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Sequence 1

collective identity

 

legitimating principles

 

institutions

 

 

 

 

 

 

system

 

domestic and international norms/rules/principles

 

 

 

Sequence 2

system

domestic and international norms/rules/principles

 

collective identity

 

legitimating principles

 

institutions

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 2. Cycle construction of collective identity and system

The sequencing of this transformational logic, for a given society that is in route to a change in collective identity, depends strongly upon whether that society is experiencing transformations in domestic social relations (irrespective of whether the source of this transformation is exogenous to that society) and whether that society is in a position to make its agency felt throughout international society.

2. National identity defines national interests, which in turn define foreign policies, possible interdependence and collective identity (as shown in Figure 3).

National identity

Collective identity

Interdependence

National interests

Action (foreign policy)

Interaction

Cooperation

 

Competition

 

 

 

Figure 3. Co-determination of national identity, national interests and interdependence

3. National identity can be transformed into international collective identity through socialization (as shown in Figure 4).

INSTITUTIONS

State A with identities and interests

Intersubjective understandings and expectations possessed by and constitutive of A and B

State B with identities and interests

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PROCESS

(1)Stimulus requiring action

(2)State A’s definition of the situation

(3) State A’s action

(4) State B’s interpretation of A’s action and B’s own definition of the situation

(5) State B’s action

Figure 4. The codetermination of institutions and processes

On the other hand, poststructuralism offers a different prospective. Identity here is understood as emerging within discourse. Public discourse may be defined as a totality of discursive acts, produced by mass media, politicians and power institutions, which are public, that is, oriented towards and accessible to a large public. All together these discursive acts construct, reconstruct and challenge identity or identities (Figure 5).

Power (mass media, politicians, institutions)

Discourse (speeches, public opinion, myths)

Identity (us, not us, our exclusive role)

Figure 5. Identity construction through discourse

Regional studies also consider identity. American researchers find that regionalism has five dimensions:

1.an accelerated increase in economic relations supported by a common strategy for economic integration (i.e., economic integration);

2.advancement of political relations through summitries and institutions designed to establish common action (i.e., institutional integration);

30

3.social integration through labor migration and corporate networks or a common agenda concerning various existing problems (i.e., social integration);

4.shared recognition of a regional identity facilitated by a common culture amidst globalization (i.e., identity formation); and,

5.an expanding security agenda for reducing tension and ensuring stability (i.e., security integration).

In particular, regional transnational identity appears when countries within a region percept each other as friends, and discriminate against countries outside the region. Region could be united by common norms and institutions, common goals, common history and culture and common boundaries.

One of the regions with several existing transnational identities is the Baltic Sea Region, which includes Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Germany, Poland, Russia, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia.

Transnational identities in the Baltic Region are comprised of Baltic States identity, Nordic identity, European identity and Baltic Sea States identity, as shown in Figure 6. Nordic identity is spread through the Scandinavian countries, namely Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark, and it the oldest one, dating back to the 16th century. The region of three Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia) formed its transnational identity (Baltic States

identity) in 1990s. Since the middle of the 20th century being constructed is European identity, based on the EC/EU agreements. Region in question at present time includes Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Germany, Poland, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. Norway is not in the EU, but it has strong political, economic and cultural ties with other Scandinavian countries, which are active members of the Union. Finally, the Baltic Sea States identity involves the whole region and is based on Nordic, Baltic, European identities, and also spreads to the Russian North-West.

Figure 6. Multilayered transnational identity in the Baltic Sea Region

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Nordic identity is based on shared characteristics, such as natural (pride in cold climate, northern nature, sea as the life source), historical (mythical heroes, Gods, Vikings), cultural values (Protestantism, love to freedom, Scandinavian welfare states). In turn, Nordic identity serves as a base for various institutions (organizations and agreements) promoting cooperation between Scandinavian countries, for example, Nordic Council (since 1952), Nordic common labor market (1954), Common social security provision (1955), Passport union (1957), Nordic Council of Ministers (1974).

