Kitay_i_okrestnosti_Mifologia_folklor_literatura
.pdfJurij L. Kroll
Institute of Oriental Manuscripts,
Russian Academy of Sciences, St.Petersburg
The Life, the Views and
the Poem of Yang Yün,
Ssu-ma Ch'ien's Grandson
Yang Yiin's traditional Chinese biography was composed by Pan Ku (32— 92). Recently Professor Michael Loewe published a rather detailed Yang Ytin's modern biography in his monumental Biographical Dictionary1 basing himself in the first place on that written by Pan Ku, but also picking up information from other Han shu chapters.Thus a general account of Yang Yiin's life already exists in English. What I venture to add is a discussion of dates and various details of his life and worldview.
In his biography Loewe abstains from giving even an approximate date for Yang Yün's birth, the beginning of his career and is not sure whether his execution took place after an investigation "following the solar eclipse ... reported for 57 or for 54" B.C.2 However dates for both latter events have been mentioned by others. Professor A.F.P. Hulsewé's attempt to identify them seems to be of special interest. He places the beginning of Yün's career "between 70 and 66 B.C." (remarking: "I have omitted the reasoning by which I arrived at establishing these approximate dates")and his execution "shortly after the solar eclipse of 9 May 54 B.C."3
According to Pan Ku Yang Yün, whose polite name was Tzu-yu, became a Gentleman (lang) being sponsored by his elder brother Yang Chung, and was ap-
1 Hanshupu chu by Wang Hsien-ch'ien (Peking: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1959, Kuo-hsiieh chipen ts'ung—shu ed.), 66.4427—4435; Michael Loewe. A Biographical Dictionary of the Qin, FormerHan & Xin Periods (221 B.C.—A.D. 2^.(Leiden. Boston. Köln: Brill, 2000), 640—641.
2But elsewhere he mentions 54 as the year of Yang Yiin's trial and dates his execution "54 or 53" B.C., see ibid., 498, 580.
3See A.F.P. Hulsewé. "Fragments of Han Law," in T'oung Pao. Vol. LXXVI (1990), 213, 212; A.F.P. Hulsewé.Remnantsof Han Law.VoL I (Leiden: EJ.Brill, 1955), 75, 175(4), 274 (8). As to the beginning of Yün's career, his letter to his friend (54 B.C.) testifies to his respect for the custom of
3years'(in reality of 25 months') mourning for one's father (see below, pp.2I/and n. 81/, 24 and n. 96). If he followed the custom himself (which was uncommon under the Former Han), his official career could hardly begin earlier than in 71 B.C.
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pointed to a vacancy of a Regular Mounted Attendant (ch 'ang-shih chï). Earlier, in 74 ВС, some time after September 19 when their father Chancellor (ch'eng hsiang) Yang Ch'ang died, Chung inherited from him the title of Marquis (or Noble= hou) of An-p'ing. Then in February/March 73 B.C. Chung's enfeoffment was increased by 3500 households because of Yang Ch'ang's contribution tothe enthronement of Hsiian-ti4. Accordingto Yang Yün's letter to his friend (54 B.C.) it was his father's merit (and not his brother's sponsoring which he simply fails to mention) that allowed him to become a Gentleman: "[Yün] was lucky [enough], relying on the achievements left [to him] by [his] late father as a heritage, to be able to take on the staff of the bodyguards who are on duty in the palace (ssuwei)".5 In the light of this sentence his career could hardly begin earlier than Feb- ruary-March 73 B.C. when Hsüan-ti got down to rewarding Yang Ch'ang posthumously by bestowing a favour on his elder son.Yün was young at the time.A rather short but dramatic life lay ahead of him.
According to Pan Ku he possessed talents necessary for a brilliant career that were highly praised by his contemporaries. He was the first to read the history written by his maternal grandfather Ssu-ma Ch'ien, furthered its transmission and wide circulation; he was a connoisseur of the Ch 'un ch 'iu Annals; he liked to establish friendly relations with outstanding Confucian scholars and won renown at the imperial court.6 Some time before August-September 66 B.C. he "was pro-
