntonCourt linked catholic originalism to the creationof reliablehistory.ThorntonandSeminole Tribe,in additionto
showcasing both genres of originalism,thus highlight differentadvantages of catholicoriginalismin particular.
Yet the protestantoriginalist approach also has distinct advantages. First, once the premise that text and history should be the main guides to interpreting the Constitution is accepted, reflexively privileging the historical conclusions of previous courts invites visibly uninformed decisions, particularlywhen the declaredhistory in question has been only recently established.Second, by simply relying on the conclusions of past courts-even though those courts might have relied on the historians of their time ratherthan the understandingof the Constitutionthat had been transmittedsince the Founding-catholic originalistssometimesjust adopt the independentjudgments of past judges and scholars over present ones. On the other hand, protestantoriginalists, along with the historians on whom they rely, can benefit from the research and judgment of their predecessors as well as from their own judgment. While they may reach
104. See BORK,supra note 9, at 158 ("[T]hereare not only the claims of stabilityand
continuityin the law, but respectfor the knowledgeand intelligenceof those who have gone before.").
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corresponds with the fundamentaloriginalist goal of historical accuracy withoutnecessarilycompromisinglong-termdoctrinalstability.
Considering the strengthsand weaknesses of what have been termed the protestantand catholic historical approaches,it is not surprisingthat Justices often employ both, as they did most noticeably in Thornton. Nevertheless, as is evidenced by the sharp methodological dispute in Seminole Tribe, Justices continue to assume that the two approachesare
incompatible.The next two Parts question that assumptionby drawing a broadanalogy to Jewish law and conclude that the underlyinggoals of the originalistprojectmight be best achieved if certainelements of the catholic andprotestantapproacheswere used togetherin hardcases.
V. THE ANALOGY TO JEWISHLAW
Since the publicationof RobertCover's articleNomos and Narrative,105 a growing number of scholars have recognized similarities between the American and Jewish legal traditionsand have turned to Jewish law to
advancedebatein Americanlaw.106This Partarguesthatwhile any attempt to use Jewish law as a foil for American constitutionallaw must address
several differences between the two traditions,those differences do not preclude a comparativeapproachin the narrow area in question. Rather,
because the de-evolutionary assumptions underlying originalism in constitutionallaw are comparableto the assumptionsunderlyingthe Jewish legal system, rabbis' extensive experience with historical evidence can serve as a useful lens throughwhich to assess the post-originalistproblem
105. RobertM. Cover, Nomos and Narrative,97 HARV.L. REV.4 (1983) (positingthe Jewishmodel of voluntaryobligationas an alternativeto the legal regimein which the law is
legitimizedby thepowerof thestate).
106. See, e.g., Burt,supranote 14, at 1691-94 JusticeScalia's hostile attitude (contrasting
towardprecedentwith the collaborativeapproachof the rabbinictradition);Steven Davidoff,
A Comparative Study of the |
Jewish and the |
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of Capital |
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Punishment,3 ILSAJ. INT'L& COMPL. . 93 (1996) |
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lawyers); |
Rosenberg |
Rosenberg, Advice from Hillel and Shammai on How To Read Cases:
and New Rules,42 AM.J. COMPL. . 581 (1994) |
thatthe Talmudicrabbis' |
to |
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(arguing |
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interpretingprecedentis superiorto the approachused in cases such as Bowers v. Hardwick, 478 U.S. 186(1986)).
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in constitutional law. Based on a brief survey of |
classical and modern |
Jewish law, this Partconcludes that, in cases in which unambiguousnew primary evidence presents itself, the classical Jewish practice of incorporating that evidence into the law even if it means discarding establishedprecedentis compatiblewith the originalistpractice.However,
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challenges official history,a methodologyinspiredby the decisions of some modern rabbis-a methodology that I call the multitextual approach- combines some of the advantages of the historical approaches outlined above.
The multitextualapproachis unique because, while it invites judges to look beyond the entrenched historical narrative and engage in an independenthistoricalinquiry,it also limits the judge's frame of reference to "intermediate texts," or previous judicial inquiries into the original meaning of the foundational text. Ultimately, as Part VI shows, the approachsets boundariesfor originalist historical analysis by preempting both the selective incorporationof purely independenthistorical analysis into the common law of history and the elevation of official history to the status of legal precedent.Moreover, even without any applicationto real cases, it opens the door to criticism of judicially generated history that accountsfor the complex goals of the originalistproject.
