Социология религии_общее (англ.) / Handbook of the Sociology of Religion

of the immigrant population. In 1960, for example, the top ten countries accounted for 65 percent of the legal immigrant flow, but only 52 percent in 1990, and the number of countries with at least one hundred thousand foreign-born residents in the United States increased from twenty in 1970 to forty-one in 1990 (Fix and Passel 1994).

Along with increased diversity in national origins, the new immigrants are creating greater religious diversity in the United States as they transplant their home country religions into their new neighborhoods. As a result, the religious landscape of the United States is changing (Warner 1993; Eck 1997). Not only are ethnic churches, temples, and mosques springing up around the country, but many established congregations are struggling to incorporate these new ethnic groups into their memberships. As Ammerman describes in Congregation and Community (1997a), ethnic changes in a neighborhood often mean changes in the composition of local churches, a shift that is frequently threatening to established congregants who may have built and nurtured the church for decades.

While we know much about the new immigrants in terms of their countries of origin, socioeconomic backgrounds, labor force participation, educational achievements, family patterns, reasons for migration and the role of social networks in their patterns of settlement, we know relatively little about their religious patterns. Immigration scholars have ignored religion as a factor both in the migration process and in their incorporation into American society. A number of reasons have been posited for this lack of attention. Most important, as Warner (1998) has pointed out, immigration researchers rely primarily on data gathered by governmental agencies (e.g., Bureau of the Census, the Immigration and Naturalization Service [INS], the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and boards of education), which are restricted from asking questions about religion. Their other source of data is surveys such as those conducted by the National Opinion Research Center, which employ random samples of the U.S. population that do not contain sufficient respondents from small subpopulations, such as Muslims, Jews, or Buddhists, to effectively analyze. Kivisto (1992) also has suggested that it is frequently insiders who study their own immigrant groups and that many groups lack a critical mass of such scholars who are interested in religion. A third explanation is the antireligion bias that exists in much social science literature, based on the assumption that religion deals with value-laden issues that are not amenable to empirical analysis. In addition, many social scientists have uncritically accepted secularization theory, which argues that religion is becoming increasingly unimportant in modern industrial societies. For whatever reason, religion is missing in the work of immigration scholars, as evidenced in the fact that four recent special issues of social scientific journals on immigration (International Migration Review, Vol. 31, Winter, 1997; Sociological Perspectives, Vol. 40, No. 3, 1997; American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 42, January 1999; and Racial and Ethnic Studies, Vol. 20, January 1999) include no article on religion. Likewise, the recent Handbook of International Migration (Hirschman et al. 1999) has no index entry on religion.

Until the mid-1990s, scholars in the field of religion had also, by and large, neglected the study of new immigrants. Christiano’s (1991) analysis, as well as that of Kivisto (1992), bemoaned the lack of research concerning religion and the new immigrants. The bulk of the social scientific research on religion in the latter decades of the twentieth century was devoted to issues of denominationalism, the rise of conservative Protestantism, new religious movements and the disenfranchisement of disadvantaged

groups such as women, African Americans, and Hispanics. Again, the relative lack of immigrant scholars fluent in both the language and culture of their respective groups no doubt limited access and interest in studying immigrant religion. The decline of denominationalism and the renewed interest in congregational studies in the decade of the 1990s, as evidenced in the two-volume American Congregations book (Wind and Lewis 1994) and Ammerman’s (1997a) Congregation and Community, focused attention on the local level of congregational life and pinpointed the demographic changes that were occurring within congregations. With these publications, it became evident that immigrants were beginning to change American congregationalism.

In addition to thousands of informal places of worship, including house churches, scriptural study groups, paraliturgical groups, domestic altars, and neighborhood festivals, immigrants have established many of their own formal places of worship. The task of obtaining an accurate count of these religious institutions and the immigrants who are members is almost impossible due to a number of issues that Numrich (2000) elaborates. Many estimates come from local-level ethnic communities whose self-interest is served by robust counts. In addition, accounting methods differ greatly, from registered membership in some institutions to ascribed status in an ethnoreligious population in others. Census and INS data on ancestry, country of origin, and language is often used to extrapolate estimates of religious identification, an exercise fraught with questionable assumptions. Data gathered from various polls and surveys, such as the General Social Survey (GSS) or the National Survey of Religious Identification (NSRI) (Kosmin and Lachman 1993), are based on random samples that include insufficient numbers of small subpopulations to make accurate generalizations. The best estimates to date of immigrant congregations are those generated by Warner (1998): (a) over thirty-five hundred Catholic parishes where Mass is celebrated in Spanish, and seven thousand Hispanic/Latino congregations, most Pentecostal or Evangelical, and many others nondenominational; (b) in 1988, the last count available, 2,018 Korean-American churches;

(c) and in 1994 approximately seven hundred Chinese Protestant churches; (d) in the early 1990s, between one thousand and twelve hundred mosques and Islamic centers;

(e)fifteen hundred to two thousand Buddhist temples and meditation centers; and

(f)over four hundred Hindu temples.