The Baltic States identity had less time to evolve. Among shared characteristics the major one is common fate, since all three countries historically were perceived and dealt with as a united region. However, this region is traditionally perceived more united from outside, than from the inside, because politically, economically and culturally Estonia is pulled to Finland, and Lithuania – to Poland. Examples of Baltic States cooperation include Baltic Assembly (1991), Baltic Council of Ministers (1994), Baltic Free Trade Agreement (1994), which was in force before all three countries joined the EU in one leap.

European identity is based not only on common goals, but also on common symbols (flag, hymn, currency). It is not only perceived, but visibly expressed. It also draws critics and discussions, because in spite of economic and political progress Europe made since 1950es, there is no shared culture, no common language, natural characteristics, myths and heroes. The best solution to this problem was offered by the concept of Europe of Olympic Rings.

Table 1. Europe of concentric circles/Europe of Olympic rings

Concentric rings’ Europe

‘Olympic rings’ Europe

Regions subordinate to Brussels

Regional spaces co-exist with each other

 

(‘neo-medievalization’ of Europe)

Vertical integration

Horizontal interaction

Distinctive center – periphery divide

Neither a clear center nor a clear periphery

Regions have a priori different status

Regions are equal in terms of within single

 

hierarchy their significance and importance

Reflects the sovereignty-based concept of

Is part of post-sovereignty conceptualizations

space

 

Northern Dimension, uniting countries of the Baltic Sea Region, became one of such

“Olympic rings” within united Europe. The initiative of Northern Dimension was proposed by

Finland in 1997 in order to become more influencing in making decisions on the EU level, protect northern culture and welfare-states from conservative, capitalist, cartel, catholic Europe (so-called 4KEurope). In other words, Northern Dimension is a kind of insurance for the Baltic Sea states in the multinational, multidimensional, and often turbulent Europe. Another goal of Northern Dimension is promoting cooperation with Russia, since Russia participates in the Baltic Sea States cooperation framework.

The Baltic Sea identity is being formed within a multilayered network of actors (Figure 7). This multilayered network of actors includes Baltic Seven Islands (1989), Union of the Baltic Cities (1991), Council of the Baltic Sea States (1992), Baltic Sea Forum (1992), Baltic Sea Chambers of Commerce Association (1992), Baltic Sea States Subregional Cooperation (1993), Baltic Development Forum (1998), etc. All those organizations promote in one way or another the Baltic Sea States identity, that is the most inclusive type of transnational identity existing in the region. It has some shared characteristics, such as common historical heritage, common goals, marine lifestyle, as well as discourses of history of international cooperation

(Vikings, Hanseatic League, Amber Gates).

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Figure 7. Multilayered network of actors in the Baltic Sea region

Finally, it is important to consider the possibility of transnational identity in the Northeast Asia, which includes China, Japan, South Korea, North Korea, Mongolia and Russia. This region shares common goals (economic prosperity, political stability, reviving depression regions, nuclear safety, and migration control). China, Korea and Japan also share culture (writing, food, clothing, arts, Buddhism and Confucianism). Historically there was a period of intensive international cooperation in the Northeast Asia, for several centuries before the Mongolian invasions in the 12th century. Traditionally it is thought that the era of prosperity at that time was during the Tang dynasty in China (618-906). The Tang was a period of great imperial expansion. At that time, Chinese control was recognized by people from Tibet and Central Asia in the west to Mongolia, Manchuria (now the Northeast region of China), and Korea in the north and Annam in the south. China becomes the preeminent civilization in East Asia and the world with links east to Korea and Japan and west, along the Silk Route.

All other states in the Northeast Asia were strongly influenced by Chinese culture and government administration, including the use of the Confucian examination system to train government officials. Buddhism, originally from India, was also adopted from China and became an important part of Japan’s and Korea’s religious culture to the present day. In

Japan, Vietnam and Korea the Chinese writing system was adopted. Following the adaptation of the Chinese written script to the Japanese spoken language, Japanese literature flourishes. In 645 in Japan a new government and administrative system was established after the Chinese model (the Taika reform). All land was bought by the state and redistributed equally among the farmers in a large land reform in order to introduce the new tax system that was also adopted from China.

