Encyclopedia of Prehistory, Volume 4, Europe

Plain extends; east of the Tisza lies the varied terrain of the Carpathian basin.

Geology. The Baltic littoral has amber deposits; Mazuria is characterized by a morainic landscape with many small lakes. The upland of Little Poland gives way to the Tatra mountains-an isolated, abrupt igneous group with glacial cirques and hanging valleys, rising to over 2500 m, the center of complex geology; to the south lie the Slovenian Ore mountains with rich iron and copper ore (mainly chalcopyrite) deposits, and fronted to the north by the Beskid ranges with their Cretaceous and early Tertiary sandstones and shales ("Carpathian sandstone"). The eastern Alpine and Slovene regions are tertiary and predominantly limestone ranges with glacial features and salt and copper deposits, giving way to the southeast to karst with iron deposits. Within the Carpathian basin, the Apuseni and volcanic remnant Bihar mountains rise, with the gold-rich Transylvanian Muntii Metalici to their southwest.

Biota. Classic alpine flora in the high Tatra and parts of Carinthia, with chamoix. Significant belts of postglacially established wooded uplands throughout the region, which, along with lowland forested areas of Poland, provided an environment for significant, though progressively dwindling, populations of wild horse, aurochs, European bison (Bison bonasus Pall.), with reindeer and elk (A lees alces L.-'moose' in U.S. English) to the northeast. The Great Hungarian Plain is an open, steppic grassland environment, with rich riverine and avian life, along with lynx, wolf, and jackal.

Settlements

Settlement System. Extensive vanatlOn in settlement patterns, with local and regional variations subject to historical trends. Defended settlement is common and included earth-ramparted upland sites, stone-walled citadels, and lake-surrounded timber palisades. Many had specialized industrial activity zones. The beginning of the period sees widespread disruption of late Bronze Age settlement pattern, with the abrupt and total disappearance of Gava and Kyjatice culture settlements from most of the Carpathian basin and upper Tisza, plausibly connected with the arrival of a martial nomadic element from the Russian and Ukrainian steppes, who dominated the lowlands; defended settlement persisted in the mountainous parts of Transylvania. There was greater continuity in the Lausitz regions to the north. Defended sites of the Osthallstatt, such as Sopron, also continued, becoming important Celtic

Northeastern European Iron Age 211

protourban oppida in the later Iron Age, when Celtic settlement forms spread through much of Poland and into northwest Romania. In the later Iron Age Dacian period, citadels were associated with a form of diffuse urbanization, based on single-house and garden plots (loosely reminiscent of the classic Maya).

Community Organization. Settlements reflect resource specialization within the changing trade and exchange economy. Key regions display settlement hierarchy, with central places serving farmsteads, and hamlets of 60-180 people. Religious aspects of large sites are frequent but highly regionally varied. Later Iron Age Dacian architecture suggests a sharp spatial distinction between sacred and profane realms. The most significant aspect in the understanding of community organization is that many groups were or became mobile: the historical Cimmerians, Sigynnae, and Agathyrsae, followed by the Scythians and the Celts, give rise to an archaeological record in which much settlement is temporary or archaeologically untraceable. The occupation of upland areas was seasonal, and much evidence has been lost to the erosion caused by the extension of transhumance, mining, and smelting in this period. Small-scale lowland settlement is greatly occluded by the colluvial product of this phenomenon.

Housing. Lausitz fortified sites reveal a standard ground plan of single-room houses with central hearths; such a pattern, indicative perhaps of extended-family groups, can be found more widely. Dacian house platforms indicate similar-sized dwellings but in a dispersed pattern; depictions on Trajan's column suggest that the Dacians constructed two-story wooden dwellings with polygonal ground-plans, like that excavated at Sarmizegethusa. There is great diversity of forms according to the style of occupancy, and not all groups used houses. The Sigynnae, who have been connected to the Szentes-Vekerzug-Chotin culture, were reputed to live year round in felt-covered pony wagons.

Population, Health, and Disease. Studies are limited and regionally varied in both extent and quality. Population is considered to have risen throughout the period and the region becomes a net exporter of people, both in terms of the Celtic expansions and the development of the slave trade. In general there was high infant mortality, and an average life expectancy of around 35, a figure that owes as much to endemic conflict as to poor nutritional status; causes of death can be inferred to have varied dramatically with social status. Coprolitic analysis of eastern Hallstatt mining

212Northeastern European Iron Age

populations indicate poor health status. Hippocrates notes lifestyle-related infertility and impotence among the martial nomadic horse riders who made up the elite groups that dominated the eastern part of the Carpathian basin.

Economy

Subsistence. Wild Foods. These were extensive, including wild forest cattle, boar, red deer, mouffion, diverse fresh-water and marine fish stocks. However, attested loss of habitat to agropastoral development and forest clearance, along with rising population, put increased stress on the wild.

Domestic Foods. Sheep, goat, cattle, pig; domestic dog may have been eaten in Poland. Secondary products were important among pastoral communities. There was trade in salted and dried foods and in imported wine. Agrarian staples included emmer wheat, barley, rye, millet, and lentils.

Industrial Arts

Utensils. In the earlier Iron Age period, distinct clines can be detected in pottery technology. In the eastern Carpathian basin, the Mures-Tirnava group were using handmade vessels at the same time as the Szentes- Vekerzug-Chotin had wheel-turned wares; this may reflect the differing degree of nomadic influence. The later Iron Age sees increasing use of fast wheel-turned pottery on the Celtic settlement sites in Poland (where the presence of any percentage of handmade pottery has often been taken as an index of either indigenous Lusatian (Lausitz) or Przeworsk culture influence: Wozniak 1992), and in the Dacian fortresses, where specialized forms, such as Dacian "fruit bowls", occur. One type of fine painted ware has only ever been found at the site of Gnidistea Muncelului.

Ornaments. There were many elaborate, regionally distinct and elite styles in dress and ornamentation. Dress pins (fibulae) were common in bronze and iron; later Dacian fibulae are typically silver and reach massive size. Highly decorated horse-harness, weaponry, and armor was also popular, much of it showing eastern, Persian, and Scythian influences. The La Tene style, with its curvilinear, plant-based motifs, dominates during the later Iron Age.