While variations exist in the organizational structures in the religious institutions created by new immigrants, Warner (1994) used “congregation” as an umbrella term to indicate “local, face-to-face religious assemblies.” In our work, we (Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000b) also use congregation in this sense, rather than its traditional Protestant reference to a type of church polity.

What, if anything, is really “new” about the most recent wave of immigration to the United States? This question is currently receiving the attention of, and the focus of debate among, many who study post-1965 immigration (Glick-Schiller 1999; Perlmann and Waldinger 1999; Levitt 2000). As we indicate in the final chapter of our book (Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000b), we found far greater similarities than differences across time in the types of congregations that immigrants establish, as well as the roles that religious institutions play in their lives. Nineteenth-century immigrants, like those today, built their places of worship on a congregational model, emphasizing voluntary membership, lay initiative and participation in administrative functions, and the expansion of worship sites to encompass community centers. The accounts of the functions served by nineteenth-century ethnic churches (e.g., Thomas and Znaniecki

1918; Dolan 1975; Green 1975; Tomasi 1975; Mohl and Betten 1981; Dolan 1985; Alexander 1987; Papaioannou 1994; Sarna and Goldman 1994) read very much like those discussed in case studies of contemporary ethnic congregations (Kim 1981; Orsi 1985; Kwon et al. 1997; Warner and Wittner 1998; Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000b). Then, as now, ethnic places of worship served the dual purpose of reproducing the group’s cultural and religious heritage while assisting immigrants in the process of adapting to a new society. Even lines of cleavage and conflict within congregations are very similar. Language debates were as fierce in earlier periods as they are in congregations today (Bodnar 1985; Dolan 1985; Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000b). The introduction of English as a response to the demands of youth born and raised in this country is common across religions, ethnic groups and time periods.

Multiethnic congregations were as common and conflict ridden in earlier immigrant communities as they are today. Nineteenth-century immigrants did not stay forever in their original ethnic enclaves; as their socioeconomic status improved, they moved to economically better neighborhoods, leaving their old neighborhoods and churches for a succession of new, less privileged groups. In that interim period of residential succession there were often several ethnic groups sharing congregations, a situation that frequently raised contentious issues regarding language, style of worship, patron saints, and social customs. Also, like today, conflicts arose among groups that shared the same religion but came from different nations, such as German and Polish Catholics (Shaw 1994) and Dutch and German Jews (Sarna and Goldman 1994). Issues of accommodation and contention closely resemble those faced by Taiwanese, Hong Kong, and mainland Chinese members of the same Buddhist temple (Yang 2000b) or Hispanic, Vietnamese, and Nigerian Catholics who attend the same parish church (Sullivan 2000b).

Contemporary immigrants are entering a society that is more accepting of ethnic pluralism, unlike earlier waves that confronted demands that they “Americanize” (Alba and Nee 1997). They are also entering a different labor market than that of the nineteenth century (Levitt 2000) and are better able to remain part of transnational communities, expedited by the expansion of modern technologies of communication and transportation (Portes 1996; Glick-Schiller 1999). The multiculturalism of the post–civil rights era that new immigrants enter embraces both a wider array of types of Protestant churches and numerous non-Christian religions virtually unknown in the United States during the earlier immigrant waves. Despite this organizational diversity, however, we see repeated in the case studies of contemporary immigrant religious groups many of the same patterns and issues that characterized the “old” immigrant churches. Religion appears to be persistent in its centrality in the lives of immigrants, as a means to cope with the challenges of relocation, a way to reproduce and pass on culture, a focus for ethnic community and a way to provide formal, and especially, informal assistance in the settlement process.

