Borrowing

Languages borrow words freely from one another. Usually this happens when some new object or institution is developed for which the borrowing language has no word of its own. For example, the large number of words denoting financial institutions and operations borrowed from Italian by the other western European languages at the time of the Renaissance testifies to the importance of the Italian bankers in that period. (The word “bank” itself, in this sense, comes through French from the Italian banca). Words now pass from one language to another on a scale that is probably unprecedented, partly because of the enormous number of new inventions that have been made in the 20th and 21st centuries and partly because international communications are now so much more rapid and important. The vocabulary of modern science and technology is very largely international.

The comparative method

The comparative method in historical linguistics is concerned with the reconstruction of an earlier language or earlier state of a language on the basis of a comparison of related words and expressions in different languages or dialects derived from it. The comparative method was developed in the course of the 19th century for the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European and was subsequently applied to the study of other language families. It depends upon the principle of regular sound change—a principle that, as explained above, met with violent opposition when it was introduced into linguistics by the Neogrammarians in the 1870s but by the end of the century had become part of what might be fairly described as the orthodox approach to historical linguistics. Changes in the phonological systems of languages through time were accounted for in terms of sound laws.

Grimm’s law

The most famous of the sound laws is Grimm’s law (though Jacob Grimm himself did not use the term law). Some of the correspondences accounted for by Grimm’s law are given in Table 1.

It will be observed that when other Indo-European languages, including Latin and Greek, have a voiced unaspirated stop (b, d ), Gothic has the corresponding voiceless unaspirated stop (p, t) and that when other Indo-European languages have a voiceless unaspirated stop, Gothic has a voiceless fricative (f, θ). The simplest explanation would seem to be that, under the operation of what is now called Grimm’s law, in some prehistoric period of Germanic (before the development of a number of distinct Germanic languages), the voiced stops inherited from Proto-Indo-European became voiceless and the voiceless stops became fricatives. The situation with respect to the sounds corresponding to the Germanic voiced stops is more complex. Here there is considerable disagreement between the other languages: Greek has voiceless aspirates (ph, th), Sanskrit has voiced aspirates (bh, dh), Latin has voiceless fricatives in word-initial position (f) and voiced stops in medial position (b, d), Slavic has voiced stops (b, d), and so on. The generally accepted hypothesis is that the Proto-Indo-European sounds from which the Germanic voiced stops developed were voiced aspirates and that they are preserved in Sanskrit but were changed in the other Indo-European languages by the loss of either voice or aspiration. (Latin, having lost the voice in initial position, subsequently changed both of the resultant voiceless aspirates into the fricative f, and it lost the aspiration in medial position.) It is easy to see that this hypothesis yields a simpler account of the correspondences than any of the alternatives. It is also in accord with the fact that voiced aspirates are rare in the languages of the world and, unless they are supported by the coexistence in the same language of phonologically distinct voiceless aspirates (as they are in Hindi and other north Indian languages), appear to be inherently unstable.

Proto-Indo-European reconstruction

Reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European labial stops (made with the lips) and dental stops (made with the tip of the tongue touching the teeth) is fairly straightforward. More controversial is the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European sounds underlying the correspondences shown in Table 2.

According to the most generally accepted hypothesis, there were in Proto-Indo-European at least two distinct series of velar (or “guttural”) consonants: simple velars (or palatals), symbolized as *k, *g, and *gh, and labiovelars, symbolized as *k^w, *g^w, and *g^wh. The labiovelars may be thought of as velar stops articulated with simultaneous lip-rounding. In one group of languages, the labial component is assumed to have been lost, and in another group the velar component; it is only in the Latin reflex of the voiceless *k^w that both labiality and velarity are retained (compare Latin quis from *k^wi-). It is notable that the languages that have a velar for the Proto-Indo-European labiovelar stops (e.g., Sanskrit and Slavic) have a sibilant or palatal sound (s or ś) for the Proto-Indo-European simple velars. Earlier scholars attached great significance to this fact and thought that it represented a fundamental division of the Indo-European family into a western and an eastern group. The western group—comprising Celtic, Germanic, Italic, and Greek—is commonly referred to as the centum group; the eastern group—comprising Sanskrit, Iranian, Slavic, and others—is called the satem (satəm) group. (The words centum and satem come from Latin and Iranian, respectively, and mean “hundred.” They exemplify, with their initial consonant, the two different treatments of the Proto-Indo-European simple velars.) Nowadays less importance is attached to the centum–satem distinction. But it is still generally held that in an early period of Indo-European, there was a sound law operative in the dialect or dialects from which Sanskrit, Iranian, Slavic and the other so-called satem languages developed that had the effect of palatalizing the original Proto-Indo-European velars and eventually converting them to sibilants.