учебный год 2023 / history as precedent
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above. While originalist Justices will probably be willing to uproot an entrenchedhistorical narrativein the rarecase in which new and decisive
documentaryevidence has emerged, their approachtowardinnovative and persuasive historical analysis based on previously available sources is far more complex. Before declaring history, Justices often interpretprimary sourcesindependently,but because of the massive institutionalbarriersthat prevent them from producing thorough historical research, they use historians and legal scholars as guides. These scholars are cited because
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with the historicalrecordas a whole, thus drawingspecific conclusions that can be importedinto opinions. But such importationis highly controversial. Justices committed to historical inquiry have disagreed about the precise
role of historiographyin the interpretativeprocess, and that disagreement has significant implications for the Court's treatment of innovative historicalanalysis.
IV. Two ORIGINALISTAPPROACHES
Through a close reading of two cases in which Justices conducted extensive historicalinquiriesin the face of preexistingofficial history, this
Part explicates two divergent approaches toward using history in constitutional interpretationand then examines their implications for dealing with innovative historical analysis. The Part demonstrates that while both originalist approaches are at least somewhat open to incorporatingrare new documentaryevidence into the "common law of history," they lead to contradictory attitudes toward persuasive new interpretationsbased on existing evidence. Finally, this Part argues that each approachhas distinct advantages,and Justices' employment of both approachestogetherconfirmsthatneitherapproachis sufficienton its own.
A. The "Catholic"and "Protestant"
Approaches
In ConstitutionalFaith, SanfordLevinson, drawinga broadcomparison between constitutionaland religious law, distinguishedbetween "catholic" and "protestant" strains in constitutional interpretation.50Catholic
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Constitution,according |
to Levinson's |
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50. LEVINSON,supranote22, at 27-30. Foranearliercomparisonbetweenconstitutionallaw andthesetwo religioustraditions,see ThomasC. Grey,TheConstitutionas Scripture,37 STAN. L. REV.1,4 (1984).
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regardless of |
the textual grounds for those |
interpretations.Protestant |
interpreters,conversely, insist that the text of the Constitutionis the sole legitimate basis for judicial decisionmaking, and that individuals in each generationhave equal authorityto reinterpretthat text. Moreover, for the
protestant interpreter, just as no generation has a monopoly on interpretativelegitimacy,no one institutiondoes either.51
Levinson categorizes originalists as strict "Protestants" because of their emphasis on text, their generally minimalist concept of judicial review, and their willingness to overturn previous decisions.52 But Levinson's overarchinganalogy is also quite useful in classifying strains within the developing originalisttraditionitself. Justices searchingfor the original understandingin particularcases seem to draw from two distinct
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interested in finding previous cases in which the available evidence has been analyzed and the original understanding has been isolated and articulated.Rather than attempting to engage in wide-ranging historical research or relying heavily on outside scholarship, a catholic originalist judge focuses his inquiry on the Court's preexisting institutionalwisdom concerningthe originalmeaningof a constitutionalprovision. Such a judge respects precedents, but primarilythose precedents that contain relevant official history.53For the catholic originalist, therefore, the process of rediscovery does not entail a returnto the Founding, but a returnto the moment in the jurisprudentialnarrativewhen the original understanding was lost.54Comparingconstitutionaldecisionmakingto a very long version of the party game "telephone," as Jack Balkin does,55 the catholic
originalist is the person who doubts the players' capacity to recover the exact original word, but is still intent on finding out what the last person who did not purposelydistortthatword actuallysaid.
The alternativeapproach,which is analogous to Levinson's protestant
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the availablehistoricalevidence in each case. While the catholic originalist looks for the traditional understandingof the original meaning of the
51.For a full discussionof the analogy to religious traditionsand its implications,see LEVINSON, supra note22, at27-53.
52.Id. at 33 ("Themostrecentrestatementof such 'protestantism'has come fromPresident Reagan's attorney general, Edwin Meese."); id. at 87 (characterizingJudge Bork as "hyperprotestant").
53.See Richards,supranote 8, at 856 (showingthatin variousrecentcases, "the majority
firstpresentedthehistorical |
of anearlierdecisionas |
fora |
principle"). |
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54.See BORK,supranote 9, at 157-58 ("[P]recedentsthat reflect a good-faithattemptto discerntheoriginalunderstandingdeservefarmorerespectthanthosethatdo not.").
55.J.M. Balkin, Constitutional Interpretation and the Problem of History, 63 N.Y.U. L. REV.
911, 934 (1988) (reviewing RAOUL BERGER, THE FOUNDERS' DESIGN (1987)).