RECENT RESEARCH ON RELIGION AND THE NEW IMMIGRANTS

Most of the research on religion and the new immigrants, until very recently, consisted of case studies, either of one or a few immigrant religious institutions or of one specific ethnic group. Among the case studies of congregations are Numrich’s (1996) study of two Theraveda Buddhist temples, Waugh’s (1994) description of a

Muslim congregation in Canada, and Yang’s (1999) analysis of several Chinese Christian churches in Washington, DC. Even more numerous are studies of religious institutions among one specific ethnic or nationality group. These include Mullins’s (1987) study of Japanese Buddhists in Canada; Williams’s (1988) description of the religions of Indians and Pakistanis; Fenton’s (1988) research on Asian Indian religious traditions in the United States; Denny’s (1987), as well as Haddad and Lummis’s (1987), analysis of Islam in the United States; Diaz-Stevens’s (1993a) description of Puerto Rican Catholicism in New York; Kashima (1977), Lin (1996) and Fields’s (1992) work on Buddhism in America; Orsi’s (1985) study of Italians and Haitians in Harlem; and the numerous studies of the Korean Christian church in America ( I. Kim 1981; Hurh and Kim 1984; Shin and Park 1988; Min 1992; Kwon 1997; Chai 1998; Chong 1998).

In the mid-1990s, a number of research projects on religion and the new immigrants were initiated, fueled by grants from the Lilly Endowment, the Pew Charitable Trusts, and the newly established initiative in religion by the Ford Foundation. The first of these was Warner’s NEICP (New Ethnic and Immigration Congregations Project) study that funded twelve doctoral and postdoctoral fellows to study immigrant religious communities across the United States. In addition to providing rich ethnographies on Christian, Hindu, Jewish, Rastafari, and mixed Vodou-Catholic congregations, the NEICP experience was a training ground for newly minted scholars interested in the study of religion among new immigrants. Individual books and articles on the various immigrant religious communities began to filter into the sociology of religion literature and to fill the lacunae that had earlier been identified.

Building on Warner’s work, in 1996 I initiated the RENIR (Religion, Ethnicity, New Immigrants Research) project in Houston, Texas. Rather than a series of ethnographies, my research design was a comparative one in which I focused on thirteen religious congregations within the same city. These congregations included two Roman Catholic churches (one overwhelmingly Mexican, the other composed of seven formally organized nationality groups); a Greek Orthodox church; a Hindu temple; a Muslim mosque that was mostly Indo-Pakistani in membership; a Zoroastrian Center, most of whose members also came from India and Pakistan; two Buddhist temples (one Chinese and one Vietnamese); and five Protestant churches (one whose members represent forty-eight nationalities, one dominated by Argentines, one mostly Mexican, one totally Korean, and one totally Chinese). By conducting focus groups in the immigrant community in Houston, we were able to develop research questions that were grounded in the experiences of those we were to study. Focus group members also helped us to identify immigrant congregations to study. We spent three to six months in each congregation, conducting observations of worship services and other activities that take place in the congregational setting. We also conducted interviews with clerics, lay leaders, immigrants, nonimmigrants and youth in each setting, utilizing the same observation protocols and interview schedules, thereby generating comparable data (see Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000b for a comprehensive description of the findings of this study).

In 1997, the Pew Charitable Trusts approved a $5 million new initiative, entitled “The Gateway Cities Projects,” whose purpose is to facilitate the examination of the role of religion in the current immigrant experience in the United States and how it relates to the incorporation of immigrants into American society. Six gateway cities (New York, Washington, DC, Chicago, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Miami), the

largest immigrant points-of-entry cities in the United States, were selected, in addition to the earlier funding for the study in Houston.

There is no doubt that Religion and the New Immigrants became a “hot topic” for research during the 1990s (there were some twenty-five papers at the 2000 Society for the Scientific Study of Religion meetings in Houston, Texas) and that the interest will continue, in part stimulated by the cohort of young scholars and graduate students who have participated and are participating in the research projects focused on the topic. Monographs and professional papers from the Gateway Cities Projects will, no doubt, appear throughout the first decade of the new millennium, thus sustaining interest in the area.

THEMES AND ISSUES

From the increasing body of research published in the 1990s, a number of central issues arose, along with tentative generalizations concerning: (a) the central role religious institutions play in the reproduction of ethnic identity; (b) the role of religion as an agent in the incorporation of immigrants into American society; (c) congregationalism as the primary form of organization; (d) conflict and segregation within multiethnic congregations; (e) the relationship between the second generation and immigrant religious institutions; (f) the role and status of immigrant women as impacted by their religious congregations; and (g) transnational religious ties between immigrants in the United States and their home communities.

