Граматика / English Syntax
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Constituency: Movement and Substitution |
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In (106) do so replaces bought the bread, while in (107) it replaces bought the bread in the supermarket. In (108) the proform replaces ran.
What we have seen in this section is that do so replaces V-bars, and that do so-Substitution is a useful test for determining whether a particular element, or group of elements, is inside the Verb Phrase of a sentence.
There exists another process that a ects V-bar which is called V 0- Deletion. Consider again (91), repeated here as (109):
(109)Dawn cleaned the windows diligently.
We saw above that diligently is inside VP, and we analysed (109) as in (110):
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VP |
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V0 |
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V0 |
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AdvP |
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NP |
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cleaned |
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the windows |
diligently |
Consider now (111): |
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(111)Dawn will clean the windows diligently, but Shawn will — lazily.
In (111) we deleted the string clean the windows. As we have seen, Deletion is a special case of Substitution, and we will say that clean the windows has been substituted by a null proform. Because proforms can only replace constituents, it follows that a sequence like clean the windows must be a constituent. In (110) we analysed this string as a V0-constituent, so that in (111) we are dealing with V-bar Deletion (alternatively spelt V0-Deletion). Sentences like
(111)furnish further evidence for our claim that V þ DO sequences are
constituents. Direct Objects (if they are present) are therefore dominated by V0 and VP, as in (110).
As a further example of V0-Deletion consider the following sentence:
(112)Ray will rudely interrupt the speaker, but Bruce will politely — .
We showed above, using do so-Substitution as a test, that an Adjunct like rudely in the first clause in (112) is inside VP, in a position where it is adjoined to V0, as in (113) below. (Recall that the modal verb is positioned in ‘I’.)
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Exercises |
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(113) |
VP |
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V0 |
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V0 |
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rudely |
interrupt |
the speaker |
In the second clause of (112) we have deleted the string interrupt the speaker. Now, because this string contains the main verb interrupt, and we have a stranded Adjunct here ( politely), we must be dealing with a deleted V0-constituent. Notice that this time the Adjunct is positioned before the deletion site. Because Adjuncts like rudely and politely are adjoined to V0, we know that the string rudely/politely interrupt the speaker is also a V0.
In this chapter we looked at Movement and Substitution as tests for constituency. In the next chapter we’ll be looking at a few additional tests.
Key Concepts in this Chapter
constituency constituency tests
Movement test Substitution test
Exercises
1.Draw the trees for the following sentences. Give reasons for your analysis.
(i)The big blue balloon exploded.
(ii)I will buy some chocolates this afternoon.
(iii)She could act extremely well.
(iv)She believes that her best friend is a genius.
(v)We quickly decided that we should leave.
2.In the text we assigned the following structure to the PP (six women) with yellow hats on their heads (cf. (60)):
218Constituency: Movement and Substitution
(i)PP
Spec P0
PNP
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N0 |
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AP |
N0 |
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N0 |
PP |
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N0 |
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with |
yellow hats |
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their |
heads |
A further possible analysis is shown in (ii):
(ii)PP
Spec P0
PNP
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N0 |
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with |
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hats |
on their |
heads |
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Exercises |
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The di erence between (i) and (ii) is that in (ii) yellow hats is a constituent, whereas in (i) it is not. Conversely, hats on their heads is a constituent in (i), but not in (ii). Both (i) and (ii) conform to X0-theory, but they might be said to represent di erent meanings, namely ‘yellow hats which happen to be on their heads’ and ‘hats on their heads which happen to be yellow’. Which structure corresponds with which meaning? Explain your answer.
3.When we discussed VP-Preposing in Section 11.1.1.2, we saw that this process always leaves behind an auxiliary verb. Consider now the following sets of sentences in which there is more than one auxiliary verb:
(i)They say he may have been killing flies,
(a). . . and [killing flies] he may have been —
(b). . . and [so] he may have been —
(c). . . [which] he may have been —
(ii)They say he may have been killing flies,
(a). . . and [been killing flies] he may have —
(b). . . and [so] he may have —
(c). . . [which] he may have —
(iii)They say he may have been killing flies,
(a)and [have been killing flies] he may —
(b)and [so] he may —
(c). . . [which] he may —
Assuming that these sentences are grammatical (not everyone will agree), and also assuming that Verb Phrases have been preposed in the (a) sentences, or substituted by the proforms so or which in the
(b) and (c) sentences (and then preposed), draw the tree structure for the sentence He may have been killing flies. Does the structure you have produced accord with the structure of sentences with multiple auxiliaries proposed in Chapter 9?