Thus, the East Asian cultural sphere evolves when Japan, Korea, and what is today Vietnam all share adapted elements of Chinese civilization of this period (that of the Tang dynasty), in particular Buddhism, Confucian social and political values, and literary Chinese and its writing system.

However, despite common characteristics, until now there is no sign of transnational identity in the region. The process of identity construction is hindered by several factors.

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1. Unclearly defined identities and interests

China's definition of itself as a great power and as an underdeveloped and victimized country is a part of a "dual identity" that confuses both China and its neighbors.

In the case of divided Korea, national unification is a task of very high priority. Over time, the citizens of North and South Korea gradually came to possess a dualistic identity, which involved both a national identity, with loyalty to their respective state, and an ethnic identity, with loyalty to the Korean nation.

For Japan, identity is the fundamental unresolved question of its modern history. The myths of Japanese uniqueness were functional to the end of achieving Japan's structural subordination to U.S. aims. Over time they would be transformed by Japanese and American intellectuals into Nihonjin-ron theory. In one of its most recent formulations, it surfaces in Samuel Huntington's idea of Japan as the world's sole nation-state/civilization, unique and separate from East Asia.

2. Nationalism is preferred to internationalism

Nationalism, by nature, stresses the distinction between “us” and “them”, and there are two problematic tendencies in nationalism that will aggravate the fragmentation of the human species.

First, nationalism tends to be coupled with the myth of the ethnic, cultural or ideological homogeneity and purity of the nation. For instance, Japanese right-wing nationalists argue as if there is something in Japan’s traditional values which represents pure “Japaneseness”. In reality, the Japanese cultural heritage is a hybrid of a number of cultures which came from abroad – the Korean, Chinese, Indian, Persian, and Hellenistic cultures in addition to the preexisting hybrid local cultures. The same will be true of Korean cultural identity in relation to other nations in Asia. To promote regional community building, the myth of the ethnic homogeneity and cultural purity of a nation should be discarded to enhance a critical selfawareness of the multi-cultural, hybrid character of one’s own national identity.

Second, nationalism tends not only to overstate the distinction of nations but also to rankorder other nations according to its criteria of judgment in terms of interest calculation, historical memories, cultural distance, and so forth, constituting a hierarchical international order. There is no doubt that nationalism aimed at the liberation of the people from oppression, external or internal, is one of the most legitimate mobilizing forces in modern history. In the age of transnational interconnectedness, however, we must be aware of the problems inherent in nationalism.

In conclusion, it must be said that transnational identity is still possible in the Northeast Asia, and it can promote cooperation in the region beyond the limits of rationalistic game theory, if countries of the region define their identities and interests, commit to common goals, create shared discourses and reach a balance between nationalism and internationalism. They have a good example to follow in the Baltic Sea region and a certain theoretical framework to study other options and choose the most appropriate conditions for international cooperation.

34

Alexey V. Sobolev

Coordinator of the KSAEL Debate Club,

Senior Instructor, International Economic Relations Department of

Khabarovsk State Academy of Economics and Law

DEBATES AS A WAY TO INCREASE PROFESSIONAL COMPETENCIES OF STUDENTS SPECIALIZING IN WORLD ECONOMY

Changes in social and cultural process in Russian society have led to global reform of the whole educational system as the most important factor for the development of the country. In order to provide competitiveness and prestige of the state it is necessary to concentrate on improving the quality of education giving students an opportunity to get involved in extra curricular activities where they will apply theoretical knowledge acquired in academic environment to the situations similar to real professional environment they will be facing upon their graduation.

Integration of Russia into the world educational system and the necessity to reform higher education are connected with the need to prepare specialists that will be competitive not only on the Russian labour market but also in the world.

