- •Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs
- •Feminist Discourse and Women’s Social Position in the Modern South Korean Society
- •Introduction
- •Chapter 1 Feminist movement in South Korea: western influence and development
- •1.1 Western feminism development
- •1.2 Feminist branches
- •1.3 Creating a new image of Korean woman
- •1.4 Feminist Movement in South Korea
- •1.6 Conclusion
- •Chapter 2 Feminist Organizations in South Korea and main issues
- •1.1 Separation of the Feminist movement and the Gender Policy of South Korea
- •1.2 Major Women`s organizations in South Korea
- •Justice with care
- •Peace by share
- •Youth Leadership Development ywca Priority 3. Youth Leadership development
- •1.3 Main problems on the agenda of the South Korean feminist organization
- •1.4 Conclusion
- •Chapter 3 Reflection of the feminist agenda in South Korean media
- •1.1 Reflection of the main feminist agenda in the South Korean media (with the usage of maxqda)
- •Table 1. Frequency of mentions.
- •Table 2. Coverage of particular topics in South Korean media,
- •1.2 Reflection of the South Korean feminist groups activity in media
- •Table 3. Frequency of Feminist Organizations` Mentions (Chosun Ilbo)
- •Table 5. Frequency of Feminist Organizations` Mentions (Korea tImes)
- •Table 6. Frequency of Feminist Organizations` Mentions (Korea Herald)
- •1.3 The journal Dong-a Ilbo Women
- •Table 7. Number of mentions by problem.
- •1.4 Conclusion
- •Conclusion
- •Bibliography Primary sources
- •Internet sources
- •Secondary sources
1.3 Creating a new image of Korean woman
In this chapter I concentrated on the new époque in the social development of women`s role. The major part of this development is the emergence of new idea. This idea was fresh, opposed to the traditional Confucian perception of women.
Confucianism is considered to be one of the main enemies of feminism in the East. Confucianism with its patriarchal nature is hardly compliant with feminism and gender issues. At first, South Korean hoju system, introduced by the Japanese invaders, was removed only in 2008. It regulated almost every legal relation within family by legally designating a ‘family head’ (hoju), usually an adult male, as well as the family members who would be represented by this family head. This system seems to be quite a simple one and provided a configuration in the South Korean family: the system embodied the right of adult males on decision-making. Although this right was often conceived as symbolic, it was provided in terms of the registration of all members of the family (hojo˘k) in order to identify a person: the family members were documented with titles according to their relations with hoju. For instance, ‘wife’ (ch’o˘) for the family-head’s wife, ‘child’ (cha) for the family head’s child, and ‘I’ (ponin) for the family-head himself. Moreover, it was impossible to register without being accepted in this system. – it was impossible to file a family register without accepting the family-head system.33 Of course, Confucianism used from the feminist view, hoju system as one of the means for women oppression. The only religious group to announce a position against the abolition of the hoju system was Sungkyunkwan, the Association of Korean Confucians, its official opinion being that the hoju system was a valued part of Korean tradition and should, therefore, be preserved.34
The struggle between feminism and Confucianism is based on the problem of gender equality (and inequality as well). This confrontation became sharp with the foundation of the hoju system. Of course, this struggle was popular mainly in the academic circles. For instance, in 1998 on the conference of Ch’o˘rhak yo˘n’guhoe (a philosophers’ society) there was an argument between pro-Confucians and pro-Feminists. For instance, Kim Hei Sook, pro-Feminist scholar condemned Confucianism in obstacle towards gender inequality. Kim was also sure that the concept of women`s rights should be included in the Confucian concept as well as well as expenditure of role of individuality. Pro-Confucian philosopher Lee Sook In argues that the offered concept does not fit in the Confucian philosophy, it is not compliant with the Confucian values – gender equality is based on the western values, not on the traditional philosophical concepts.35
However, pro-Confucians do not deny feminist critics towards Confucianism. For instance, Park Kyon Seop does not justify Confucianism from the feminist critics. He analyzed The Book of Poetry (詩經) in order to show the oppression towards the housewives. Lee Sook In also agreed with feminists` view on Confucianism as on the basic supportive system of patriarchy in South Korea. However, Lee believes that such a contribution is historical. She focused on The Book of Rites (禮記), and by analysis showed the historical formation of patriarchy by the Confucian philosophy. The source shows the almost equal position of both men and women in the pre-Qin period (before 221 BCE) changed into the dominant-submissive relation during the rule of Han dynasty – time, when the book was written.36
The thing is, it is quite difficult to figure out if Confucianism is dogmatic in the concept of female subordination. If we take the Four Books (四書) and the Five Classics (五經) into a consideration, it will be complicated to draw a clear conclusion.37 The concept of u˘m-yang is not something stable, these things can change: one can become the other, they both can be in dominant position and both can be in the subordinate position. It is a base for the universe.
Speaking about the situation in South Korea, we can take into a consideration the Chosun dynasty, where female authors in their educational works focused on the concept of pyo˘l (別), which can be translated “distinction” or “division”. According to this point, women can protect their position in the male-dominated society. The authors believed that the female roles of mothers and wives are different from the traditional male roles – that is why women are different from men and they cannot be equal. Based on ‘‘the ideology of Confucian woman’’, the so-called hyo˘nmo yangch’o˘ (a wise mother and good wife,賢母良妻), texts of the dynasty were the sort of textbook for women. There also existed the concept of ye (禮), which can be translated as “the way to behave right”. This concept can be understood as a code of conduct, based on the kinship, marriage, gender, marital status, position in the family. These are factors that determine person`s relationship with the others. Ye determines masculine behavior as the male one and feminine – as female one. Confucian texts of the Chosun dynasty also were provided with illustrations for women – how to behave in the feminine way.38
Speaking about the literature, we can take into a consideration destinies of some female writers and problems that they raised in their books. Moreover, the problem of gender inequality is raised not only by female authors.