4 Han shu,66A427; 8.253—254 (cf. Homer H. Dubs, a Critical Translation with Annotations by.
The History of the FormerHan Dynasty by Pan Ku. Vol. II ([Baltimore]: American Council of
Learned Societies, 1944. Reprinted 1954), 205, 207—208); 19A.1245; 18.1046. Translations of Han official titles in this article mostly follow those made by Hans Bielenstein, see his The Bureaucracy of Han Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 24, 50, 7—8. He believed Regular Mounted Attendant {ch'ang-shih chï) to have been an "additional supernumerary title" (see ibid., 50). A modern note to Yang Yün's Han shu biography says ch'ang-shih chi is an additional supernumerary office for Gentlemen (Han shu hsiian-yi, transi, by Chang Shih-chün, Jen Ch'iao-chen (Cheng-tu:
Pa Shu shu she, 1988, Ku-tai wen shih ming-chu hsüan-yi ts'ung-shu ed.), 159 (n. 2), cf. ibid., 168). One may add that in an earlier description by Ch'u Shao-sun (104?—30? B.C.) of Yün's service rendered in 66 B.C. to the throne he is titled a Gentleman [concurrently holding the additional supernumerary office of] a Regular Mounted Attendant (ch'ang-shih chi lang) (Shih chi hui-chu k'ao-cheng by Ssu-ma Ch'ien, commented by Takigawa Shigen (Peking: Wen-hsüeh ku-chi k'an-hsing she, 1955)20.46). This seems to be one more proof that ch'ang-shih chi should be regarded as an additional supernumerary office or title of a lang. However neither Chung-kuo li-tai kuan chih ta tz'u-tien, ed. by Chang Cheng-lang and Lü Tsung-li (Peking: Peking ch'u-pan-she, 1994), 741, nor A Biographical Dictionary by Loewe , 640, mention it was an additional supernumerary office or title of a Gentleman.
5Han shu, 66.4431.
6Han shu, 66. 4427; 62.4271; cf. Burton Watson.&w-ma Ch'ien Grand Historian of China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), 67. Elsewhere Pan Ku says Yang Yün won renown at the
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moted" by having been made the "Bureau Head of the Left (tso-ts 'ao)", |
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was an additional supernumerary office with a rank of 2000 bushels held by him concurrently with his original one (or, to use the words by Loewe, a honorary title granted to him) in the ministry of the Superintendent of the Imperial Household (kuang-lu hsüri). Till fall 66 B.C. this promotion to a supernumerary position remained the main success of his official career, while his original office seems not to have changed. However in a brief account given either by Pan Ku (?), or Pan Chao(?) (48—116(?)), or Ma Hsü (?) (Il-nd century) of Yang Yün's service rendered to the throne in 66 B.C., Yün is described as a tso-ts'ao chung-lang. According to Hans Bielenstein the title of Gentleman-of-the-Household (chunglang) points to the upper level at which Gentlemen (lang) were appointed in the three units of the imperial bodyguards that, to use his words, "enrolled certain categories of candidates for office who underwent a probationary period in the capital"; chung-lang ranked equivalent to 600 bushels while other 2 lower categories of lang ranked equivalent to 400 and 300 bushels respectively. From my point of view tso-ts 'ao chung-lang means Gentleman-of-the-Household concurrently holding the additional supernumerary office of the Head of the Bureau of the Left. Probably Gentleman-of-the-Household is the exact title of the office Yang Yün held from the very beginning of his career; this would explain why Pan Ku never said he was advanced from his original office to a new one.7 Offices and titles of lang and chung-lang as well as additional supernumerary officesand titles of ch 'ang-shih chi and tso-ts 'ao point to one and the same ministry. It is in the ministry of kuang-lu hsün that Yün's subsequent official career was carved out.
The events of August-September 66 B.C. gave it a new impulse. Yün learnt beforehand of an attempt by members of the Huo clan to make a plot aimed at a rebellion against Hsüan-ti. He turned to Chin An-shang, a General of the Gentle- men-of-the—Hposehold (chung-lang chiang), a subordinate of kuang-lu hsün serving in his ministry and holding concurrently the additional supernumerary officeof a Palace Attendant (shih-chung)} Chin An-shan probably was Yang Yün's
court being a young man {Han shu, 66. 4431). It seems probable his life came to an end about a couple of years before or after he was forty and that he was born in the 90ies of the 1st century B.C.
7Han shu, 66.4427(cf. ibid., 45. 3644, 3649); 19A.1131,1132; Bielenstein. Bureaucracy, 23, 24, 26, 31; Chung-kuo li-tai kuan chih ta tz'u-tien, 251 {tso-ts'ao, meaning 1); Loewe. A Biographical Dictionary, 640, 765, 764. For tso-ts'ao chung-lang see Han shu, 17. 1003, for chung-lang see Bielenstein. The Bureaucracy, 24.