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Constitution, a protestantoriginalist adopts the traditionalunderstanding only insofar as it is consistent with her independent assessment of the availablehistoricalevidence. As such, when a protestantoriginalistseeks to discover the original meaning of a clause, she looks beyond the pre- "evolutionary" case law to the documentaryevidence surroundingthe Framing of the Constitution and its amendments. Moreover, while the catholic originalist cites primarysources or historiansmainly in order to lend supportto a settled historical conclusion, the protestantcites them to back up his main argument,and often relies on historical scholarshipas a key partof thatargument.56
B. TheApproachesin Action
In orderto tease out the two methodologiesoutlinedabove, this Section discusses two cases in which Justices engaged in extensive inquiries into the original understandingsof constitutional provisions. In both cases, Justices had the option of relying on official history or engaging in independentanalyses, and they chose differentroutes. In U.S. TermLimits v. Thorton,57 both the majority and the dissent employed protestant originalist analysis, along with catholic analysis, to reach their historical results. In Seminole Tribev. Florida,58however, both the majorityand the dissent relied mainly on one approach toward historical analysis and sharplycriticizedthe opposing approach.
56. Cityof Boernev. Flores, 521 U.S. 507 (1997), is an exampleof a case with extensive
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FourteenthAmendment.Justice O'Connor'sdissent, however, did not take issue with the
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the statuteat issue in Boerne, should be overturnedin light of strong historicalevidence
concerningthe original of the Free Exercise Clause. 521 U.S. at 549 understanding ("The
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Free Exercise Revisionism and the Smith Decision, 57 U. CHI. L. REV. 1109 (1990), as well as theprimarysourceshe uses,JusticeO'Connortracedthehistoryof theterm"freeexercise"in the
Americancolonies.Sheconcludedthat"freeexercise" |
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to governmentaccommodationof religious practicewheneverpossible. 521 U.S. at 549-64. JusticeO'Connorthereforeassumedthat she and otherJusticesare equippedto reexaminethe historicalrecord,producea new historicalconclusion,andfinallyoverturna case basedon "bad"
history.JusticeScalia,meanwhile,by concurringsolely in orderto respondto JusticeO'Connor's
assaulton Smith,id. at537, demonstratedthathe sharedJusticeO'Connor's assumption.
57.514 U.S. 779 (1995).
58.517 U.S. 44 (1996).
2000] Historyas Precedent 133
1. U.S. TermLimits v. Thornton
In U.S. TermLimits v. Thornton,which held that state-imposedterm limits on nationalrepresentativesareunconstitutional,both the majorityand the dissent based their arguments on the original understandingof the Qualifications Clauses, and they employed both catholic and protestant modes of historicalreasoning to reach their conclusions. The Court, after stating the facts of the case, reviewed its earlier opinion in Powell v. McCormack59in great detail. The Powell Courtblocked an attemptby the House of Representativesto impose qualificationson its membersbeyond those explicitly stated in the text of the Constitution.The ThorntonCourt, however, did not look back to Powell as it would look to any precedent. Rather, the Court specifically adopted the Powell Court's substantial inquiry into the history and text of the QualificationsClauses.60In a full section entitled "Powell's Reliance on History," the Courtresuscitatedthe Powell Court'sdetailed historicalargument,treatingthe argumentwith the
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Powell, through a thorough review of the Convention and ratification debates as well as The Federalist Papers, alreadyproved that the Framers intended to adopt the English precedent fixing the qualifications of
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engaging in a de novo review of the availablehistoricalevidence, it should treat a pre-existing declared historical narrativeas precedent worthy of deference.
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his lengthy dissent, disputed the Court's |
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supportedhis historicalposition in Thorntonif it supportedany position at all. For Justice Thomas, the Powell Court's historical inquiry established only that the House of Representatives itself could not regulate the qualifications of its members.63Since the debates and The Federalist Papers quotedby Powell and then the Thorton majoritydealt specifically with federal power,64according to Justice Thomas, the inference that the
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the fact thatthis evidencehas no bearingon the questionnow beforethe Court.As the majority ultimatelyconcedes[,]... it shows only thatthe Framersdid not intendCongressto be able to
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(citationsomitted)(emphasisadded)). |
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Id. at885n.18. |
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134 The Yale Law Journal [Vol. 110: 121
straightforwardpropositionthat"the FederalGovernmentenjoy[s] only the powers thataregranted."65 Since the stategovernmentsmaintainall powers that are not expressly withdrawnfrom them, they may do what the federal government cannot. Justice Thomas, therefore, like the Justices in the majority,relied on declaredhistoryto reachhis result.
