1.6 Conclusion

Taking everything into a consideration, we can figure out the following tendencies:

1. At first, South Korean feminism is strongly connected with the rebellion against the Japanese invasion and activity on the Peninsula. Before the end of the WWII we cannot speak about the South Korean feminism as South Korea did not exist at this time. At that time Korean feminism can be characterized as non-compromising, provoked by the activities on the Japanese invaders and invoking to the basic loss of a Korean woman – loss of identity, that was oppressed at first by Confucian tradition, than – by the Japanese colonial administration. Here we also should take into a consideration emergence of the first feminist journal – it is extraordinary that it appeared in the colonial society. Journalism, more like publicistic writing was a platform for the feminist fight at that time when it was mostly difficult. The idea of “new woman” was a theoretical base for the emergence of the feminist movement in South Korea.

2. Activist feminism in South Korea is historically strongly connected with the working movement, with the movement for democratization and liberalization. The demands of the feminist activists were quite close to the concept of the Marxist and socialist feminism, with the ideas of class liberation. Feminism and minjung movement in this concrete case became bonded as they had very similar direction in their programs. Gradually, when the political system was liberalized, in 1990s, the agenda of minjung and activist feminism splitted – and in the Chapter 2 we will see how it is operating now and which problems it takes into a consideration.

Chapter 2 Feminist Organizations in South Korea and main issues

In the previous chapter I figured out and analyzed main tendencies and features of development of the South Korean feminist and liberation movement. In this chapter I am going to figure out and analyze the development of women`s organizations in South Korea. I am going to analyze main directions in the South Korean women`s organizations` work, including development, agenda and activity (social, political and economic). However, at first, I will analyze the split between minjung movement and feminist movement. Together with it, I will also analyze the government policy towards women through the prism of the feminist organizations activity. In the third paragraph I will figure out and analyze the main issues of the feminist agenda.

1.1 Separation of the Feminist movement and the Gender Policy of South Korea

The end of the 1980s was the time when the South Korean feminist movement separated from the minjung movement in general. The main problem that led to the raise of the separated feminist organizations is difference in views on the gender and class oppression. In 1984 there was established KWDI (Korean Women`s Development Institute) – as a sign of the institutionalization of the feminist movement.⁶¹

In the 1990s we can see the process of Institutionalization of the feminist movement, concretely – in 1995, when the so-called “gender mainstreaming” emerged in Beijing, at the UN`s International Conference of Women. Many Asian women organizations took part in the developing gender mainstreaming strategy on the national and international levels. The new strategy aimed at developing agencies focusing on women`s problems, working in the direction of the integration of gender issues in politics.⁶²

With the start of his rule, South Korean president Kim Dae Jung established the President`s Special Committee on Women`s Affairs, that was in charge for gender policy and worked with six ministries. Positions in the Committee`s branches were occupied by the specialists in Women`s Studies and activists of the feminist movement. These “femocrats” (feminist bureaucrats) became the sort of brokers between the government and feminist movement. This Committee declared completely new gender policy, escaping from the previous view on women as victims.

One of the major achievements of the feminist movement was the creation of the Ministry of Gender Equality. Its major aims were:

1. Achieve the society with Gender Equality

2. Expenditure of the female participation in policy and social life

3. Improvement of the welfare system for women

The last decade of the XX century can be called the dangerous period of the feminist movement. We should take the Asian economic crisis into a consideration. The unemployment rate that was about 2.5% before the crisis increased to 7% with its beginning. Female unemployment rate increased from 2.3% in 1997 to 5.5% in 1998. However, the government was successful in establishment of the welfare system – for unemployed, elderly – for the period of crisis. This system was called “Productive Welfare” and provided expenditure of the socio-economic support. The problem is, women were not the object of this government`s welfare policy. The main hindrance was unofficial employment of women in the Republic of Korea.⁶³

Speaking about the specified politics, it is worth talking about the establishment of the Special Commission of Women – in order to promote the so-called gender mainstreaming policy (sŏng churyuhwa) – in other words, policy directed to involvement of gender issues in the official politics.⁶⁴