8Han shu, 17. 1004, cf. ibid.,1003; 66.4427.For Chin An-shan and his offices see Chung-kuo li- taikuan-chih ta tz'u-tien, 145 {chung-lang chiang), 519{shih-chung) ;Loev/e. A Biographical Dictionary, 640, 195,762, 764; Bielenstein. Bureaucracy, 245, 24, 50, 59, 60.
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chief (since Yün was a Gentleman-of-the-Household at the time when Chin Anshan was a General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household); it was through him that Yün made the emperor wise about the plot.Yün was summoned to an imperial audience and gave the monarch an account of the circumstances known to him; the rebels were executed, while in September — October of 66 B.C. he and 4 other exposers of the plot were enfeoffed, Yün having received the title of Marquis (or Noble=/*ow) of P'ing-t'ung with 2500 households; then he was transferred to the post of a General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household9 in his ministry and held it for ca. 5 years.
He found the position of his subordinates deserving improvement and undertook reforms probably cosonant with Hsüan-ti's policy towards bureaucracy. A formerly established practice regulating the life of Gentlemen put those of them who were rich in a privileged position in comparison with others who were poor. A Gentleman could leave the palace only if he would previously open his private purse and pay the money, contribute wealth and means for expenditure in order to provide for official documents connected with going out. Those who could afford it were named Gentlemen [Bringing forth Wealth and Means of Expenditure Like] a Mountain {shan-lang). A Gentleman was entitled to return home from the palace on leave on periodic holidays (once in 5 days) in order to rest, bathe and "wash [his] hair", but if he fell ill and would apply for a sick leave of one day long it would have to be compensated with one "washing hair" holiday. As a result some of the poor Gentlemen could not take a holiday for "hair washing" for more than a year, while those who were extremely rich day after day went out of the palace in order to amuse and enjoy themselves; besides some of them resorted to money with the object of obtaining a good department to be in charge of for a bribe. The habit of bribing became widely spread, officials in turn imitating one another in this respect.
As a General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household Yün abolished Gentlemen [Bringing forth Wealth and Means for Expenditure Like] a Mountain; he forwarded a disbursement plan of long duration (i. e. of one year) for his department to the Grand Minister of Agriculture {ta-ssu-nung) who provided it with wealth and means for expenditure which, according to Yen Shih-ku (581—645), replaced those formerly provided by rich Gentlemen.10 "As to their (i. e. Yün's
9Han shu, 17.1002—1004, 1003; 66.4427; 68.4491. Ch'u Shao-sun gives a different number of households, i. e. 2000, see Shih chi, 20.45.
10Han shu, 66. 4428. For "a day for rest and for washing the hair" under the Han see Lien-sheng
Yang. "Schedules for work and rest in imperial China," in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies.
Vol. 18, # # 3 and 4 (1955), 302—304; for ta-ssu-nung see Bielenstein. The Bureaucracy, 11, 18, 43^*7, 54, 55, 67—69, 83, 94—95, 145.
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subordinates') sick [leaves, leaves for] rest and [for] visiting [parents(?) and to their holidays for] bathing and washing their hair, [Yang Yün] busied himself with all [these] tasks according to laws and ordinances. When a Gentleman or an Internuncio (yeh-che)u committed a crime,
[Yün] would immediately report [he should be] dismissed [from his post; but he] recommended [for promotion] those of high grade [achievements among] them (i. e. among Gentlemen) who combined [virtuous] conduct with [excellent] abilities, and [some of them] reached the posts of Commandery Administrators {chiln shou) or Nine Ministers (chiu-ch'ing).12 [Owing to] this Gentlemen underwent spiritual transformation, all [of them] without exception incited themselves [to do their best] for nipping in the bud [the habits of] asking for an audience [in order to pursue one's own ends] and [of] bribing; [therefore] 'orders were carried out and prohibitions stopped [the violators]'13, while all within the palace were unanimous. For that reason [Yün] was promoted to [the post of] Superintendent of the Imperial Household (kuang-lu hsüri) [with an additional supernumerary office of] Inspector of Officials (chu-li)"14 The date of this promotion is 61 B.C.15
Thus within the space of 10—13 years or even less he rose from the post of a Gentleman (Gentleman-of-the-Household) to that of the Superintendent of the Imperial Household and headed the ministry, "gained intimacy with and became near to [the emperor], was in control of [government] matters."16 It was the top of his career. Little is known about his activities when he occupied the ministerial post. Loewe draws attention to Yün's visits to Hsiao Wang-chih "at the time when Xiongnu...were in a state of internal dissention (57—54)" B.C.: he was sent to ask whether it is expedient "to exploit the situation by launching an attack" "and reported on" Hsiao Wang-chih's "strong opposition to any such action"; he was also "one of the senior officials to subject" Hsiao Wang-chih "to
11For Intemuncio (or Imperial Messenger, in Loewe's translation) of the Superintendent of the Impe-rial Household see Bielenstein. The Bureaucracy, 23, 26, 30; Loewe. A Biographical Dictionary, 763.