This requires the search of new pedagogical conditions and means that will provide more intensified self-learning activity of students, development of motivated academic process in which students will develop basic and professional competences that will give students grounds to take their own independent decisions. In other words, the academic process should be given professional nature where the students are put into the situation of inevitable use of the theories they have acquired. The clear line between the activities of the students in a higher education institution and the nature of their future professional activity will make students more competitive on the world labour market.

However, there are certain discrepancies between the traditional educational paradigm and new model of preparing specialists. [1]

The first is the discrepancy between the concentration of the learner on the past patterns of professional culture that are turned into certain objects in the academic information and called “cultural preserves” [1]. At the same time the learner faces the necessity of orientation to the future content of life, activity and professional culture.

The second is the discrepancy between the solid, inseparable nature of the culture and the fact that the learner studies this culture through variety of academic disciplines. Thus, instead of getting the total picture of culture and the world he gets “pieces of a broken mirror” which are very difficult to put together, sometimes it’s really impossible.

The third is the discrepancy between the existence of the culture as a process and the way it is represented in academic programs. Most often we can see at in static form of the system of different symbols. Therefore, the process of learning becomes just the process of transferring ready academic material which is completely separate from dynamic development of the culture taken from the context.

Finally, in the traditional academic group students work close to each other but not together, “each person “dies” individually”. Moreover, mutual help is sometimes strictly forbidden. [3]

Among the reasons which hold back the modernization of education exports point out scantiness of education with the learner getting only “knowledge” component instead of solid, inseparable, social and cultural experience, particularly necessary to become competitive specialist on the world labour market. [2]

The Debate Club is the organization which has been established in the Khabarovsk State Academy of Economics and Law in order to eliminate some of the discrepancies and give

35

students an opportunity to take their own independent decisions applying theoretical knowledge into practical activities.

In the Debate Club students practice Model United Nations format where they choose the countries to make a profound research of the economic and political systems as well as current events and than act as diplomats during simulations of United Nations Sessions. On the preliminary step of this activity students use their academic knowledge to analyze research and make conclusions about the existing situation in the countries of their choice. During the group work students take their own independent decisions on their collaboration with “diplomats” representing other parties. During their cooperation they hold negotiations, settle the differences and compromise in view of creating an alliance within which they will prepare draft resolution on the issue under discussion. It is very important to note that the topics on the agenda of the simulated sessions reflect the points on the agenda of the real United Nations Organization. This gives students invaluable experience, studying at the higher educational institution, to get involved in the world economic and political activities, theoretical points of which they are studying in the academic environment.

The participants of the debate club have recently gone beyond mere simulations of the United Nations sessions. They have adopted Action Plan strategy designed to implement the decisions written down in the resolutions at the simulated sessions. The Action Plan includes ways to solve socially relevant problems that mostly concern the region where the participants live.

On the step of implementing the project students make contacts with public and governmental authorities in order to involve them in the activities of eliminating social ills as well as assisting debate club participants in getting their project implementing. If necessary students hold fundraising prepare the budget, apply for grants and perform other types of activities directed to realize the ideas put down in the action plan.

Thus, students apply not only academic skills acquired in the academic environment but also get involved in social community work which help them feel part of the local community and real contributors to its welfare.

Concluding, it is important to understand that not only government and exports should take part in modernizing our university educational system and eliminate the discrepancies. People who are directly involved in the academic process, both students and teachers as well as university administration and local authorities should also take an active stand in changing the system and giving subjects of the academic process various opportunities to improve their professional competencies.

References

1. A.A. Verbitsky Contextual and Competence Approaches to Preparing Professional

Specialists. Moscow, “Rech” Publishing Centre, 2001.

2. V.A. Bolotov, V.V. Serikov The Main Discrepancies of the Traditional Educational Paradigm and Establishment of a New Educational Paradigm. Moscow, “Nauka”, 1998.