Trade. Trade and exchange were the dominant forces shaping Iron Age societies in eastern Europe, with the

development of what have been called core-periphery relations with the Mediterranean world. There were extensive interregional distribution networks and indigenous wealth-accumulating nodes. The dynamics were complex but involved basic commodities and luxuries, transported along rivers and on overland pack routes. They included livestock (particularly the supply of horses), preserved meats and wine, salt, raw metals, weaponry, drinking equipment, wagons, amber, and slaves. In the earlier Iron Age, prestige exchange was a dominant force, giving way in the later Iron Age to a more market-based economy, with the development of coinages and oppida.

Division ofLabor. Subsistence activities became increasingly specialized, with the emergence of symbiotic agropastoral relations and links between various upland and lowland zones. Craft specialization was important, with the development of industrial arts; certain classes, such as whitesmiths, may have been itinerant, and the general switch in emphasis from bronze to iron as the metal of predominant use seems to have been connected with a devolution in the control of production and a disruption of vested interests and monopolies. There is a greater entrepreneurial spirit in the Hallstatt period, and this powers the later Iron Age Celtic expansion with its emphasis on trading, raiding, and the sale of mercenary services.

Differential Access or Control of Resources. Sharp regional and hierarchical variations in wealth indicate that resources were increasingly tightly owned, with a consequent decrease in common rights. Control of marine and montane salt supplies was significant; the value of salt rose as a processing material in an increasingly value-added economy, and may have been the ultimate basis of the wealth of the Osthallstatt princes. Many products, such as tin, amber, and fine horses, were regionally restricted. Within regions, transhumant pastoralism was compatible with the seasonal exploitation of riverine gold and secondary iron deposits; the nomadic element had access to steppe trade and the northern silk routes. There is evidence for the development of ports of trade on the Adriatic and for the operation of specialist traders.

Sociopolitical Organization

Social Organization. The basic population seems to have been organized around descent groups or clans, increasingly formalized by the use of ethnonyms and, in the later period, coming together in broad, short-lived

confederacies. Gender and rank distinctions were important, and exogamy seems to have functioned as an important form of intergroup diplomacy, at least at elite levels. How many distinct hierarchical levels existed at any given time is moot, but it is likely that a warrior class formed a distinct level, above whom were paramount chiefs and kings alongside a priestly class. Some craft specialists may have evolved a kind of autonomous guild status during the period. Sumptuary laws may have operated-the standard Celtic neck torc, for example, may have signaled free-born status.

Political Organization. The period begins with the erosion of the later Bronze Age, integrated chiefly and priestly powers, and the emergence of a new political order based on control of interregional trade. This leads to increasing warfare and instability, with the inand out-migration of groups, often aggressively. Charismatic leadership became significantly more important, and ritual functions became increasingly devolved to specialized priesthoods. The late La Tene and Dacian period sees the development of highly centralized, statelevel power, with the minting of indigenous coinages and the use of structured armies.

Conflict. Warfare was endemic to the extent that there were no defined periods of reliable peace. Weaponry, defensive structures, grave-robbing, and physical anthropological indices bespeak a prolonged period when violent conflict was the norm, as groups vied for control of resources and aggrandized themselves through the capture and sale of slaves. Regionally and historically, there is wide variation in equipment and tactics. Nomadic elements popularized new forms of military tactics, but these were only effective in open country; Celtic war bands formed specialized fighting units but lacked formational discipline; the Dacians under Burebista posed a significant threat to Caesar, and the eventual conquest of Dacia under Trajan involved the Romans in perhaps their bloodiest campaign.

Religion and Expressive Culture

Religious Beliefs. Religious beliefs varied greatly at a surface level, but with certain underlying structuring principles. The Urnfield emphasis on sun, wheel, and water bird gives way to more personified pantheons in which gods and goddesses were commonly linked to specified human activities, such as hunting and warfare. There was considerable overlap between the Celtic and classical pantheons, indicating widespread syncretism. Dacian religion had important celestial and calendrical

Northeastern European Iron Age 213

aspects and was served by priests who were themselves divided into different classes and functions.

Ceremonies. Sacrificial rites and specified ritual sites were important, and many sanctuaries and ritual emplacements contain special depositions, mixing artefactual, faunal, and, sometimes, human elements. Both smithing and hoarding may have had ceremonial and perceived magical dimensions. The stone-paved processional way at Dacian Sarmizegethusa suggests major investment in ceremonial life.

Arts. Most artifacts had some decorative or expressive dimension. There is a general, though not universal, trend away from elaborate indigenous pottery toward mobiliary art, carried on the body or used to decorate horses and wagons. Such art shows many large-scale and small-scale distinctions which may be best interpreted in ethnic terms. There are strong regional stylistic variations, with classical and steppe influences predominating in the earlier Iron Age and the Dacian and Celtic La Tene styles in the later Iron Age.

Death and Afterlife. Elaborate burial proVISiOn, with imported luxuries and rich furnishings in elite burials indicate that the world of the ancestors was conceived as an idealized version of the everyday. Consequently, given social differentiation, there was no standard rite in most communities. Rites varied greatly between communities and over time, from inurned cremation and single inhumation under barrows, sometimes with attendant human sacrifice, to Celtic flat cemeteries with individual rankand status-differentiated graves, and apparently communal cremation pits among the Dacians.

Suggested Readings

Bakkay, K. (1971). Scythian Rattles in the Carpathin Basin and Their Eastern Connections. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado.

Chochorowski, J. (1987). "Zur Bestimmung des Siedlungsraumes und des Urprungs von Agathyrser." Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 26:

139-173.

Chochorowski, J. (1992). Europe srodkowa na pryelomie epoki brqyu i wczesnej epoki zelaza. Ziemie polskie we wczesnej epoce zelaza i ich powiqzania z innymi terenami, pp. 10--21. Rzeszow

DuSek, M. (1978). Die Thraker im Karpatenbecken. Amsterdam:

Griiner.

Hoddinott, R. (1981). The Thracians (Ancient Peoples and Places).

London: Thames and Hudson.

Kristiansen, K. (1998). Europe Before History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Kruta, V., O. H. Frey, B. Raftery and M. Szabo, eds. The Celts. London: Thames and Hudson.

Mason, P. (1996). The Early Iron Age of Slovenia (BAR International Series 643). Oxford: Tempvs Reparatvm.

214 Northeastern European Iron Age

Oberleitner, W., ed., (1981). Die Daker: archiiologische Funde aus Rumiinien (Ausstellung Wien). Vienna: Bundesministerium fiir Wissenschaft und Forschung.

Randsborg, K. (1995). Hjortspring: Warfare and Sacrifice in Early Europe. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.