12For chiinshou see Bielenstein. TheBureaucracy, 93; for chiu-ch'ingsee ibid., 17—69.
13A set phrase appearing in the Kuan-tzu , see Kuan-tzu t'ung shih by Chih Wei-ch'eng (Shanghai: T'ai-tung t'u-shu-chti, 1924). Vol. 2, 67.413; W. Allyn Rickett's translation with slight mod. used (cf. W. Allyn Rickett, A Study and Translation by.Guanzi .Political, Economic, and Philosophical Essays from Early China. Vol.Two: Chapters XII, 25 — XXIV, 86 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press,1998), 160); Huai-nan-tzu (Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chii, 1936, Ssu-pu pei-yao ed.),20. 25; Han shu, 49.3770, 72.4608.
14Han shu, 66. 4427—4428. For kuang-lu hsiin see above, p. 2 and n. 7; for chu-li see Bielenstein. The Bureaucracy, 50; Loewe. A Biographical Dictionary, 640, 765.
15Hanshu, 19B. 1257—1258; Loewe. A Biographical Dictionary, 640.
16Hanshu, 66.4428.
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interrogation in view of the scorn that he had expressed of the Chancellor andthe state of the imperial administration".17
It is the dates 57—54 B.C. (those of Wu-feng period) that can be made more precise. In 57 B.C. the Hsiung-nu realm was split into five states headed by five shan-yüs involved in intestine strife.18 By that time Hsiao Wang-chih, a great Confucian scholar, statesman and expert in Han — Hsiung-nu relations who a few years later offered the chi-mi policy of leading the Hsiung-nu "like a horse or an ox is lead by a halter", occupied the post of the Grandee Secretary {yü-shih ta-fu) already for more than 2 years (since July — August 59 B.C.).19 His answer to the proposal to attack the Hsiung-nu, as it is described in his Han shu biography, is to a degree consonant with his later chi-mi ideas. He emphasizes that the former shan-yü was going to conclude a peace treaty with Han recognizing himself "a younger brother" of the emperor,but was murdered by his traitorous ministères?) before it was concluded. He insists on showing a friendly attitude toward the Hsiung-nu, offering support to the "feeble and weak" one among them, saving them from calamities and disasters; then all "the barbarians of the four quarters will appreciate humanity and righteousness of the Central State; if [after] having received favours [from us he] will finally be able to recover his throne, [he] will surely acknowledge himself a [Han] subject and submit [to us]; this would mean abundance of the [imperial] ie power.'This pretender to the throne is not referred to by name, but judging from the context he is the person later known as Hu-han-yeh: Pan Ku remarks that Hsüan-ti followed this advice and afterwards eventually sent troops to protect and aid Hu- han-yeh shan-yü in pacifying his state.19 Hu-han-yeh's father died of illness in 60 B.C. before he received the Han answer to his peaceful proposals; his son, thefii-
17Loewe. A BiographicalDictionary, 640.
18Han shu, 94B.5356; V.S.Taskin, Introduction, Translation and Notes by. Materialuipo istoriyi syunnu(po kitayskimistochnikam[Materials for Hsiung-nu history (from the Cinese sources)]. Part 2.
(Moscow: "Nauka" Publishing House. Glavnaya Redaktsiya Vostochnoy Literaturui, 1973), 33; The
CambridgeHistory of China.Vol. I. TheCh'in and Han Empires, 221 B.C. — A.D. 220, ed. by Denis
Twitchett and Michael Loewe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986),393—394.