4.In many textbooks on English syntax it is assumed that Verb Phrases only contain verbs. Below you will find two common analyses of the Verb Phrase in English. The example sentence used is Nicholas will burn the toast:
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Constituency: Movement and Substitution |
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Nicholas |
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burn |
the toast. |
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(ii)S
NP |
VP |
NP
VG
Aux V
Nicholas |
will |
burn |
the toast |
VG ¼ Verb Group
Give distributional arguments in favour of, or against, these analyses (i.e. use the tests introduced in this chapter). Are there also semantic reasons for adopting or rejecting these analyses?
5.Now do the same for the analysis below (advocated in Warner, 1993):
(i)S
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VP |
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NP |
Nicholas |
will |
burn |
the toast |
*6. Consider (i) below:
(i)For him to kill that poor fly was wrong.
In this sentence we might wonder whether the string for him to kill that poor fly is a unit, or whether we should subdivide it into two independent constituents, namely for him, which would then be a PP,
Exercises |
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and to kill that poor fly, which would be a clause without an overt Subject (but whose Subject would be interpreted to be the same as the Complement of the preposition, i.e. him). Using the tests discussed in this chapter, show which of these options is correct. Make sure that the meaning of the sentence does not change if you apply Movement.
*7. The phrase in (i) below is structurally ambiguous, and can hence be assigned two di erent tree diagrams. Explain the ambiguity and draw the trees.
(i)the e ects of violence on teenagers
*8. Although we haven’t discussed NP-Movement as a test for constituency in this chapter, we can use it as such. Consider the sentences below:
(i)Charlie saw the book on the table.
(ii)Charlie put the book on the table.
Using NP-Movement as a test, show how the constituency of these sentences is di erent, despite their superficial similarity as NP–V– NP–PP structures. Draw the trees for (i) and (ii). Notice that (i) is ambiguous.
*9. Show how the Substitution test discussed in this chapter confirms your analyses of (i) and (ii) in Exercise 8.
*10. Our discussion of movement in Chapter 9 and in this chapter has not dealt with all possible displacements in English. In this exercise we will look at a few further possibilities, specifically some types of inversion in English. Here are two examples:
Inversion around be
(i)a New York is the ultimate city in the world.
bThe ultimate city in the world is New York.
This inversion process can be used as a test to demonstrate the constituent status of the strings New York and the ultimate city in the world. You might initially have been tempted to suppose that in the world does not form a unit with the ultimate city. How does (ii) below put you on the right track?
(ii)*The ultimate city is New York in the world.
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Constituency: Movement and Substitution |
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Consider next the sentences below:
Subject–Auxiliary Inversion (SAI )
(iii)a Katie will pass her driving test.
bWill Katie pass her driving test?
Here we see that a Subject and an auxiliary verb (a modal) have swapped places. Inversion is one of the NICE properties of auxiliaries which we introduced in Chapter 3. How can we use the pair of sentences in (iii) to bolster our claim (made in Chapter 8 and in this chapter) that modal auxiliaries are not inside VP, but are dominated by a separate node which we labelled ‘I’?
*11. In Section 11.1.2.2 we discussed the extraposition of Subject clauses, as in That Henry made that comment obviously irritated her > It obviously irritated her that Henry made that comment. Consider now the sentences below:
(i)I consider it a problem that you didn’t write that report.
(ii)*I consider that you didn’t write that report a problem.
What’s going on here? As a starting point, think about the functional status of the extraposed that-clause in (i).
*12. How is the sentence below a problem for our claim regarding the proform one?
(i)I like the review of the book, but not the one of the film.
Further Reading
Most textbooks on syntax do not discuss the various constituency tests together in one place, though some of the tests discussed here are dealt with in Radford (1988), Chapter 2. On constituency and sentential reorderings see also Huddleston (1984), Section 1.2 and Chapter 14, as well as Rochemont and Culicover (1990).