A. Parallels and Discrepancies
Despite the many academic comparisons between the Jewish and American legal traditions,their comparabilityis not self-evident. Indeed, Cover's own turnto Jewish law has been criticizedon the groundsthat he glossed over the uniquelyreligious aspects of Jewish law in a rushedeffort "to understandsecular legal institutionsthrough religious categories."'07
This Section, therefore, begins by noting some of the deep underlying similaritiesbetween the two legal traditions,andconcludes thatthe analogy
between Jewish law and originalism in constitutionallaw is far stronger than the analogy between Jewish law and constitutionallaw generally. It then isolates severalcrucialdistinctionsbetween the two traditions,even as
far as originalism is concerned, and assesses the relevance of those distinctions for the discussion of historical evidence and post-originalist constitutionaldevelopment.
107. Suzanne Last Stone, In Pursuit of the Counter-Text: The Turnto the Jewish Legal Model in ContemporaryAmerican Legal Theory, 106 HARV.L. REV.813, 821 (1993).
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1. Parallels: Jewish and ConstitutionalOriginalism |
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The basic |
interpretative methods of Jewish law |
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constitutional law are similar in a number of |
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First, in both |
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respects.108 |
systems, no matterhow radicalor misguided a particularjudicial decision, the most recentjudge-or majorityof judges-has final authorityto decide cases.109At the same time, however,just as Americanjudges usually follow precedentas they decide questionsof law, so too do rabbis.Althoughrabbis have neverformallyembracedthe doctrineof staredecisis, "Jewishjudicial
decisions reveal a remarkable |
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of codified law." 0oIn the |
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Jewish tradition,respect for precedentflows naturallyfrom the axiom that earlier rabbis, and especially the earliest rabbis, were superior to their successors in knowledge of the Torah-the foundationallegal text.11 As one early authoritysaid, "If the earlier [scholars]were sons of angels, we are sons of men; and if the earlier[scholars]were sons of men, we are like asses."12 It is fair to conclude thatprecedentin Jewish law exerts an even greater force than it does in American law.13 Perhaps the most striking parallel between the two traditions, however, is that Jewish law, like American constitutional law, records the position of dissenters, thus opening the door for laterjudges to revisit those dissents.14After surveying the traditionof relentlessdissentduringthe classical period,Elliott N. Dorff
108.See generally Samuel J. Levine, Jewish Legal Theory and American Constitutional
Theory: Some Comparisons and Contrasts, 24 HASTINGSCONST.L.Q. 441 (1997) (comparing
Jewishlaw andAmericanconstitutionallawin a varietyof areas).
109.See BABYLONIANTALMUD,TRACTATENIDDAH20b; id., TRACTATESANHEDRIN6b; id., TRACTATEBAVABATRA130b (Maurice Simon & Israel W. Slotki trans., The Soncino Press
1976) ("Thejudge mustbe guidedonly by whathis eyes see."). See generallyIsraelTa-Shma,
The Law Is in Accord with the Later Authority-Hilkhata |
Kebatrai: Historical Observations on a |
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Legal Rule, in AUTHORITY, PROCESSANDMETHOD:STUDIES INJEWISHLAW 101 (Hanina Ben- |
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Menahem& Neil S. Hechteds., |
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rule). |
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1998)(describing origins |
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110. |
Norman Lamm & Aaron Kirschenbaum, Freedom and Constraint in the Jewish Judicial |
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(1979). |
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CARDOZO |
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111. |
E.g., |
TOSEFTATA'ANIT 2:5, quoted in ELLIOTTN. DORFF & |
ARTHURROSETT, |
A LIVINGTREE:THEROOTSANDGROWTHOFJEWISHLAW223 (1988) (describing an encounter betweenRabbiJoshuaandtheotherrabbisof the Sanhedrinin whichRabbiJoshua'spositionon a
issue was defeatedwithout |
argumentsimply |
because it was inconsistentwith the |
particular |
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positionof RabbanGamliel,whohadrecentlypassedaway).
112. BABYLONIANTALMUD, TRACTATESHABBAT112b (H. Freedman trans., The Soncino
Press 1972); see also id., TRACTATEERUVIN53a (Israel W. Slotki trans., The Soncino Press,
1983) ("The hearts[i.e., intellectualpowers]of the ancientswere like the door of the Ulam [a
chamberwhosedoorwas |
cubits |
wide], |
butthatof the last |
was like the |
temple |
twenty |
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generations |
doorof the Hekhal[of the Templewhichwas ten cubitswide], butoursis like the eye of a fine needle.").