Taylor, T. (1994). "Thracians, Scythians, and Dacians." In The Oxford Illustrated Prehistory of Europe, ed. B. Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 373-410.

Vasiliev, V. (1980). Scitii Agatirsi pe Teritoriul Romiiniei. ClujNapoca: Editura Dacia.

Vulpe, A. (1987). "Die Geto-Daker. Geschichte eines lahrtausends vor Burebista." Dacia N.S. 31(1-2): 77-86.

Wells, P. (1981). The Emergence of an Iron Age Economy: the Mecklenburg Grave Groupsfrom Hal/statt and Sticna (Mecklenburg Collection III. Bulletin 33 of the American School of Prehistoric Research, Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Wozniak, Z. (1992). "Zur Chronologie der keltischen Siedlungsmaterialen aus Schlesien und Kleinpolen." In Probleme der relativen und absoluten Chronologie ab Latenezeit bis zum Friihmittelalter. (Materialen des III. Internationalen Symposiums: Grundprobleme der friihgeschichtlichen Entwicklung im nti"rdlichen Mitteldonaugebeit).

Krakow, 9-17.

SUBTRADITIONS

Dacian

TIME PERIOD: 2100-1843 B.P.

LOCATION: Transylvania and the Carpathian basin, extending to Moldavia and the northern half of the lower Danube basin, the Banat and into Serbia.

DIAGNOSTIC MATERIAL ATTRIBUTES: Wheel-turned pottery,

generally plain but with distinctive elite wares; massive silver dress fibulae (clasped pin fasteners); precious metal plate; ashlar-masonry fortifications; upland sanctuaries with horseshoe-shaped precincts; decorated clay hearth altars on settlement sites.

CULTURAL SUMMARY

Environment

Hot, moist summers and cold, wet winters characterized the central Carpathian-basin range of the Dacian civilization. Fertile, well-watered valleys and extensive beech and pine forests provided rich wild resources. Most rivers are gold-bearing, with extensive polymetallic deposits in and around the Apuseni mountains of Transylvania (Radulescu and Dimitrescu 1966). Upland clearance, which had intensified from the

beginning of the Iron Age, produced an extensive system of plateau-level droveways (plaiuri), which facilitated seasonal vertical transhumant pastoralism (Taylor 1994). The middle of the Dacian period witnessed a climatic downturn across much of northern and central Europe, with increased rainfall continuing the trend begun at the beginning of the Iron Age as the sub-Boreal ended.

Settlements

The Thracian suffix-dava occurs in many of the town (poleis) names recorded by Ptolemy (Geog iii.8.4) for the Dacian area, including Ziridava (identified archaeologically with Pecica: Crisan 1978: 191f.) and Buridava (perhaps Ocnita: Berciu 1967a, b). Two types of major settlement have been recognized: valley bottom sites, often backing onto rivers, with semicircular ramparts (as at Teleac: Berciu and Popa 1964; Vasiliev, Aldea and Cingudean 1991) and hilltop or river terrace sites that either utilize natural promontories in their defensive scheme or have completely man-made defenses. The most spectacular group of defended sites is on the Luncani plateau of the Orastie range of the Transylvanian Alps, with the upland site of Gradistea Muncelului at its center. This was identified by Daicoviciu (1952) as Dacian Sarmizegethusa, in contrast to its lowland successor settlement, built by the Roman invaders and also known as Sarmizegethusa (Regia). The fortifications at Gradistea Muncelului are doubleskinned ashlar masonry with rubble fill and tie beams, known as murus dacicus. This construction is also found at the fortresses of Costesti, Blidaru, and Piatra Rosie which surround the valley approaches to the central site in an extensive system of landscapewide territorial defense (Dumitrascu 1972, Daicoviciu 1981b).

Economy

The presence of storage facilities for lowland grain at Sarmizegethusa, which is situated within a core area of modern summer transhumant pastoralism, suggests a twofold, agropastoral basis for a specialized and regulated subsistence economy (Taylor 1994). At Pecica, an atelier with equipment for minting coins, along with evidence of bronze-, silver-, and iron-working, suggests broad-spectrum metal-smithing, perhaps by a single individual (Jaroslavschi 1981, Florescu 1968, 1981). Nevertheless, evidence for the mass production of iron is found on many Dacian sites, indicating guild-like specialization (Jaroslavschi 1981). Alongside indigenous

coinages, well over 10,000 silver tetradrachms minted on the Dalmatian coast-especially from Dyrrhachium and Apollonia, just across the Adriatic from Rome-have been found (Glodariu 1976, 1981: 28; Conovici 1987). These, coupled with Burebista's documented attacks on the Greek Black Sea colonies, indicate a reorientation of overland trade with and via Illyria (Daicoviciu, Garasanin, Glodariu, Popovic, Vasic, and Vlassa 1972; Taylor 1994). Most of this trade appears, on the face of it, to have been "through" trade to the steppes of Sarmatia: Etruscan-style and south Italian luxury imports on Dacian settlement sites are known but rare. Nevertheless, the effective absence of a burial record for Dacia, as well as the historically documented Roman sack, must alert us to significant sample bias in archaeologically retrieved material.

Sociopolitical Organization

The Dacians are generally considered to have been Thracian speakers (Piirvan 1982), representing a cultural continuity from earlier Iron Age communities loosely termed Getic (Vulpe 1987), notably the Mures-Tirnava group (Bergquist 1989). Hoddinott (1981) considers that the boundaries of the Dacian state were "probably fluid at all times" and that, following information given in Strabo's Geography (v. 1.6; vii. 1.3; vii.S.2), Geto-Dacians inhabited both sides of the Tisza river prior to the rise of the Boii, and again after the latter were defeated by the Dacians under their king, Burebista (later assassinated in the same year as Ceasar-44 B.C.). It seems likely that the Dacian state arose as an unstable tribal confederacy (including the Daci, the Getae, the Buri, and the Carpi: Shchukin 1989, Bichir 1976), which was united only fitf~l!y by charismatic leadership in both militarypohtical and ideological-religious domains. Burebista suppressed the indigenous minting of coinages by four major tribal groups, adopting imported or copied Roman denarii as a monetary standard (Hoddinott 1981: 147). The surviving architecture at Griidistea Muncelu1ui appears to date mainly to the ruler Decebalus, who rose to power in the later 1st century A.D. and was defeated at the end of the hard-fought Trajanic campaign, which culminated in the razing of Sarmizegethusa in A.D. 107 (1843 B.P.). Far from there being a true dynastic sequence with strong institutions, as Romanian scholars of the Ceausescu regime long argued (Daicoviciu 1968, Vulpe 1976), the two, noncontiguous, reigns of Burebista and Decebalus probably represented the only periods in which full, integrated, and indigenous state-level organization existed across the region in this time period.