Recognizing the key difference between Powell and Thorton, namely thatPowell struckdown a congressionalratherthana statequalification,the ThorntonCourtdid not base its historicalcase solely on Powell.66Instead, the Courtengaged in an independentreview of the evidence to answerthe specific question at hand: Can states impose term limits on national representatives?The Court quoted several Federalist papers to prove that the Founders, and Madison in particular,believed that the Qualifications Clauses precludedextratermsor conditionsaddedby any party.67Next, the Courtput the QualificationsClauses in the context of the federal election
provisions and the ratificationhistory of those provisions. In the Court's judgment,the Framers'insistence that the federal governmentregulatethe "time, place, and manner"of elections, and also that the state-sanctioned qualificationsfor federal electors be the same as the qualificationsof state electors, indicated that they meant to curb potential state abuse of the
election process.68Turning to the Qualifications Clauses themselves, the Court scoured the ratification debates as well as the letters of several Framers. It concluded that had the Framers believed that states could
impose qualificationson nationalrepresentatives,"it is inconceivable that the Federalistswould not have made this obvious responseto the arguments of the pro-rotationforces."69Finally,the Courtlooked at statepracticeafter ratification,and concluded that despite the prevalenceof term limits in all levels of government, "no State sought to impose any term limits on its own federalrepresentatives."70
JusticeThomasalso conductedan independenthistoricalinquiry.Citing various originalist legal scholars, Justice Thomas addressed each of the
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debates and the Federalist papers presentedby the majority showed only
65. Id. at 876. |
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66. Id. at806 ("Muchof thehistorical |
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is, however,additionalhistoricalevidence that pertainsdirectlyto the power of the States." (citationsomitted)).
67.Id. at 806-08; see also THEFEDERALISTNOS. 52, 57 (James Madison).
68.Thornton,514 U.S. at 808-11.
69.Id. at 814. See generally id. at 812-15. The "pro-rotationforces" were those
representativesat the ratifyingconventionswho wanteda clause in the Constitution mandating
rotationin office.
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that the Framers had deep-seated federalism concerns in the election context, and they resolved those concerns by limiting the national
government's ability to set qualifications on representatives.72Justice Thomas, following the Court's lead, argued for his position textually. According to Justice Thomas, the presence of specific limitations on the states regarding qualifications for office in the text of the Constitution, ratherthan supportingthe conclusion that the states cannot impose term limits, only proved thatthe states can.73Since the Framersdid not hesitate to preemptstatelegislatureswhen they saw fit, the absence of explicit rules abouttermlimits, for JusticeThomas,meantthatthe stateswere not bound.
Finally,by pointingto a Virginialaw establishingproperty for requirements
national representatives as well as several other state laws setting qualifications along religious lines, Justice Thomas rejected the Court's claim that early state practice supported its conclusion.74Because no credible historical evidence could be found to justify reading nontextual prohibitionsinto the QualificationsClauses, the dissent thus concludedthat the clauses "do no more than what they say."75Like the Court,the dissent presentedan impressivepiece of historicalscholarshipand showed thatthe two genres of historical argument outlined above are not mutually exclusive. Indeed, both the Court and Justice Thomas used both historical
approachesto supporttheirpositions.
2. Seminole Tribev. Florida
In other cases, however, the protestant and catholic historical approaches have diverged more sharply. Seminole Tribe v. Florida76 presents an exceptional example of Justices' use of historicalevidence for several reasons. First, Seminole Tribe in general, and Justice Souter's extremely long and dense dissent in particular,is practicallya monograph
on the |
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sovereignimmunity.Second, |
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Courtand the dissent arguedthatthe historicalconclusions of earliercases should be abandoned.But while the Court overturnedan eight-year-old decision that departedfrom the traditionalunderstandingof the original meaning of state sovereign immunity, the dissent challenged a one-
72. Thornton, 514 U.S. at 885-93 (Thomas, J., dissenting); see also THEFEDERALISTNO. 60
(AlexanderHamilton)(arguingthatthe nationalgovernmentshouldnot be able to imposeextra
on |
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representatives)See. |
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73. Thornton,514 U.S. at 903-04 ("The Framers'prohibitionon state-imposedreligious
disqualificationsfor Members of Congress suggests that other types of
are disqualifications permissible.").
74.Id. at904-14.
75.Id. at 926.
76. 517 U.S. 44 (1996).
