1.4 Conclusion

After the different content analysis, I can provide the following conclusion. With the help of the work in MAXQDA it became possible to figure out some tendencies about the mass-oriented newspapers:

1. Conservative newspapers (Chosun Ilbo, Dong-a Ilbo) are quite attentive towards patriarchy and discrimination, however, they are quite cold towards the clear liberation and resistance actions. Korea Herald and Korea Times are more attentive towards dome feminist steps than other two newspapers, due to the “progressive” position of the Korea Herald and Korea Times.

2. Violence is recognized by the South Korean media as an important problem – however, it is still not identified as a crime. Media reflects the results of statistical data that shows the still existing helplessness of women in the current South Korean society.

Moreover, it is clear that narrow-oriented media provides a deeper look into the particular female problems - however, we need to take into a consideration the fact that W-Dong-a also has a narrow target audience and cannot be accessed by every ordinary user. Nevertheless, reflection of the problem in media is the recognition of the very existence of those problems, a sign that feminist organizations` work is useful and beneficial.

Conclusion

This research provided the analysis of the development of feminist discourse in the Western and South Korean feminism and the current South Korean feminist problems, which found reflection in the South Korean mass media. With the help of different research methods it became possible for me to draw the following conclusion.

Feminist movement in South Korea has lots in common with the feminist movement in the West, however, they cannot be called equal. Firstly, feminist movements in Korea and in the West were invoked by completely different historical circumstances. When the feminist movement in the West was created as a result of fighting for the civil rights for women, the same in Korea emerged because of the physical oppression experienced during the Japanese invasion on the peninsula. In fact, feminist consciousness was invoked Following to the classification of the feminist branches it is possible to say that South Korean feminism is a mixture of the following feminist groups:

• Post-colonial feminism. This group of the feminist movement that emerged in the societies that experienced oppression of colonies. However, comparing with other former colonies that were conquered by the Western countries, Korea was colonized by the Asian country. This type of feminism was formed shortly after the liberation of the South Korean peninsula.

• Radical feminism. That can be said not only about the protest movement during the Japanese period, but also for some current feminist organization in the Republic of Korea. Separation from the male society, independence and self-consciousness are quite similar to the western radical feminist ideas.

• Marxist and socialist feminism. This type of feminism can be characteristics for the minjung feminist movement, which was strongly connected with the working movement. As a result, the demands and aims of the feminist movement in this case were in the frames of the working movement.

Split of the protest movement and feminism in South Korea is strongly connected with the liberalization of the political system. The point is, a so-called “common enemy” ended its existence (actually, experienced evolution) and activist feminism could no longer work together with the workers` protest movement. Liberalization of the political system was followed by the changes in the feminist movement, that can be called institutionalization of the movement. That a sign of liberal feminism, which works mostly with the governmental officials. In this case governmental support can be identified as betrayal of the feminist ideals. The thing is, without permanent financial support it is impossible to provide help. However, it is also two-edged sword. Government as a supportive authority force can have priority in making decisions. .

South Korean feminist organizations cannot be called monolithic. We can divide them in reformist and radical groups. Reformist provide cooperation with governmental structures and support mostly legislative work in the direction of the women`s social position. That is why KWAU works in connection with the government – at the same time KWH has a reputation of quite marginalized organization, radical in its essence and attitude towards males and violence.

After the statistical data analysis we can see that women are the primary victims of all the well-known forms of violence: spousal, physical, sexual and psychological. The content analysis of the large media massive chosen only by 2 words (women, Korea) in the program MAXQDA lead to the following results: violence itself, including sexual and psychological one has a wide reflection in the mass South Korean media. However, it rarely gets identification as crime – that reflects the statistical data, provided in the second chapter, which shows that violence and discrimination still exist in the South Korean society – even with already official laws violence is still sharp problem.

Feminist organizations get completely different cover in the mass South Korean media. When YWCA and KWAU are presented as ordinary organizations that work with the governmental officials, KWH and Womenlink are covered as oppositional and a bit marginalized organizations. In this case we can see the match of Marian Palley`s concept of reformist and radical classification of the feminist groups in South Korea. Here we also can divide them into liberal (KWAU, YWCA) and radical (KWH and Womenlink) ones. They got those images which seem to be the most logical ones in connection with their official position.

Feminist movement in South Korea can be considered in 2 different dimensions: external and internal one. In this master thesis first chapter and part of the second chapter reflect the external development of the South Korean feminist movement. In the external development we can include the very emergence of the South Korean movement. The external development included emergence of feminist movement as protest towards the Japanese invasion, non-activist concept of sinyosong and finished with cooperation with the working protest movement. I want to call it “external triad” of the South Korean feminist movement. This is the external skeleton of the South Korean feminist movement.

Internal dimension of every feminist movement are problems with which they operate and directions in which they work. These problems, as we could see, changed during the history. From the clear self-defense and crisis of national identity it has a long way to the concrete and narrow social problems which women has ever faced:

• Patriarchal oppression of the family

• Physical, sexual and psychological violence

South Korean feminist movement was developing with the development of historical and social background – however, with the cooperation with the protest movement in 1960s raised the feminist consciousness and determined several problems that became special for the South Korean feminist movement. We can see that the problems which are sharp for the feminist movement did not appear in one particular moment. They existed for a long time – however, there is no reliable statistical data for the time of Japanese invasion or earlier times – however, it does not mean that the current problems for the feminist movement did not exist. Problems which were figured out in the third chapter came to the fore as the invaders` oppression and clear discrimination before 1990s.

Reflection of the feminist agenda in the popular, mass-oriented media is reflection of reality. I definitely cannot call this coverage “simulacrum”. This term was firstly used by the French scholar Jean Baudrillard, especially in his book Simulacra and Simulation. Simulacrum is copy without original, image of the non-existing reality. Mass media use simulacra quite often, especially when covering security services works and military operations. However, the statistical data, provided in the second chapter is the evidence of the fact that mass-media covers reality, not the simulation.

Feminist movement in South Korea does not have such long and gradual history as the western feminism has – on the contrary, South Korea feminism has a rapid, savage nature – the only nature possible in that historical circumstances. However, current feminist organizations raise sharp and real problems. That is the sign of the beneficial development and long-lasting perspectives.