Northeastern European Iron Age 215

Religion and Expressive Culture

Dacian or Geto-Dacian religion was considered by the classical authors to be the key source of authority, suggesting to some that Dacia was a predominantly theocratic state led by priest-kings (Bergquist 1989). Both Hellenistic (Trohani 1986) and more purely Oriental influences (Sanie 1987, Taylor 1992) are discernible in the religious background, alongside chthonic and solar motifs (Comsa 1988). Criton records that kings "impose fear of the gods and concord on their subjects by cunning, and enjoy high status." Various orders of priests-vegetarian "god-worship- pers", "smoke-walkers", and celibate "founders"-are recorded, and the names of several Dacian high priests are known (Deceneus, who was succeeded by Comosicus, and Vezinas). However, the spatial division of Sarmizegethusa, with its distinct citadel and ritual precincts, indicates the possibility of corulership, with separate high king and high priest (Daicoviciu 1981a, Taylor 1994). The reconstruction of the square, circular and horseshoe shaped sanctuaries or temples at Sarmizegethusa is disputed, but they have clear calendrical significance, perhaps related to the pastoral year (Daicoviciu 1960, Antonescu 1977, Taylor 1996). There are difficulties correlating funerary monuments chronologically with Dacian settlements: a small number of inhumations are known (Sirbu 1986) along with cremation pits and isolated rich burials, as at Cugir (Hoddinott 1981, Bergquist 1989, Taylor 1994).

References

Antonescu, A. (1977). "Marele sanctuar circular Dacic de la Griidistea Munce1ului: propunere de reconstituire." Arhitectura 25(2-3): 90-

93.

Berciu, D. (1967a). Romania before Burebista. London: Thames and

Hudson.

Berciu, D. (1967b). "Buridava dacicii la Ocnita?" Magazin istoric 1(6): 5-9.

Berciu, D., and A. Popa (1964). "Asezarea hallstattianii fortificatii de la Drimbar-Teleac." Apulum 5: 71-92.

Bergquist, A. (\ 989). "The Emergence of a Pre-Roman State in Dacia: The Archaeological and Historical Sources for Transylvania." University of Cambridge, unpublished Ph.D. thesis.

Bichir, G. (1976). Archaeology and History of the Carpi. Oxford: BAR.

Comsa, M. (1988). "Signes solaires sur les bois getiques imites d'apres les coupes deliennes." Thraco-Dacica 9(1-2): 83-100.

Conovici, N. (1987). "Aspecte ale circulatiei drahmelor din Dyrrhachium si Apollonia in peninsula Balcanicii si in Dacia." Buletinul Societalii Numismatice Romline Anii LXXVII-LXXIX, Nr 131-133: 69-88.

Crisan, I. (1978). Ziridava. Arad.

Daicoviciu, C. (1952). santierul Gradistea Muncelului. Studi si cercetiiri de istorie veche si arheologie

216 Northeastern European Iron Age

Daicoviciu, H. (1960). "II tempio-calendario di Sarmizegethusa." Dacia N.S. 4: 231-254.

Daicoviciu, H. (1968). "Cronologia regilor daci." In Unitate si continuitate in istoria poporului romdn, ed. D. Berciu. Bucharest: Academiei,65-72.

Daicoviciu, H. (198Ia) "Societatea dacicii in epoca statului." In Studii Dacice, ed. H. Daicoviciu, Cluj, 23-47.

Daicoviciu, H. (1981 b). "Das Wehrsystem in den Bergen von Orastie." In Die Daker: archiiologische Funde aus Rumiinien (Ausstellung Wien), ed. W. Oberleitner. Vienna: Bundesministerium fUr Wissenschaft und Forschung, 79-106.

Daicoviciu, H., D. Garasanin, I. Glodariu, L. Popovic, M. Vasic, and N. Vlassa (1972). Illirisi Daci. Cluj and Bucharest: Muzeul National, Beograd/Muzeul de Istorie al Transilvaniei.

Dumitrascu, S. (1972). "Aseziiri fortificate si cetiitui dacice in partea de vest a Muntilor Apuseni." Crisia 2: 121-148.

Florescu, R. (1968). Arta-Dacilor. Bucharest: Academiei.

Florescu, R. (1981). "Das Dakische Kunsthandwerk." In Die Daker: archiiologische Funde aus Rumiinien (Ausstellung Wien), ed. W. OberIeitner, Vienna: Bundesministerium fUr Wissenschaft und Forschung, 35-36.

Glodariu, I. 1976 Dacian Trade with the Hellenistic and Roman World.

Oxford: BAR.

Glodariu, I. (1981). "Die Handelsbeziehungen der Daker." In Die Daker: archiiologische Funde aus Rumiinien (Ausstellung Wien), ed. W. OberIeitner, Vienna: Bundesministerium fUr Wissenschaft und Forschung, 20-34.

Hoddinott, R. (1981). The Thracians (Ancient Peoples and Places).

London: Thames and Hudson.

Jaroslavschi, E. (1981). "Eisengewinnung und verarbeitung." In Die Daker: archiiologische Funde aus Rumiinien (Ausstellung Wien), ed. W.Oberleitner.Vienna: Bundesministerium flir Wissenschaft und Forschung, 11-14.

Parvan, V. (1982). Getica: 0 protohistorie a Daciei (edited with notes and commentary from the 1926 edition by R.Florescu). Bucharest: Editura Meridiane.

Riidulescu, D., and R. Dimitrescu (1966). Mineralogia topografica a Romdniei. Bucharest: Academiei.

Sanie, S. (1987). "Ein inschriftenloser Altar mit Reliefs von Sucidava." Germania 65(1): 215-221.

Shchukin, M.B. (1989). Rome and the Barbarians in Central and Eastern Europe: 1st Century B.c.-1st century A.D. (two vols.). Oxford: BAR.

Sirbu, V. (1986). "Rituels et pratiques funeraires des Geto-Daces no siecIe av.n.e-Ic siecle de n.e." Dacia N.S. 30(1-2): 91-108.

Taylor, T. (1992). "The Gundestrup Cauldron." Scientific American 266:84-89.