19 See Han shu, 78.4820-^823, 19B.1259—1260; for Hsiao Wang-chih see Han shu.l%A%\\— 4833 (cf. Burton Watson, Transi, by. Courtier and Commoner in Ancient China. Selections from the History of the Former Han by Pan Ku (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1974), 198—221; Loewe. A Biographical D ictionary, 606—608); for chi-mi see Lien-sheng Yang. "Historical Notes on the Chinese World Order", in The Chinese World Order. Traditional China's Foreign
Relations. Ed. by John King Fairbank (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1968), 31—33; Jurij L. Kroll. "The Jimi Foreign Policy under the Han", in The Stockholm Journal ofEast Asian Studies. Vol. 7 (Stockholm: The Center for Pacific Asia Studies. Stockholm University, 1996), 72—88; for yü-shih ta-fu see Bielenstein. The Bureaucracy, 8—10.
19 Han shu, 78.4820—4821; cf. Watson, Courtier,209—210.
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ture Hu-han-yeh shan-yü, had to flee. The shan-yü throne was ceized by another pretender who also tried to make a ho-ch 'in peace with China but finally the Hsi- ung-nu rebelled against him because of his cruelty and in 58 B.C. he was forced to commit suicide. On the other hand Hu-han-yeh was enthroned only in 58 (or, according to Loewe, in 59) B.C., but next year found himself among the five shan-ym struggling with each other. This seems to point to 57 B.C. as the year when Hsiao Wang-chih could advise the emperor to help Hu-han-yeh to recover the throne of the shan-yü of all the Hsiung-nu. The date 57 B.C. is corroborated by Hsün Yüeh who records the disorder caused by five shan-yiis, the Chinese idea to attack them and Hsiao Wang-chih's advice under this very year.20
As Superintendent of the Imperial Household Yang Yün has definitely shown interest in the Han — Hsiung-nu relations. Maybe he was sent to Hsiao Wang-chih together with the Marquis (or Noble) of Fu-p'ing (Fu-p'ing-hou) Chang Yen-shou who held an additional supernumerary office of Inspector of the Officials (chu-li), the Grand Coachman (t'ai-p'u) Tai Ch'ang-lo and one more dignitary21 because he was considered to be an expert in relevant problems. In Tai Ch'ang-lo's denunciation of Yang Yün's crimes (56 B.C.) he is accused of having said (after he got acquained with the record of the words of a shan-yü 's envoy shown to him and to other generals and dignitaries by the Prefect of the Palace Writers and Internuncios
(chung-shu yeh-che ling)), "When [in olden days] Мао-tun shan-yü received Han delicate food and beautiful things,[he] called them stinking and ugly. It is perfectly clear that shan-yü will not come". Yen Shih-ku comments, "At the time the envoy said, 'Shan-yü wants to come to an audience at the imperial court [in order to recognize submission].' Therefore Yün said, '[He] will not come'."22 It follows that Yang Yün did not share Hsiao Wang-chih's opinion that the emperor is able to attract shan-yü and win his submission by means of the royal te power, treating shanyü in the vein of the Confucian values. It explains why Yün's words could be regarded as criminal and used for accusing him: the assertion that "shan-yü will not come" implies that the emperor's te power is not "abundant" enough to make him come and thus casts suspicion on the perfection of the monarch. Maybe (though not necessarily) Yün was even an advocate of the plan to attack the Hsiung-nu.
There is another accusation in Tai Ch'ang-lo's denunciation to a degree connected with the Hsiung-nu. According to it after Yün has heard the news brought
20Han shu, 94A. 5352—5353; cf.Taskin.Materialui. Part2, 30—32; Loewe. A BiographicalDictionary, 168. Hsün Yüeh. Ch 'ien-Han-chi (Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an ed.), 20.3a—3b.
21Han shu, 66.4429; for Chang Yen-shou and Tai Ch'ang-lo see Loewe. A Biographical Dictionary, 695—696, 56.
22Han j/zM,66.4429.For chung-shu yeh-che ling see Bielenstein. Bureaucracy, 49, 57, 170—171 (n. 185),200.
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by surrendered Hsiung-nu that a shan-yü was killed, he remarked, "If there is an unworthy sovereign for whom [worthy] great ministers make good plans which [he] does not put into practice, [he] will bring himself to ruin, [just] like in Ch'in times [the emperor] appointed to [posts] but [unworty] paltry officials, put to death the loyal and good and finally was destroyed and annihilated thereby. If [he] would be on terms of intimacy with [worthy] great ministers and appoint [them to posts, his dynasty] would [reign] up to now. [Bad men of] ancient and present times are [of the same kind], like badgers of the same mound."23 These words were interpreted by the denunciator as criticism not of the Hsiung-nu administration but of the Chinese one.