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hundred-year-olddecision and a sixty-year-old decision that contradicted compelling primaryand secondary evidence. Finally, ratherthan simply stating their respective arguments,the Court strongly rebukedthe dissent for engaging in a far-reaching independent historical inquiry, and the dissent respondedby assaultingthe Court'sblind relianceon an entrenched historicalnarrative.
The Seminole TribeCourtheld that the Eleventh Amendment,in spite of its text,77forbids Congressfrom abrogatingthe sovereign immunityof a state, even when an express constitutionalprovision such as the Indian CommerceClause vests in Congress lawmakingauthorityover a particular domain. In reaching its conclusion, the Court relied heavily on Hans v.
Louisiana,78an 1890 decision that interpretedthe Eleventh Amendmentto guaranteeto states complete immunity from federal statutoryclaims, and Monaco v. Mississippi,79a 1933 decision barring suits by foreign states against states without their consent.80The Hans Court, meanwhile, which the Monaco Court followed, based its decision on both the documentary history of the Founding, which revealed to that Court that the Framers considered state sovereign immunity to be irrevocable, and its historical judgment that the Eleventh Amendment was ratified for the specific
purposeof reviving the principleof state sovereign immunityin the face of Chisolmv. Georgia.81
The Seminole Tribe Court found that Pennsylvania v. Union Gas,82a 1989 case in which a pluralityof Justices found thatthe CommerceClause grants Congress the authority to render states liable for damages, "eviscerated [the] decision in Hans."83On that basis, the Seminole Tribe Court overruled Union Gas and rested its decision on Hans. For the
Seminole Tribe Court, Union Gas was an anomaly that could not be reconciled with the established historical understandingof the Eleventh Amendment, and it therefore had to be overruled.84The Seminole Tribe
77. U.S. CONSTamend. .XI ("TheJudicialPowerof the UnitedStatesshallnot be construed
to extendto anysuitin law or equity,commencedor prosecutedagainstone of the UnitedStates by Citizensof anotherState,or by Citizensor Subjectsof anyForeignState.");see also Seminole
Tribe,517 U.S. at 54 ("Althoughthe text of the Amendmentwould appearto restrictonly the Article III diversityjurisdictionof the federal courts, 'we have understoodthe Eleventh
Amendmentto stand not so much for what it says but for the presupposition... which it confirms."'(quotingBlatchfordv. NativeVill. of Noatak,501 U.S. 775, 779 (1991))).
78.134U.S. 1 (1890).
79.292 U.S. 313 (1933).
80.Seminole Tribe, 517 U.S. at 54, 68-71.
81.Compare Hans, 134 U.S. at 12-16 (drawing from The Federalist Papers and earlier
judicial decisionsto arguein favor of sovereignimmunity),with Chisolmv. Georgia,2 U.S.
(2 Dall.)419 (1793)(holdingthatstatesdo notpossess in federalcourts). sovereignimmunity
82.491 U.S. 1(1989).
83.Seminole Tribe, 517 U.S. at 64.
84.Id. at 66 ("[B]oththe resultin UnionGas andthe plurality'srationaledepartfromour
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Historyas Precedent |
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Court's argumentthus presents a textbook case of what has been termed catholic originalism. While the Court evinced respect for precedent in general, it privileged those precedents that isolated the original understandingof state sovereign immunity,and it ended its own historical inquirywherethose precedentsdid.
Just as the majorityopinion in Seminole Tribeexemplifies the catholic historical approach, Justice Souter's dissent exemplifies the protestant approach. Its thesis was that the Court's official historical narrativeis fundamentallyflawed, and that it should be replaced with a narrativethat coheres with the available historical evidence. According to the dissent, rather than reestablishing the nonexistent doctrine of complete state sovereign immunity after Chisolm, the Eleventh Amendment simply overrodethe narrowresultof Chisolmby eliminatingcitizen-statediversity
For Justice Souter, even Justice Iredell's dissent in Chisolm, jurisdiction.85
which the majority,following Hans, viewed as providingthe contentof the Eleventh Amendment, did not expressly reserve absolute state immunity from federallawsuits.86Such a principlecould never have been established, in Justice Souter's view, because the Framers of the Constitution
themselves never intendedto adoptthe common-lawprincipleof sovereign immunity, and neither did the Framers of the Eleventh Amendment.87 Justice Souter, therefore,in markedopposition to the majority,saw Hans
and its progeny as the cases that departedfrom the original understanding,
and thereforethe cases whose history should be abandoned.88 Employing
classic originalistparlance,Justice Souterthus condemnedthe elevation of
ArticleIII.");see also id. at 54 n.7 (offeringa long list of cases sinceHansthathave adheredto
Hans's |
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85. Id. at 101 (Souter,J., 'dissenting)("The adoptionof the EleventhAmendmentsoon
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86.Id. at 108-11& 109n.7.