Taylor, T. (1994). "Thracians, Dacians, and Scythians, 800

A.D.300." In The Oxford Illustrated Prehistory of Europe, ed by B. Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 373-410.

Taylor, T. (1996). "Sarmizegethusa." In The Dictionary of Art, ed. by Jane Turner. Macmillan, London: Macmillan, 000-000.

Trohani, G. (1986). "Influences hellenistiques dans la decoration des atres Geto-Daces." Ancient Macedonia IV: 661-666. Institute for Balkan Studies (Monograph 204), Thessaloniki.

Vasiliev, V., I.A. Aldea, and H. Cingudean (1991). Civilizati dacia timpurie in aria intracarpatica a Romdniei. Contributii arheologice: as ezarea fortificata de la Teleac. Cluj-Napoca.

Vulpe, A. (1976). Studia Thracologica. Bucharest: Academiei.

Vulpe, A. (1987). "Die Geto-Daker. Geschichte eines Jahrtausends vor Burebista." Dacia N.S. 31(1-2): 77-86.

Eastern Hallstatt (Osthallstatt

and Siidosthallstatt)

TIME PERIOD: 2650-2430 B.P.

LOCATION: Lower Austria and southwestern Slovakia, Hungary west of the Danube, Croatia (Osthallstat proper); also Slovenia and southwestern Austria (Siidosthallstatt) and part of the Czech republic (Horakov Culture).

DIAGNOSTIC MATERIAL ATTRIBUTES: Distinctive series of

bronze and iron dress fibulae (clasped dress pins); large defended settlements with associated barrow cemeteries, including clan mounds (Sippenhiigeln); ostentatious male and female rich graves, some with gold diadems (Ha C phases), giving way at the end of the period to flat cemeteries (Ha D phases); imported prestige goods.

CULTURAL SUMMARY

Environment

The region is one of stark contrasts, with the wellwooded hill country of Moravia and the Slovenian ore mountains to the north, and eastern ranges of the Alps, with their extensive copper and salt deposits, to the west. The topography sinks beyond the Neusiedler See to form the upper basin of the middle Danube, beyond which lies the Great Hungarian Plain. This area, from the Alf61d south to the Vojvodina, is essentially steppic grassland with its typical wild fauna, ideal for pastoral economies. To the southwest, the low passes over the Karst mountains of Slovenia lead to the Caput Adriae.

Settlements

There is a complex settlement record, with both small-scale lowland open settlement and upland sites connected to specialized resource exploitation. Largescale defended settlements form clusters that indicate regional productions centers, such as the Sopron group, west of the Neusiedler See (Jerem 1986) and the Siidosthallstatt sites of Magdalenska gora, Novo mesto, and Sticna (Gabrovec, Frey, and Foltiny 1970; Gabrovee 1974; Wells 1981; Mason 1996). The Hallstatt C2 phases of the latter are directly associated with richly furnished, typologically male, extramural burials

containing bronze cuirasses and helmets, strengthening the interpretation that these sites were Princely Seats

(Fiirstensitze).

Economy

The Osthallstatt and Siidosthallstatt cultural phenomena represent a reorientation and restructuring of previous Bronze Age economies. Iron begins to appear more widely in the Hallsttatt B3 period east of the Danube, in the intrusive inhumation graves of Mez6csat type; this is one of many data sets interlinked with the "Thraco-Cimmerian horizon"---evidence for the incursion of eastern martial nomad elites whose predominant weapons material was iron (Taylor 1989; Pare 1991; Metzner-Nebelsick 1994; Boroftka 1998). The replacement of tin bronze by iron significantly undermined the Bohemian tin trade and prompted political realignment. Interregional contacts were maintained, but against a background of emergent, and showy, new elites. Baltic amber continued to be traded from the Lausitz culture area to the north through to Italy and beyond. Salt from both the Salzkammergut and Adriatic was important in the production of storable subsistence foods (salted meats and cheeses) and value-added preserves. Trade with the Caput Adriae and the Etruscans is reflected in the import and adoption of prestige drinking sets (Shefton 1989); iconographic and palaeodemographic evidence indicates the export of slaves and the use of forced labor in mining operations as possibilities. Horse breeding and trading was an important, steppeconnected activity (B6k6nyi 1968). Interregional connections are well demonstrated by the contents of the cave of ByCi Skala, north of Brno in Moravia, where Etrurian bronzes from the south, steppe horse harness, and art objects from the east occur side by side with western antenna swords, gold jewelry, and wagon technology (Parzinger, Nekvasil, and Barth 1995).

Sociopolitical Organization

The earlier Iron Age Siidosthallstatt is often differentiated from Osthallstatt, but to what extent a uniform correspondence between currently recognized units of archaeological analysis (influenced as they are by national traditions in archaeology as a historical source discipline) and actual levels of integration or confederacy between different identity groups or ethnicities remains unclear. In terms of archaeological cultures, the early Osthallstatt divides into at least five groups: Statzendorf-Gemeinlebarn, Nove Kosariska (in which

Northeastern European Iron Age 217

distinct Lausitz influence is discernable), Sopron, Hurbanovo-K6zeprepaspuszta, and Szalacska-Dalj; Siidosthallstatt comprises the Dolenjska (or Sticna- Novo-Mesto), Styrian, and Carynthian groups, each with local variations and site types; the superregional Klein-Glein-Martijanec group could be considered either Siidosthallstatt or Osthallstatt (Tedan 1990; Chochorowski 1992; Mason 1996). In all areas the development of social heirarchies, grounded in trade, was linked with prestige exchange. Barrows with sequences of circumferential inhumation burials inserted around a rich initial burial in the mound center have been interpreted as clannic monuments (Sippenhiigeln: Filip 1961; Barth 1969; Gabrovec 1974; Tedan 1987). Thracian, Scythian, and Illyrian (Venetic) influences have variously been claimed in the interpretation of the Szentes-Vekerzug-Chotin graves in the Hungarian plain (Parducz 1955; Dusek 1978).