113. See DORFF& ROSETT,supra note 111, at 223 |
(1988) ("American political theorists |
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114. See MichaelRosenweig,Eilu ve-EiluDivrei ElohimHayyim:HalachicPluralismand
Theories of Controversy, in RABBINICAUTHORITYAND PERSONALAUTONOMY93, 110-23
(MosheSokoled., 1992)(discussingthesignificanceof dissentsin Jewishlaw).
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145 |
and Arthur Rosett |
conclude: "Tolerating this degree of |
vigorous |
disagreement was not common among the Church Fathers or, for that matter,the leadersof any society, ancientor modem, until the adventof the United States."115
The underlying origins of the Jewish tradition and the American constitutional tradition are also comparable in some respects. Just as Americanconstitutionallaw rests on a foundationaltext that was adopted
by consent into law, namely the Constitution,so too does Jewish law rest on the Torah. The comparison is not exact, however, because the term "Torah" includes a large body of oral law thatwas, accordingto tradition, revealed to Moses but not articulateduntil centurieslater.16Therefore,the early texts of the Halakhah,or the body of Jewish law, despitetheirinternal inconsistencies, are not understoodto be mere commentarieson the Torah but insteadpartof the Torahitself.17
The broad analogy between American constitutionaland Jewish law begins to breakdown, however, when one considersthe precise role of the Torah as a divinely inspired document. Unlike provisions of the Constitution,which have been interpretedout of existence and decisively expandedby judges, the words of the Torah,because they are believed to be of divine origin, are dispositive, at least by all pre-modem rabbinical accounts. Although rabbis in the classical traditionhad great latitude to interpret the Torah in reference to its original meaning, the "living constitution" has no analogue in traditionalJewish law. Therefore,when rabbis have seen fit to change the law, they have done so by referring directly to the Torah itself, offering a new interpretationof a textual provision, or denying that the question being debatedis answereddirectly by the Torah at all.18 In other words, because "the Jewish tradition... rules out... any divine interventionsubsequentto the initial revelation,"'9 "constitutional"change in Jewish law, at least formally, is
115.DORFF& ROSETT,supranote 111,at227.
116.Id. at 213-14 (showing that in classical Jewish law the "Oral Torah... is virtually identical with the Bible itself'); cf. MAIMONIDES,MISHNEHTORAH,LAWSOFREPENTANCE3:6,
8 (classifyingpeople who deny the sanctityof the OralLaw as hereticswho deny the Torah
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117. Thereare |
variationson thisview. For |
rabbishave |
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example, |
distinguished |
those opinionsin the oraltraditionthatbecamelaw andthose thatdid not. See generallyDAVID WEISSHALIVNI,PESHATANDDERASH:PLAINANDAPPLIEDMEANINGIN RABBINICEXEGESIS
112-19 |
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of the statusof oral |
law). |
For further |
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(1991) (outlininginterpretations |
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GERSHOMSCHOLEM,Revelationand Traditionas Religious Categoriesin Judaism,in THE |
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118. See |
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JOEL ROTH, THE HALAKHICPROCESS10 |
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("The primary systematic |
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is called de-oraita [from the Torah]. Any legal sources so categorizedare, by definition,
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119. Noam J. Zohar, Midrash: AmendmentThrough the Molding of |
Meaning, in |
RESPONDINGTOIMPERFECTION307, 308 (Sanford Levinson ed., 1995).
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necessarily the productof historicalrediscovery.As a result of the unique status of the Torah-both the written text and the oral tradition-the
analogy between Jewish law and originalism in American constitutional law is neater than the broader analogy between Jewish law and constitutional law as a whole. For the rabbi, as for the originalist, authoritativetextualexegesis, supplementedby reliableevidence as to what the foundationaltext means, is the source of law.120The rabbis'responseto the countless pieces of new primary and secondary evidence that have challenged Jewish law's official history is thus highly relevant to this discussion.
2. Discrepancies:Amendabilityand "HistoricalEvidence"
It would be rash, however, to accept even the narrower analogy between the rabbinicinterpretativemethod and originalism without some qualification. In spite of the substantive parallels between the traditions outlined above, Jewish law as a whole remains fundamentallydifferent from constitutionallaw in at least two criticalways: First,the Torahcannot be amended, and, second, what constitutes new historical evidence is different in the Jewish context than in the originalist context. Before moving on to any comparisonbetween the two traditions,these distinctions mustbe explored.