3. M.S. Kagan The Need for Modernization of Russian University Education. Moscow, INFRA-M, 2000.

36

Nina P. Polichka

Director, Far Eastern Center of Local Self-government,

PhD in Pedagogical Sciences,

Professor, Pacific National University

EMPLOYMENT AND DECENT JOBS FOR YOUNG PEOPLE: NEW APPROACHES TO THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM

Annotation

Nowadays migration potential of young people and students of the Khabarovsky Krai is very high. One of the problems that motivate the people to leave the region is the problem of unemployment. The results of sociological research are presented in the article. The research was conducted by the specialists of «Leader», the program conducted within «Winrock International» who deal with protection of interests of young people and creation of social ties. The targets of the program are to reveal causes of migration among young people and students, and to suggest ways to contribute to their employment opportunities.

Декларация тысячелетия Организации Объединенных Наций, утвержденная резолюцией 55/2 Генеральной Ассамблеи от 8 сентября 2000 года, определила восемь ключевых целей на ближайшее время для всех членов ООН, задачи по их достижению, а также показатели для мониторинга прогресса по каждой цели. В частности, для достижения Цели 1 «Искоренение крайней нищеты и голода» определена задача 2: Обеспечить полную и производительную занятость и достойную работу для всех, в том числе для женщин и молодёжи.

Для Дальнего Востока России актуальность и высокая значимость решение данной задачи для молодёжи определяется ещё и тем, что по данным социологических исследований, проведённых специалистами Дальневосточной академии государственной службы по заказу Программы «ЛИДЕР», реализуемой при поддержке USAID, миграционный потенциал учащейся молодежи Хабаровского края достаточно высок. Причём, если «желание постоянно жить и работать на территории своего проживания» (в процентах от числа опрошенных) имеют около 70% школьной молодежи, то среди студенческой молодежи таковых уже только 45% (см. рисунок 1)

Затрудняюсь

10,1%

 

 

 

ответить

5,7%

 

 

 

 

 

44,8%

Нет, скорее нет

 

 

 

24,7%

 

 

 

45,0%

Да, скорее да

 

 

 

 

69,6%

 

Школьники

Студенты

Рисунок 1 – Миграционный потенциал учащейся молодежи Хабаровского края

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При этом наиболее важной для себя и первой по рейтингу (77% опрошенных) проблемой, отсутствие решения которой ориентирует молодёжь на выезд из региона, является проблема занятости и безработицы. Угроза безработицы – один из серьезных факторов риска и для студентов и для школьников, а потому в одинаковой степени и тех и других страшит перспектива безработицы (рисунок 2).

 

20,2%

Не беспокоюсь

 

17,3%

 

45,8%

Немного

 

побаиваюсь

43,8%

 

 

34,0%

Очень сильно

 

 

38,8%

Школьники

Студенты

Рисунок 2 – Отношение к безработице учащейся молодежи Хабаровского края

Сказанное выше доказывает, что существующие системы обеспечения занятости и достойной работы для молодёжи работают неэффективно и требуются новые подходы к решению данных задач.

Как показали исследования, изучение международного и отечественного опыта, а также проекты, реализованные в 2008 – 2009 гг. в рамках программы «ЛИДЕР», для содействия занятости и получения достойной работы для молодежи края необходимы:

восстановление системы профориентации молодёжи (старшеклассников, прежде всего);

кардинальная модернизация системы информирования молодёжи о состоянии и перспективах развития рынка труда в крае, ответственность за функционирование которой в соответствии с законодательством несут органы государственной власти субъектов федерации;

адаптация системы начального, среднего и высшего профессионального образования к существующим потребностям и перспективам развития рынка труда;

построение системы обучения предпринимательской деятельности;

развитие деятельности бизнес-инкубаторов или организаций, готовых взять на себя функции поддержки молодежи в создании собственного дела;

поддержка создание молодыми людьми или группами молодых людей собственного дела, предприятий и кооперативов, строительных и трудовых отрядов посредством предоставления финансовой и иной поддержки, в частности помещений, оборудования, организации обучения и профессиональной консультативной помощи; поощрение молодежи к экспериментам в таких областях, как социальная

экономика, местные самодеятельные инициативы, предоставлять молодым людям реальные участки местного хозяйства для реализации своих социальноэкономических инициатив.

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