Religion and Expressive Culture

Urnfield tradition cremation burials, as represented for example in western Hungary by Val II culture cemeteries (Petres 1960), increasingly, but not universally, give way to inhumation under barrows. The bodies of 37 people, mainly young females and many apparently decapitated or otherwise mutilated in the ByCi Skala cave have for long prompted claims of ritual human sacrifice, although other interpretations are possible (Parzinger, Nekvasil, and Barth 1995); similarly Tedan (1990) has argued for a form of suttee in some Siidosthallstatt rich burials. Elites were ostentatious: elaborately fitted Hallsatt four-wheeled wagons are known from three dozen burial sites in Bohemia (Pare 1987) and also occur further east, as at Somlovasarhelyi, Mound 1 (Horvath 1969), and SzentesVekerzug, Grave 13 (Parducz 1955), although the steppic Gy6ngy6s-Miskolc-Diosgy6r form predominates (Chororowski 1992); luxurious drinking sets (symposia) were connected to the drinking of wine as a form of elite expression (Wells 1981; Mason 1996), reflected iconographically on the freizes of bronze wine buckets (situlae). Social personae were linked to complex typological sequences of changing dress pin (fibulae) styles in bronze and iron (Vasic 1987a). These underline what is known historically, namely that rank and status required unambiguous labeling for elites typically operating in a polyethnic trading milieu. Pottery shows expected regional and chronological variance (e.g. Dular 1982) and clay figurines reflect pastoral interests (Vasic, R. 1987b).

218 Northeastern European Iron Age

References

Barth, F.E. (1969). Die hallstattzeitlichen Grabhiigel im Bereiches des Kutscher bei Podsemel (Slowenien). Bonn: Habelt.

B6k6nyi, S. (1968). "Data on Iron Age horses of central and Eastern Europe." In Mecklenburg Collection I, ed. by H. Hencken. (American School of Prehistoric Research Bulletin 25). Cambridge MA: Peabody Museum 1-71.

BorofIka, N. (1998). "Bronze-und friiheisenzeitIiche Geweihtrensenknebel aus Rumanien und ihre Beziehungen: alte Funde aus dem Museum fUr Geschichte Aiud, Teil II." Eurasia Antiqua 4: 81135.

Chochorowski, J. (1992). Europe srodkowa na pryelomie epoki brqyu i wczesnej epoki zelaza. Ziemie polskie we wczesnej epoce zelaza i ich powiqzania z innymi terenami, pp. 10-21. Rzeszow.

Dular, J. (1982). Halstatska keramika v Sloveniji: prispevek k proucevanju halstatske grobne keramike in loncarstva na dolenjskem (Die Grabkeramik der iilteren Eisenzeit in Slowenien). Ljubljana: Slovenska Akademija.

Dusek, M. (1978). Die Thraker im Karpatenbecken. Amsterdam: Griiner.

Filip, J. (1961). "Rod a rodina predkeItskem a keltskem prostredi (Sippe und Familie in der vorkeItischen und keltischen UmweIt)."

Pamatky Archeologicke 52: 282-296.

Gabrovec, S. (1974). "Die Ausgrabungen in Sticna und ihre Bedeutung fiir die siidostalpine Hallstattkultur." In Symposium zu Problemen der jiingeren Hallstattzeit in Mitteleuropa, ed. B. Chropovsky, M. Dusek, and V. PodborskY. Bratislava: Veda, 163-187.

Gabrovec, S., O. H. Frey, and S. Foltiny (1970). "Erster Vorbericht iiber die Ausgrabungen im Ringwall von Sticna (Slowenien)," Germania 48: 12-33.

Horvath, A. (1969). "A Vaszari es Somlovasarhelyi Hallstatt-kori Halomsirok" [HiigeIgraber aus der hallstattzeit nachst Somlovasarhelyi und Vaszar]. A Veszprem Megyei Muzeumok Kozlemenzei 8: 109-134.

Jerem, E. (1986). "Bemerkungen zur Siedlungsgeschichte der Spath- allstatt-und Friihlatenezeit im Ostalpenraum." ("Veriinderungen in der Siedlungsstruktur: archiiologische und paliio6kologische Aspekte"), Mitteilungen des Archiiologischen Instituts der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Beiheft 3: 107-118 & 363-365 (Hallstatt Kolloquium Veszprem, 1984).

Mason, P. (1996). The Early Iron Age of Slovenia (BAR International Series 643). Oxford: Tempvs Reparatvm.

Metzner-Nebelsick, C. (1994). "Die friiheisenzeitliche Trensenentwicklung zwischen Kaukasus und Mitteleuropa." In Archiiologische Untersuchungen zum Ubergang von der Bronze-zur Eisenzeit zwischen Nordsee und Kaukasus, ed. P.Schauer. Bonn: Regensburger Beitriige zur Prahistorischen Archaologie, 28-30.

Parducz, M. (1955) "Le cimitiere Hallstattien de Szentes-Vekerzug

III." Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 6: 1- 22.

Pare, C. (1987) "Der Zeremonialwagen der Hallstattzeit-Untersuch- ungen zu Konstruktion, Typologie und Kulturbeziehungen." In

Vierriidrige Wagen der Hallstattzeit. Untersuchungen zu Geschichte und Technik, with contributions from F. E. Barth et al. (R6mischGermanische Forschungen 12). Bonn: Habelt, 189-248.

Pare, C. (1991) Swords, Wagon Graves, and the Beginning of the Early Iron Age in Central Europe (Kleine Schriften aus dem Vorgeschichtlichen Seminar Marburg, Heft 37). Marburg: Philipps-Universitiit.

Parzinger, H., J. Nekvasil and F.E. Barth (1995). Die Byci skala-Hohle. Ein hallstattzeitlicherHohlenopferplatz in Miihren. (R6misch-Germa- nische Forschungen 54). Bonn: Habelt.

Petres, E. (1960). "FriiheisenzeitIiches Graberfeld in Val." Alba Regia: 17-42.

Shefton, B. (1989). "Zum import und einftuss mediterraner Giiter in Alteuropa." KiRner Jahrbuchfiir Vor-und Friihgeschichte 22: 207-220.

Taylor, T. (1989). "Iron and Iron Age in the Carpatho-Balkan Region: Aspects of Social and Technological change 1700-400 B.C." In The Bronze Age-Iron Age Transition in Europe, ed. M.-L. S. Sorensen and R.Thomas, Oxford: BAR Internation Series 483, 68-92.

TerZan, B. (1987). "Poskus rekonstrukcije halStatske druzbene strukture v Dolenjskem kuIturnem krogu (Ein Rekonstruktionsversuch der Gesellschaftsstruktur im Dolenjsko-Kreis der Hallstattkulture)."

Arheolos"ki Vestnik 36: 77-105.

TerZan, B. (1990). Starejsa ielezna doba na slovenskem Stajerskem.

Ljubljana: Narodni Muzej.