The Americanoriginalistargues that the text and original meaning of the Constitution should guide judges because the Constitution can be amended.In responseto the oft-madeclaim thatthere is no real reason the living shouldbe governedby the dead, Bork, for example, respondssimply that "[w]e remain entirely free to create all the additional freedoms we want by constitutionalamendment."121 The rabbicannot reply to the critic
of religious law along these lines, because there is no established institutionalmechanismin Jewish law thatallows for democraticchange.122 The capacity for amendmentin American law presents a barrierto any
comparisonof responsive legal within the two traditions.'24 development123
120. E.g., DORFF& ROSETT,supra note 111, at 198 ("[T]he rabbinic traditionof
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121.BORK,supranote9, at 170-71.
122.The closest parallelto an amendmentin Jewish law is the takkanah,or legislative revisionsof the law by rabbis.Therehas been a long traditionof such revisionsin Jewishlegal
history.DORFF& ROSETT,supra note 111, at 402-07. Ultimately,however, they cannot be
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Nevertheless, in the specific area in question, namely doctrinal change drivenby historicalanalysis, the amendmentdistinctionis beside the point. While the originalist objects vigorously to "responsive" constitutional development, her attitude toward constitutional development based on improvedhistoricalunderstandingis an entirely separatequestion, and the originalistwould never arguethatnew historicalevidence should affect the law only throughthe amendmentprocess.
The different definitions of "historical evidence" in the two legal
traditionsare more directly relevant to the specific comparisonattempted here. There is a long traditionin Americanconstitutionallaw of turningto
the public records surrounding the Constitutional Convention and ratificationdebates in order to elucidate the meaning of the Constitution. Yet thereis no such traditionin Jewish law, because adjudicationin Jewish law rests exclusively on the exegesis of legal documents themselves.125 Thus, while historical evidence in the American constitutional context
includes a wide array of sources that help clarify the context of the constitutionalproject, historical evidence in the Jewish traditionmust be
defined differently.
In the ancient period, one form of new historical evidence was definitive proof that an authoritative rabbi had made a particular pronouncement of law based on his own interpretationof the Torah. Therefore,because the oral traditionis consideredpartof the Torahbroadly defined, new historical evidence for classical rabbis was essentially a discovery of a new partof the authoritativeoraltradition.Such a discovery, in light of the aforementioned Jewish conception of precedent and authority,falls neatly within the traditionalcategory of a primarysource. While cases with new evidence as it emergedin the Talmudicperiodcan be loosely comparedto the rare Supreme Court cases such as Owatonna in which Justicesused new primaryevidence to advocatea change in the law, one must turnto modem Jewish law for more useful analoguesto the types of historicalargumentsthatusually matterin constitutionalinterpretation.
Yet the new historicalevidence affecting moder Jewish law also does not fit togethereasily with the evidence addressedin cases like Thornton. First,the premisesof Jewish law are challengedby a large body of primary and secondary evidence that falls under the general banner of "biblical criticism." This evidence includes not only new fragmentsof the oral law, but also undiscoveredfragmentsof the writtenTorahitself. Moreover,the
that Midrash-the rabbinicallygeneratedoral supplementto the Torah-allowed rabbis to "'amend'divinerevelation."
125. See JAYM. HARRIS,HOWDOWEKNOWTHIS?3 (1995) ("Exegesisof the Torahwas the means throughwhich the rabbisestablishedthe authorityof the extrabiblicallaws and
practicestheyinherited;it was the mediumtheyemployedto createnew laws in theirown times; andit wasthetool theyusedto resolvemorefar-reachingproblems....").