The other instrument of feminist movement that cannot be called totally activist, but in fact plays one of the essential roles in the formation of the female liberation – journalism. In the March, 1920 the magazine Sinyoja (New Woman 新女子)was established. It is the first pro-feminist journal in Korea, inspired by the Korean independence movement. The magazine was provided by the group of high-class Korean women, opposed to the traditional patriarchal values. This is the main skeleton of the magazine team: editor Kim Won Ju (金兀周;1896-1971; penname Irôp 一葉),the journal's founders include Na Hye Sok (羅蕙錫; 1896-1948), Pak In Dok (or Pahk Induk;朴仁徳;1897-1980), Sin Chul Lyo (申俊勵;1898-1980; also, Syn Julia), and Kim Hwal Lan (金活蘭; 1899-1970; also Helen Kim). They created the magazine for women, about women and by women. In the focus of the journal was the liberation of women, with the formation of the feminist consciousness and directed to gender equality. The team was oriented on the reformist way of change, not only the revolutionary one. The Sinyoja`s approach was very explosive. Journal urged Korean intellectuals` debates on sharp social issues, including the colonial situation and future of Korea in general. This provided the struggle between the flow of western feminism and traditional patriarchal values, between nationalism and colonialism, individualism and collectivism. The magazine was a trigger, catalyst of the raise of the debates and struggles. Such discussions heated up as the tension and confusion generated by the competing claims of colonialism and nationalism. Moreover, the magazine created new term – “sinyoja” – “new woman”. The editorial members had different experience – they had education, they were aware of Japanese invaders` violence, they participated in demonstrations against colonizers. They were also familiar with the imprisonment. 39
I want to draw attention to some major editorials. For instance, the editorial "On the New Woman's Social Responsibility" (Sinyôja ui sahoe e taehan ch'aegim ul nonham) raised a question of the female emancipation. The author provided a little guide for women, connected with specific behavior which can identify them as members of the feminist movement. The second major editorial, “Our Demands and Claims as New Women" (Uri sinyôja ûi yogu wa chujang) focused on the specific process of achievement of gender equality, by means of fighting the oppressive patriarchal system. Kim Won Ju also pays attention to the ancient three major rules for women as an example of the subordinate position of women:
Sam-jong-ji-do – ‘women must serve three males’
Ch`il-go-ji-ak – ‘women must not do the seven evils’
Pul-kyong-yi-bu – ‘women are forbidden to have two husbands40’
Kim also draws attention to the fact of the sexual violence towards the Korean women.
In the third editorial, "Woman's Self-Awakening" (Yôja ùi chagak), Kim wrote about gender victimization of women, claims that only females can fight for themselves, for their education and jobs. In the fourth editorial, "First, Demolish the Status Quo” (Mônjô hyôn sang ul t'ap'ahara), Kim stresses importance of gender equality and meaningless of the women`s liberation movement for the human rights` fighting, for the fight against colonizers. The problem is, women must recognize their oppressed position themselves.41
Feminist consciousness was also provided in literature. Here we can pay attention on some literature works of 1970s. At first, it is worth noticing some texts of Park Wan-sô and О Chông-hûi. Of course, their works cannot be identified as fully feminist, more than modernist ones – nevertheless, they are reflection of conditions, in which women had to operate. O`s representation of womanhood, girlhood and sexuality is radical.42
Korean War also found a place in Korean literature in terms with the women topic. Na Hye Sok, which was previously noted as a journalist, also provided feminist and nationalist propaganda. In her short essay "Isangjók puin" (Ideal Women) she analyzed main traits that from her point characterize ideal woman. Na also published two poems, "Sa" (Sands) and "Naettmul" (Streams), followed by her personal agitation for the promoting Korean art, concentrating on the lack of the artistic knowledge among Koreans, especially among Korean women. In her article "Hoehwa wa Chosón yója" (Painting and Korean Women; Tonga ilbo, Feb. 26, 1921) she claimed that women had no motivation in South Koreaю Na insisted on the necessity of fostering and supporting gifted women.43
In her magnum opus, "Kyónghúi," Na Hye Sok provides a story of a strong and independent woman. The story begins with protagonist`s process of self-scrutiny on the background of the oppression from her father, who wanted her to marry a particular man, wealthy judge man. Heroine was trying to cope with the self-identification process – through physical and psychological self-harming. It could be worth trying to examine such a situation with the help of concept of “dark triad”, however, we need to concentrate on the feminist ideas. In the book Na provided the idea of a "new woman" (sinyôsông), she gives special characteristics of this new woman by developing Kyónghüi's character.44
She provided this image as opposite towards two usual ones modern-educated women (sinyôsông) and tradition-bound women (,kuyôsông). Actually, the protagonist is a mixture of both two types of women. However, by her self-destruction, the destruction of the former “self” she introduces a completely new image of a woman. Her new “self” is based on the feminist view on the gender balance that dares to step aside the traditional and pseudo-new material values. The thing is, sinyosóng can be achieved only after the deep and painful process of women`s awakening, by subjugation of supremacy.45