Yang Yün visited Hsiao Wang-chih two more times: first together with two other dignitaries to interrogate him in order to clear up whether he has attempted to blacken the Chancellor and the imperial government (see p. 4 above) and later to demote Hsiao Wang-chih from the post of Grandee Secretary to that of Grand Tutor of the Heir Apparent {t'ai-tzu t'ai-fu). He appears before the reader as a minister entrusted by the emperor with holding an inquiry into relations between two high ranking officials, investigating the behaviour of the chief censor with regard to the head of bureucracy, and implementing the demotion of the former by an imperial order (which was to a degree a consequence of the inquiry).24 The demotion of Hsiao Wang-chih took place about the end of his 3rd year (from JulyAugust 57 to July-August of 56 B.C.) as yil-shih ta-fu. According to two Han shu editions seen by Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744—1813) and Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842:— 1918), Hsiao Wang-chih became Grand Tutor of the Heir-Apparent in AugustSeptember of 56 B.C. After him till the spring of 55 B.C. the post of the Grandee Secretary was held by Huang Pa.25
The Han shu biography of Hsiao Wang-chih tells about Yang Yün's last two visits to him after informing of Keng Shou-ch'ang's proposal to establish an "ever-constant granary." However it is impossible that these visits had taken place after the memorial containing the proposal was submitted by Keng Shouch'ang, since the latter event happened in 54 B.C., ca. a year and a half after Hsiao Wang-chih ceased to be Grandee Secretary.This is a chronological contradiction in the text of his Han shu biography.26
23Han shu, 66.4430.
24Han shu, 78.4821-^823; Watson. Courtier, 210—212; for t'ai-tzu t'ai-fu see Bielenstein.The Bureaucracy, 14—77.
25Han shu, 19B.1259—1260, 1262, 1263; 89. 5187; cf. ibid., 76.4752-^755; Dubs. The History. Vol. II, 250; Loewe. A Biographical Dictionary, 150, 165.
26See Han shu, 78.4821^822 (Watson.Courtier, 210—212); cf. Han shu, 8.279 (Dubs. The History. Vol. II, 253); 24A.2027 (Nancy Lee Swann, Translated and Annotated by. Food andMoney
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Though acting against Hsiao Wang-chih Yang Yün fulfilled |
the will of the |
emperor, one cannot assume he had no personal interest in it and never attempted to get even with the man. The point is that Yün's friend Han Yen-shou was deeply involved in a conflict with Hsiao Wang-chih, both officials accused each other of financial malpractices, Han Yen-shou was losing, found himself imprisoned and Yün came to his resque.27 The question arises, whether Yün belonged to any clique vieing for power at the imperial court. Later, when he was executed and his relatives and friends suffered because of him, "Exellences and Ministers" memorialized to the throne that "Yün's friends [belonging to his] group (tangyu) should not occupy posts; [they are] like [him, therefore] all [of them] should be dismissed [ from their official posts and made commoners]." 28 It is difficult to say to what extent this group of friends-officials was in fact a court clique, but it appeared to be something of the sort in the eyes of high officials of the day. It seems to have consisted of like-minded persons (cf. also Yang Yün's critical attitude to newly adopted views of one of his friends, below) and maybe presupposed joint struggle against the common enemy (such as Hsiao Wang-chih) and mutual aid at the time of trouble (cf. Yün's futile attempt to reject the false charge against Han Yen-shou, see below). A critical attitude seems to be characteristic of the group. As early as 60 B.C. one of its members, Yün's friend Ke K'uan-jao, committed suicide because ofthat. Han shu says that "great ministers Yang Yün, Ke K'uan-jao and others were executed owing to having committed crimes [consisting in] biting critical utterances"(see below).
In order to form an opinion of Yang Yün's personality we have to turn to his first biographer known to us by name, i. e. to Pan Ku. The image sketched by Pan Ku is not that of a simple character treated in one-sided manner. The historian has written no formal "appraisal" of the man, but rather included his opinion of Yang Yün's person into the text of his biography itself. He writes:
in Ancient China: The Earliest Economic History of China to A.D. 25. Han Shu with Related Texts,
Han Shu 91 andShih-chi 129 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950), 195 and nn. 290, 292). Loewe follows the sequence of events given there, though he does not mention Yang Yün's third visit to Hsiao Wang-chih when the latter was demoted; however explaining this demotion he refers to an event which happened after it, see Loewe. A Biographical Dictionary, 607, 640; cf. ibid., 117.