148 The Yale Law Journal [Vol. 110: 121
challenge to Jewish law comes from disciplines such as archeology, evolutionarybiology, and even literarycriticism,in additionto history. To meet this challenge, rabbis committed to maintainingthe legal tradition intact have had to distinguishbetween historicalevidence that falls within the legal frameworkandotherevidence.126
The comparisonbetween the uses of historicalevidence in the two legal traditions, therefore, can be made only in reference to the historical evidence that is deemed by rabbisto be within the legal framework.Even
that evidence, however, is differentfrom the evidence commonly used by Supreme Court Justices. First, while Justices, recognizing their shortcomingsas studentsof history,often drawfrom professionalhistorians as they engage in independenthistoricalreasoning,rabbisthemselves act as both historiansand judges. More importantly,as was noted above, while constitutionalhistorians look for and analyze documents with no legally
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their own readingof the relevantlegal sources and theirpredecessors',not by referring to extralegal sources, but by drawing on the encyclopedic knowledge of the ancient canon now available.New historicalevidence in the modernrabbinictraditionis thusto a largeextentthe productof creative intertextualreadings of the vast legal canon that would not have been possible before the traditioncould be viewed as a whole.127New historical evidence in modern Jewish law, in contrast to classical Jewish law, is
thereforemost akin to the evidence that lies close to the secondaryend of the continuumof historicalevidence used by constitutionallawyers.
In the Jewish context, then, the conventional distinction between primaryand secondary sources reemerges, and a second major distinction between legal and extralegal evidence cuts right through the first distinction. The divide between judge and historian is also obliterated.
Despite these differences between the two legal traditions,however, the
comparativeprojectis possible in the narrowarea in question. Regardless of the specific types of evidence thatcarryweight in each context, declared history and innovative historicalanalysis pose a majorproblemfor rabbis. Just as previously available but newly synthesized documents from the Founding period can shed fresh light on a constitutional provision, previously availablebut newly synthesizedpassages from the vast body of
126. |
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127. |
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accompanying |
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E.g., David Weiss Halivni, On the Ordinationof Women 1-2 (n.d.) (unpublished |
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oral law can underminethe conclusions of pre-modemauthoritativecodes.
Rabbis, like American originalists, must decide how to reconcile the traditional understanding of a foundational document with the best
of its originalmeaning. contemporaryapproximation
B. The Classical Period
Because pertinentnew historicalevidence in the classical perioddiffers from its modem analogue, this section treats classical Jewish law and modem Jewish law separately and only briefly addresses the classical period. For various reasons, including the dispersal of the Jews both in 586 B.C.E. and70 C.E., rabbisalreadyhad to deal with the problemof new primaryevidence in the ancientworld.128Like the majorityin Erie and the dissenters in Owatonna, classical rabbis sometimes took such evidence seriously and reconsidered their conclusions of law.'29In general, new evidence in the Talmudic period consisted of a reliable quotationfrom a previous rabbinic source that was unknown to a rabbi who made a legal pronouncement.Because the statements of the earliest rabbis were as authoritativeas the written Torah itself,'30 a new version of a rabbi's statementcould, undercertaincircumstances,settle an open debate.131For example, the Talmudrecounts a story in which one rabbi, Rabbi Kahana, said that the ritualPurimmeal could be eaten at night. As soon as another rabbi told him that he was certain that Rava, one of the most respected rabbisof the periodin which the oral law was initially recordedin writing, held that the meal could only be eaten during the day, Rabbi Kahana recanted his own judgment and repeated Rava's holding forty times.132
128. BerachyahuLifshitz,TheAge of the Talmud,in AN INTRODUCTIONTOTHEHISTORY
ANDSOURCESOFJEWISHLAW169, 169-75(N.S. Hechtet al. eds., 1996) the break (describing
betweenthe andPalestiniantalmudictraditions). Babylonian
129. ROTH,supranote 118, at 318 ("[T]hehalakhicsystemhas alwaysdealtwithnew legal
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130. Oneof themostfamouspassagesin theTalmudrecountsa disputein whichthemajority
of rabbisheldthattheOvenof Akhnaiwas |
butRabbiEliezer |
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[RabbiEliezer]said to them:"If the halachahagreeswith me, let it be provedfrom |
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Heaven!" |
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seeing that in all mattersthe halachahagrees with him!" But R. Joshuaarose and |
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exclaimed,"It is not in heaven."Whatdid he meanby this?SaidR. Jeremiah:"That |
the Torahhad alreadybeen given at MountSinai;we pay no attentionto a Heavenly Voice ...." RabbiNathanmetElijahandaskedhim:"WhatdidtheHolyOne,Blessed be He, do in thathour?"He laughedwith joy, he replied,saying: "My sons have defeatedMe."
BABYLONIANTALMUD,TRACTATEBABA METZIA59b (Salis Daiches & H. Freedman trans.,
The SoncinoPress1986).
131. ROTH,supranote 118, at 320 ("Thereis a long historyof the use of new legal sources
assumedto havebeenunknownto the |
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his view."). |
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