Kim`s processor, Roh Moo Hyun was supported by different social groups which were especially active during the minjung protest movement during 1980s. The new administration also defeated the direction towards the society with gender equality. At first, the new administration abolished hoju system and declared work towards destruction of the gender inequality. Roh`s administration called itself “the participatory government” (ch'amyŏ chŏngbu). Moreover, many female activists occupied some governmental positions – for instance, the former KWAU president Chi Eun Hee became a minister of Gender Equality. With the political opportunity structures women got the possibility of lobbying and petitioning officially.⁶⁵

It is worth noticing that during Roh`s rule the agenda of feminists experienced a dramatic change – family agenda was included in the general feminist one. Despite removal of hoju system, Ministry of Gender Equality fought against prostitution and changing traditional patriarchal system of gender relationships. The thing is, in 2005 Ministry focused on the family and childcare problems. However, Chi cooperated with the feminist organizations – it was necessary not only because of the “youth” of the Ministry but also because of the strong relations between the Ministry members and feminist organizations. The governmental intervention in the general feminist agenda was also obvious. By 2007 there were 302 shelters and centers for women who experienced domestic violence – since there were only 17 in 1998.<sup>66</sup> We can divide current South Korean feminist Organizations in two big groups – radical and reformist. Radical Women`s organizations can be identified with broaden human rights issues (prisoners` torturing, political system liberalization and reunification with North Korea). Some of the issues contradict with the traditional female liberation groups` issues in the western world. Such an agenda suits more for the liberal feminist movement, than to the radical one. Moreover, there is a concern about specifically women issues in this case. It is difficult to speak about stop of the torture and democratization as something radical in the society where repressions took place. Moreover, “radical” cannot be used in this case as a descriptive term for radical changes in women`s lives, their role and status in the society. In South Korean context this term is used in connection with the human rights reforms. For instance, “radicals” of the feminist movement in South Korea provide harsh rhetoric against violence towards demonstrators. Speaking about western radical feminists, most of them sympathize neo-Marxists with their leftist ideas. However, neo-Marxism is not very popular South Korean society. Radical groups in women`s liberation movement use traditional lobbying methods as well as demonstrations, that include violence. Currently they can be identified as anti-governmental ones. Mainly they fight for the individual freedom.⁶⁷

The reformist groups of the South Korean feminists can be more likely western-model liberal feminists, that prefer to operate in already existing system, working with official organizations. These women are also involved in education, drafting legislation. They prefer only traditional lobbying methods.

However female society in any country is multi-layered group, with different background, interests and demands. Marian Leaf Palley gives a following classification of the female society in South Korea: professionals, middle-class women, working class women and poor women. With the modernization of South Korea women got opportunities for education and getting professional training programs. However, professionally educated women cannot find employment right away. Those women had difficulties in finding employment also because of the restrictions of the Family Law. Although this law experienced significant changes, it still maintains a system of the patrilineal family headship. ⁶⁸ The data given in the next chapter provides evidence of the discrimination in the labor market in the case of women.

Farm women, comparing to the previous group are not concerned with the right for work – they work for survival. South Korea has a dynamically developing agricultural sector, so women are actively involved in it. The thing is although agricultural sector is operated with the help of hardware machinery (which is operated by men) women still have to get involved in the hand work. The statistical data for the years of modernization provides information that women were fully involved in the industries` work, including agriculture.⁶⁹

Middle class women in South Korea are not equal to the same class in the Western world. Many leaders of the women's groups are educated middle- class homemakers. They are concerned with changing the provisions of the Family Law and with issues as far ranging as consumer protection, education for children, job training for poor women, and career opportunities for women who wish to work outside their homes. Finally, there are the poor women, whose earnings are below the poverty line. These women require education, job training, social programs, and employment. Problems of those women are not usually identified as purely issues of the feminist agenda – those demands are included in perspectives of welfare services.⁷⁰