27See Han shu, 66.4429, 76. 4752—4755; cf. Hulsewé. Remnants of Han Law. Vol. I, 180(2); but cf. Loewe. A Biographical Dictionary, 150.
28Han shu, 16. 4763, cf. ibid., 4764.Hsün Yüeh reads shou p 'engtang yu ("arrest friends of [Yang Yün's] group(or clique)") instead of tangyu and proceeds: "dismiss all[of them] from [their] official posts(fo/aw)," see his Ch'ien-Han-chi, 20.5a; cf. Han shu, 13. 4639. Cf. the formulation: "[members of] a clique (or a group) p 'eng-tang cherishing malicious [intentions] conceal each other's [misdeeds]" {Han shu, 74. 4965).
306 Классическая литература
"First Yün received 5 million copper cash as [his part of] wealth [inherited from his] father; when he himself was enfeoffed as a Marquis (or Noble), [he] distributed all of it among [members of his] clan. His step-mother had no sons, [her] wealth also [amounted to] several million [cash]; when [she] died, [she] left all [she had] to Yün, and Yün redistributed [it] in full among [his] step-mother's elder and younger brothers. [He] twice received property [as a heritage in sum amounting to] more than 10 million [cash] and distributed all of it [among others]. His scorn for wealth and love for righteousness were like that. When Yün resided in the palace, [he has shown himself] an incorrupt and pure [person] without favouritism, Gentlemen praised his impartiality and justice.
However Yün boasted of his [worthy] conduct and [ability for] administration. [He] was also cruel and ruthless by nature and liked to expose secret [misdeeds] of others. If [among colleagues of] the same rank [as his] somebody who opposed him would turn up, [Yün] was sure to have a desire to do him harm, and by his abilities [he] outdid others. Therefore [he] 'was much murmured against' at the [imperial] court. [He] and the Grand Coachman Tai Ch'an-lo have broken off with each other, and eventually [he] perished because of this".29
The earliest official contacts between Yang Yün and Tai Ch'ang-lo can be traced to their common visit to Hsiao Wang-chih in 57 B.C. (see above). One of their private contacts is mentioned in Tai Ch'ang-lo's denunciation of 56 B.C. According to it Yün "also said to Ch'ang-lo, 'Since the first month, the sky has been overcast, [yet] it has not rained; this [phenomenon] is recorded in theSpring and Autumn [Annals] and was spoken of by Mr.(chün) Hsia-hou. [The supreme ruler] in [his] travelling is sure not to reach the Ho-tung [commandery and not to sacrifice to Lord Soil in the temple there]'."30 The date of the conversation is unclear; it may have taken place even early in 56 B.C. (under which Homer H. Dubs adduces its translation). Tai Ch'ang-lo's denunciation implies at least one more
29 Han shu, 66.4428. Inner quotes mark a citation from Lun yii translated by James Legge, cf.
Confucian Analects. Bk. IV. Ch. XII, in James Legge. The Chinese Classics with A Translation, Critical and Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, and Copious Indexes. Vol. I (Oxford: The ClarendonPress,
1993), 169.
30 Han shu, 66.4430 (translaion by Homer H. Dubs with slight mod. cited, Dubs. The History.Vol. II, 248, n. 19.2). According to Chang Yen of the 3rd century, "The Temple to Sovereign Earth (= Lord Soil. — J.K.) is in Ho-tung [Commandery where] the Son of Heaven sacrifices yearly" (ibid.). "Mr. Hsia-hou" points to Hsia-hou Sheng (see for him LOQV/CA Biographical Dictionary, 595—596). Chang Yen also writes,"Hsia-hou Sheng admonished King of Ch'ang-yi, [Liu Ho](see for him Loewe, A Biographical Dictionary, 305—306), saying, 'If the sky has been overcast for a long time, [yet] it has not rained, [it means that among] the ministers (lit.ministers and subordinates) somebody who is plotting against the supreme [ruler] has certainly turned up "(Han shu, 66.4430). This remonstration took place in the summer of 74 B.C., after Chao-ti's death (see ibid, 75.4687—4688).