Vasic, R. (1987a). "Prilog proucavanju lucnihfibula sa pravougaonom nogom na balkanu" ["Beitrag zur Erforschung der Bogenfibeln mit viereckiger Fussplatte auf dem Balkan"] Arheolos"ki vestnik 38: 4168.

Vasic, R. (I 987b) "Umetnichke tekhniye na tlu Yugoslaviye u gvozdeno doba" ["Les tendences artistiques a I'age du fer en Yougoslavi"], Starinar 37(1986): 1-24.

Wells, P. (1981). The Emergence of an Iron Age Economy: the Mecklenburg Grave groups from Hallstatt and Sticna (Mecklenburg Collection III. Bulletin 33 of the American School of Prehistoric Research, Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Late Lausitz (Lusatian)

TIME PERIOD: c. 2800-2350 B.P.

LOCATION: Poland, eastern parts of Germany, Slovakia, Northeast Hungary.

DIAGNOSTIC MATERIAL ATTRIBUTES: Primary diagnostic

attributes include cremation cemeteries with burial in sharp-shouldered, decorated burial urns in continuity from the later Bronze Age Urnfield tradition, defended protourban wood-palisaded settlements of Biskupin type, and the earliest mass use of iron in the region. Imports demonstrate long-distance trade connections to the Adriatic.

CULTURAL SUMMARY

Environment

The late Lausitz culture centred on the fertile plain of Great Poland, an area with good natural resources (extensive postglacial mixed oak forest, bisected by north-running rivers) and lines of communication in all directions. Towards the Baltic coast, the landscape

becomes increasingly morainic, while to the south the ground rises to the north Carpathian piedmont and then the Slovakian Tatra with its rich mineral resources. There were significant climate changes during the first phase of the earlier Iron Age (towards the end of Hallstatt C) as the Sub-Boreal climate was replaced by the cooler and wetter Sub-Atlantic phase (Harding, Ostoja-Zag6rski, and Strzalko 1991). Anthropogenic impact on the environment during the same period altered landscapes further, particularly forest clearance for charcoal production and construction timber, bringing many of the essential characteristics of the medieval and early modern landscape into being (Ostoja-Zag6rski 1993).

Settlements

The most famous Lausitz settlement is Biskupin, first excavated in 1933 and covering 2 ha (Piotrowski 1991). It is one of a number of such defended lake side or lakesurrounded settlements, Sobiejuchy (6 ha) being another (Harding 1997; Harding and Ostoja-Zag6rski 1993; Harding, Ostoja-Zag6rski and Strzalko 1991; Klosinska and Mierzwinski 1989; Smigielski 1991). Biskupin has a densely packed interior with 12 wooden streets running parallel, affording access to rows of contiguous, singleroomed houses, each with its own central hearth. The whole is accessed through a heavily fortified gate structure, and the outer ramparts are protected by a complex array of defenses, included submerged, angled, and sharpened stakes. The dating of the Biskupin settlements is the subject of ongoing controversy. Biskupin itself has been dated typologically, on the basis of pottery affiliation to Ha C with abandonment in Ha D (650-500 B.C.), and this accords with dendrochronological data (Miklasyewska-Balcer 1991), but several Car- bon-14 dates are earlier (ranging from 880 to 760 B.C.: Pazdur, Miklasyewska-Balcer, Piotrowski, and W~grzy­ nowicz 1991); nevertheless, defended lake settlement continued into the later Iron Age La Time period (as at the West-Baltic Barrow culture site of Moltajny, site 1: Wilke 1991). Whether such sites are evidence for urbanism is also disputed (Niesiolowska-W~dyka 1991; cf Harding and Ostoja-Zag6rski 1993), as is their potential connection to classical town planning. Other late Lausitz settlement, types include unenclosed villages, trade settlement, and sites of predominantly ritual

character (Niesiolowska-W~dyka 1991).

Economy

Hunting of wild animals (red and roe deer, boar, hare, auroch, etc.) typically accounts for under 10

Northeastern European Iron Age 219

percent of bone recovered from domestic archaeological contexts, with cattle, sheep, pig and horse predominating, along with dog (always regarded as edible, according to Jazdzewski 1965). Pig breeding is important in the earlier part of the period but gives way to a greater emphasis on cattle and horse, possibly in connection with the loss of oak-forests to settlement construction and metal production and the overall rise in cavalrybased conflict (Lasota-Moskalewska 1991). The indigenous production of iron seems to begin late, being initially imported into the area during the Ha B phase of the late Bronze Age-a trade that develops with the eastern Hallstatt (q.v.) and Illyrian areas in Ha C (Bukowski 1986); local iron smelting furnaces only become widespread in the Ha D phase (c. 2450 B.P.). Control of amber trade from the Baltic coasts to the south, via the eastern Hallstatt region, to the head of the Adriatic-and thus classical civilization-was of great importance and is considered to account for the presence of exotic luxuries in cremation burials. Imports include many Etruscan goods (such as the kantharos from Koscielec: Fogel and Makiewicz 1990), as well as Italian bronze situlae and east Alpine ladles and toilet sets. Whether the trade in slaves that later reached such prominence had begun in this period is an open question.

Sociopolitical Organization

The development of heavy fortification in the final Bronze Age (Br V) continues for most of the Iron Age and suggests the presence of powerful, warlike, local elites. The layout of Biskupin may be compared to an army barracks in terms of its uniformity and inner order. It was clearly centrally planned and built. This absence of internal differentiation in the Biskupin-type settlements (that is, the lack of "elite" residential structures) indicates that the ruling stratum was either resident elsewhere or chose to express rank in other ways (for example, in mobiliary art: horse tack and weaponry). Rich warrior graves, such as those at Gorszewice, reflect martial interests. Interethnic conflict involving interregional warfare has often been invoked as a cause for the rise in defended settlement, with indigenous groups needing to defend themselves against "Thraco-Cimmerian" or "Scythian" incursions (Bukowski 1977; Kristiansen 1998: fig. 151). By the start of the La Tene period, Lausitz-type settlement has become restricted to densely spaced but small sites concentrated in northeastern Poland where major defensive centers are lacking, perhaps reflecting "the fragmentation or collapse of an earlier larger political

220Northeastern European Iron Age

structure" (Kristiansen 1998: 295). Sites often show mixed ethnic indicators, or a succession of them, such as the late Lausitz, Przeworsk, and Celtic interplay at Radowlowice (Bednarek 1989). In the later Iron Age, from the LT Cl phase, the Przeworsk culture develops as the dominant cultural facies in much of Poland (Dctbrowska, T. 1988).