87.Id. at 137-64(offeringevidencefromthewritingsof theFramers,theratificationdebates,
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Souter arguedthat Hans, though wrongly decided, establishedonly "a doctrineof federal commonlaw" thatcouldbe abrogatedby statute,andthereforecouldbe reconciledwiththeresult
he desired in Seminole Tribe. Id. at 183.
138 The Yale Law Journal [Vol. 110: 121
a dusty nineteenth-centuryopinion with bad history to the status of a constitutionalrule as nakedjudicial activism.89
Insteadof respondingdirectlyto JusticeSouter's independenthistorical
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original of the Amendment.The Courtstatedthatthe dissent understanding
"disregardsour case law in favor of a theory cobbled together from law review articles and its own version of historicalevents."92In no uncertain
terms,the Courtthus dismissed the protestantoriginalistapproach.For the majority, the dissent's documented historical conclusion was simply a subjective preference.In its view, the Court's reliance on previous cases' historical analysis, no matter how thin such analysis might be in comparison to the dissent's, shielded the holding from extralegal criticism.93
Ratherthan objecting to the majority'scharacterizationof its method, however, the dissent both defended its approachand beratedthe Courtfor its reliance on official history.94Accordingto Justice Souter,if the text and
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result, and scholarsagree aboutthe significance of thathistoricalevidence, the Court's official but false history cannot carrythe day.95Justice Souter wrote, "I have discovered no commentatoraffirmatively advocating the
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90. In a few instances,the Courtdid object to the dissent's selective readingof primary
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theratificationdebatesas misleading).
91.Id. at68.
92.Id. at 68. TheCourtflatlyrejectedthedissent'soriginalinterpretationof Hans,according
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95. Justice Souter supportedthis point by citing several cases in which Justices in the SeminoleTribemajoritydrewthe sameconclusionthattext andhistorymustprevail.Id. at 116 n.13.
2000] |
Historyas Precedent |
139 |
literature is |
'remarkably consistent in its evaluation of |
the historical |
evidence and text of the amendment."'96Footnote five |
of the dissent |
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offered the most directcritiqueof the Court'sposture.First, Justice Souter took issue with the majority for not responding to the clear historical evidence that Chisolm was not the driving force behind the ratificationof the Eleventh Amendment:"The Court'sresponse to this historicalanalysis is simply to recite yet again Monaco's erroneous assertion that Chisolm
created'such a shock of surprisethatthe EleventhAmendmentwas at once proposedandadopted.'This responseis, with respect,no responseat all."97 Justice Souter flatly rejected the Court's conclusion that reliance on traditionalunderstandingis the sole acceptableform of historical analysis. He continued: "Monaco's ipse dixit that Chisolm created a 'shock of
surprise' does not make it so. This Court's opinions frequently make assertions of historical fact, but those assertions are not authoritiesas to
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to them."98Justice Souter thus denied that the Supreme Court's declared historicalconclusionscould be called "law" or "precedent"in any sense.
C. Implicationsfor Historical Evidence
Each of the two approachesoutlinedabove leads inevitablyto a distinct posture toward persuasive new historical analysis, whether it be by historians or judges, that challenges an established version of history. Justice Souter, with the help of scholars, studied a wide of array of available evidence in Seminole Tribe, and the majority rejected his
argumenton thatbasis. The protestantoriginalist,following Justice Souter,
is readyto apply his own judgmentand the most convincing scholarshipto the case at hand. Drawing on the work of historians,he is ready to engage in independenthistoricalresearchand codify his conclusions into law. Yet
the catholic originalistis wary of the to surrendering adjudicatoryprocess
historiansor enshriningher own unsubstantiatedhistoricalconclusions into
the law. She is unwilling to engage in the independentresearchthat might lead to replacing an established historical narrative with a personal judgment that might soon be discredited. The Court's history-oriented jurisprudence,therefore, leads to contradictoryapproaches in the many cases in which contrastingjudgmentscan be reachedbased on the available evidence. Yet neither of these approachespresents a plausible account of the way in which the Courtactuallybehaves in cases like Thornton.
96.Id. at 110 n.8 (quoting Vicki C. Jackson, The Supreme Court, the Eleventh Amendment, and State Sovereign Immunity,98 YALEL.J. 1, 44 n.179 (1988)).
97.Id. at 107 n.5 (citationomitted)(quotingMonacov. Mississippi,292 U.S. 313, 325 (1934)).
98.Id.