12 Constituency:
Some Additional Tests
In the previous chapter we looked at movement and substitution as tests for constituency. In this chapter we’ll be looking at a few additional tests: the Coordination Test, the Cleft and Pseudocleft Test, the Insertion Test, the Constituent Response Test, the Somewhere Else Test and the Meaning Test. I have grouped them together in a separate chapter, because they are not always as reliable as Movement and Substitution. The order in which they are discussed roughly reflects their degree of reliability, the first being the most reliable.
12.1 Coordination
Coordination was briefly discussed in Chapter 3. We saw there that it involves the linking of two or more strings by a coordinating conjunction, typically and, or or but, e.g [very clever] and [extremely eager], [in the box] or
[on the floor], [handsome] but [stupid ], etc. The claim now is the following:
Coordination
Only constituents can be coordinated.
Let’s see if coordination facts can confirm the constituent structure of Verb Phrases that we posited in Chapter 7. Consider the following sentences:
(1)Frank washed his shirts yesterday.
(2)Michael loudly announced the election victory.
For (1) we posited a structure like (3), while we assigned a structure like
(4) to (2):
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VP |
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Frank |
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his shirts yesterday |
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Constituency: Some Additional Tests |
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(4)S
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[þTns, pr] Spec |
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Michael |
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loudly |
announced |
the election victory |
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The constituents inside the VPs of both (3) and (4) are the (empty) Specifier position, the higher V0, the lower V0, the main verb and the Direct Object NP, as well as the Adjunct NP in (3) and the Adjunct AdvP in (4). The constituent status of all of these is confirmed by the fact that they can be coordinated with other similar units:
(5)Frank washed and ironed his shirts yesterday. (coordinated main verbs)
(6)Frank washed his shirts and polished his shoes yesterday. (coordinated lower V-bars)
(7)Frank washed his shirts yesterday and last week. (coordinated adjunct NPs)
(8)Frank washed his shirts yesterday and polished his shoes last week. (coordinated higher V-bars)
(9)Michael loudly announced and decried the election victory. (coordinated main verbs)
(10)Anna loudly announced the election victory and gave an interview to the press. (coordinated lower V-bars)
(11)Anna loudly and cheerfully announced the election victory. (coordinated AdvPs)
(12)Anna loudly announced the election victory and cheerfully gave an interview to the press. (coordinated higher V-bars)
We will call the type of coordination exemplified above Ordinary Coordination. Consider now (13)–(15):
(13)Frank washed the shirts, and Dick ironed the shirts.
(14)Frank will wash the shirts, but Dick won’t wash the shirts.
(15)Frank will iron the shirts tomorrow, but Dick won’t iron the shirts tomorrow.
Coordination |
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We can apply a second type of coordination to these sentences which we will call Right Node Raising (RNR). Here are some examples:
(16)Frank washed — , and Dick ironed — , the shirts.
(17)Frank will — , but Dick won’t — , wash the shirts.
(18)Frank will — , but Dick won’t — , iron the shirts tomorrow.
In (16) the main verbs wash and iron both take the shirts as Direct Object. Because Direct Objects are always on a right-hand branch inside V0 they are ‘right nodes’. In (16), the shirts has been raised from the positions indicated by the dashes, and one copy of this NP is placed at the end of the sentence, hence the term Right Node Raising. In (17) we have raised a V0-constituent consisting of a main verb and its Direct Object, while in (18) another V0, this time consisting of a main verb þ DO þ Adjunct, has been raised. We can now say that:
Right Node Raising
Only constituents can undergo RNR.
The data in (16)–(18) show once again that Direct Objects, V þ DO strings and V þ DO þ Adjunct strings form constituents, as in (3) and (4).
There are problems for our claim that only constituents can be coordinated. Here is a classic counterexample:
(19)Alison gave my brother a T-shirt and my sister a CD.
We know that the ditransitive verb give takes two Complements: an IO
and a DO, and that both these Complements are sisters of the main verb inside V0:
(20)V0
V |
NP |
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The units that appear to be coordinated in (19) are my brother a T-shirt and my sister a CD, i.e. IO þ DO strings. The problem now is that in both cases the two NPs together (IO þ DO) do not form a constituent, because the node that dominates them also dominates V, as is clear from the tree diagram. However, (19) can be regarded as only an apparent counterexample, if we assume that the verb gave has been omitted before my sister in (19):
(21)Alison [gave my brother a T-shirt] and [gave my sister a CD]
In this sentence we can then say that we have coordinated two V-bars.