Religion and Expressive Culture

Iron Age Lausitz religion developed out of a Bronze Age background in which waterbird and sun-symbolism were predominant artistic themes on objects considered as having cult significance. The ritual use of bear bones is attested. It is claimed that the inhabitants of Biskupin worshipped a female chthonic deity with both solar and lunar associations. The paired bosses on cinerary urns have been interpreted as breasts and thus in-urned cremation as a symbolic return to an under-earth womb (Szafranski 1991); this anthropomorphizing conjecture is supported by the development in the succeeding Pommeranian culture of the later Iron Age of quite unambiguous "face urns" for burial. While in-urned cremations predominate in Lausitz burial rites, urn-free pit grave deposition, cenotaphs, and occasional inhumations are also known (Pudelko 1991; Jazdzewski 1965). Such rites continue in successor cultures, such as the Bell Grave (Glosik 1989). Ceramics were well developed on settlement sites too, with decorated pottery and animal figurines (Klosinska and Mierzwinski 1989), as well as figural stone carving (Wisniewski 1991).

References

Bednarek, M. (1989). "Sprawozdanie y badan wzkopaliskowych na stanowisku nr. 8 w Radlowicach, gmina Domaniow, woj. Wroclawskie, w 1986 roku" ("Report on the Excavations on Site No.8 in Radowlowice, Wroclaw Voivodeship in 1986"). Slqskie Sprawoydania Archeologiczne 29: 70-72.

Bukowski, Z. (1977). The Scythian Influence in the Area of the Lusatian culture. Wroclaw: Ossolineum.

Bukowski, Z. (1986). "Der Beginn der Eisenverwendung bei den Stammen der Lausitzer Kultur." Veroffentlichungen des Museumsfiir Ur-und Friihgeschichte Potsdam 20: 241-248.

Dqbrowska, T. (1988). Wczesnefazy kultury Przeworskiej: chronologia- zasi~g-Owiqzania. (Friihstufen der Przeworsk Kultur-Chronologie- Gebiet-Verbindungen). Warsaw: Paitstowowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe.

Fogel, 1., and T. Makiewicz (1990). "Nieznany import etruski z Kujaw" ("An unknown Etruscan import from Kuiavia") Archeologia Polski 34(1) (1989): 127-159.

Glosik, 1. (1989). "Nowe dane do poznania kulturz grobow klosyowych" ("New data on the Bell Grave culture"). Sprawoydania Archeologiczne 40: 231-244.

Harding, A. (1997). "Landscape and Subsistence in the Hallstatt Stockades of Biskupin type." In Landscapes in Flux: Central and Eastern Europe in Antiquity (Colloquia Pontica 3), ed. 1. Chapman and P. Dolukhanov. Oxford: Oxbow, 89-100.

Harding, A., 1. Ostoja-Zagorski (1993). "The Lausitz Culture and

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Harding, A., 1. Ostoja-Zagorski and 1. Strzalko (1991). "Archeolog- iczno-przyrodnicze badania mikroregionalne w Sobiejuchach kolo inina," ("Archaeological and Natural Science Microregional Studies at Sobiejuchy Near inin"). In Prahistoriyczny grM w Biskupinie: problematyka osiedli obronnzch na poczqtku epoki zelaya, ed. 1. laskanis. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN (Panstowowe Muzeum Archeologiczne Biblioteka PMA), 197-215.

lazdzewski, K. (1965). Poland (Ancient Peoples and Places). London: Thames and Hudson.

Klosinska, E., and A. Mierzwinski (1989). "Sprawowozdanie a badan wykopaliskowych przeprowadzonych w 1986 r. Na osadzie obronnej kultury luzyckiej w Kunicach (stan. I), woj. Legnickie" ("Report on Excavations of a Defensive Settlement of the Lusatian Culture in Kunice (Site I), Legnica Voivodship in 1986"). Slqskie Sprawoydania Archeologiczne 29: 57--60.

Kristiansen, K. 1998 Europe Before History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Lasota-Moskalewska, A. (1991). "Hodowla i lowiectwo w Biskupinie na tle inniych osiedli obronnych kulturz luzyckiej." ("Animal Breeding and Hunting at Biskupin Compared with Other Lusatian Culture Fortified Sites."). In Prahistoriyczny grad w Biskupinie: problematyka osiedli obronnzch na poczqtku epoki zelaya, ed. 1. laskanis. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN (Panstowowe Muzeum Archeologiczne Biblioteka PMA), 185-196.

Miklasyewska-Balcer, R. (1991). "Datowanie osiedla obronnego kultury luZyckiej w Biskupinie" ("Dating of the Lusatian Culture Fortified Settlement at Biskupin"). In Prahistoriyczny grad w Biskupinie: problematyka osiedli obronnzch na poczqtku epoki zelaya, ed. 1. laskanis. Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN (Panstowowe Muzeum Archeologiczne Biblioteka PMA), Warsaw: 107-113.

Niesiolowska-W~dyka, A. (1991). "Procesy urbanizacyjne w kulturze luzyckiej" ("Urbanization Processes in the Lusatian Culture"). In

Prahistoriyczny grad w Biskupinie: problematyka osiedli obronnzch na poczqtku epoki zelaya, ed. 1. laskanis, Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN (Paitstowowe Muzeum Archeologiczne Biblioteka PMA), 57-80.

Ostoja-Zagorski, 1. (1993). "Changing Paradigms in the Study of the Prehistoric Economy: An Example From East-Central Europe." In

Case Studies in European Prehistory, ed. P. Bogucki. Boca Raton: FL: CRe., 207-228.

Pazdur, M. F., R. Miklasyewska-Balcer, W. Piotrowski and T. Wl;grzynowicz (1991). "Chronologia bezwzgll;dna osady w Biskupinie w swietle datowan radiowl;glowych" ("The absolute chronology of the Biskupin settlement in the light of radiocarbon dating").

Prahistoriyczny grad w Biskupinie: problematyka osiedli obronnzch na poczqtku epoki zelaya, ed. 1. laskanis. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN (Panstowowe Muzeum Archeologiczne Biblioteka PMA), 115-125.

Piotrowski, W. (1991). "50 lat badan w Biskupinie" ("Fifty Years of Research at Biskupin"). In Prahistoriyczny grad w Biskupinie: problematyka osiedli obronnych na poczqtku epoki zelaya, ed. 1. laskanis. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN (Panstowowe Muzeum Archeologiczne Biblioteka PMA), 81-105.