The Reproduction of Ethnic Identity

Religious institutions provide social and physical space and social networks that help the immigrants reproduce and maintain their values, traditions, and customs in the midst of an often alienating and strange American society. Religion is intricately interwoven with cultural values and practices so that it becomes a way of reproducing many aspects of immigrants’ native cultures for themselves and their children. Collective memory and symbolic rituals are major strategies for maintaining and passing on cultural values, norms, and practices (Cook 2000; Hervieu-Leger´ 2000), and it is within ethnic congregations that symbolic representations are often most evident.

In reflecting on the immigrants who came to America in earlier waves, Will Herberg (1960) argued that immigrants were expected to give up virtually everything they brought with them (e.g., language, nationality, manner of life) except their religion. In fact, religious identity often replaced ethnic identity and became more important to them in their new country than it was in their homeland. Similar patterns exist for the new immigrants, who frequently comment that they are more “religious” in the United States than they were prior to immigration (Conzen 1991; Pozzetta 1991; Abusharaf 1998; Kurien 1998; Warner 1998; Badr 2000). In addition to immigration itself being a “theologizing” experience (T. Smith 1978), being part of a minority religion in an overwhelmingly Christian country often makes immigrants more conscious of their religious identity and practices (Yang and Ebaugh 2001).

As well as using native languages, one major way that congregations reproduce ethnicity is by physically reproducing aspects of home-country religious structures, such as temples, pagodas, golden domes, statues, ikons, steeples, and the use of native construction materials. Many immigrant groups, such as Chinese, Vietnamese, and

Laotian Buddhists, Indian Hindus, and Greek Orthodox, go to great effort and expense to import building materials, architects, and artisans to recreate physical structures from the home country. For example, members of a South Indian Hindu temple brought dozens of artisans to Houston over several years to carve the images that grace the white stone pillars in the temple. During the dedication ceremony, twelve priests were brought from India to bless the temple in traditional Hindu ceremonies ( Jacob and Thakur 2000). Likewise, a Vietnamese Buddhist center in Houston imported statues of buddhasatvas, as well as tiles for the temple’s roof, to create a sense of “home away from home” for temple members (Huynh 2000). When these visual images are combined with the sound of native vernaculars, home-country musical instruments and songs, the smell of incense and native foods, the feel of oils and sacred objects, most immigrant congregations flood the senses with physical reminders of the native lands from which their members came.

By incorporating ethnic practices and holidays into formal religious ceremonies, immigrant congregations help their members feel more “at home” in a strange land. The familiar ancestral altars and ash houses, as well as traditional Buddhist customs that accompany the forty-nine days of mourning for a deceased person, remind members of both their religious and ethnic roots. Holidays such as the Chinese New Year and ‘Id al-Fitr, the Islamic feast of fast-breaking during Ramadan, are widely celebrated in temples, churches, and mosques across the country and create a sense of ethnic pride within many immigrant communities. The diverse images of the Virgin Mary among Hispanic immigrants stem from their home country images and devotions (D´ıaz-Stevens 1993a; Flores 1994; Tweed 1997; D´ıaz-Stevens and Stevens-Arroyo 1998; Wellmeier 1998; Sullivan 2000b).

Furthermore, most immigrant congregations sponsor secular activities, such as meals, festivals, holiday celebrations, fundraisers, language classes, citizenship classes, and youth activities. One way in which immigrant religious institutions often differ from those in the home country is that they develop community centers, along with places of worship, social spaces, and activities whose function it is to maintain social ties among members and the passing on of both religious and ethnic culture to the next generation (Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000c).

The serving of ethnic food in immigrant congregations is another way in which members celebrate and pass on their culture. Communal eating is a regular and frequent feature of congregational life, enjoyed at the central worship site, at homes after fellowship, cell, or religious study meetings, and as part of domestic religious celebrations (Flores 1994; Leon´ 1998; McGuire and Spickard 1998; Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000b). In many cases, women provide most, if not all, of the work of securing supplies, preparing and cooking the food, and then serving it. The preparation of the traditional food often provides women with the opportunity to instruct their daughters in ethnic customs (Orsi 1985; Ebaugh and Chafetz 1999).

Alongside community-based religious practices, many immigrant religions center a substantial part of their religious observances on domestic rituals practiced at home shrines or altars. In addition to daily prayers said at these sacred domestic spaces, in many instances life cycle events, such as infant blessings, engagements, weddings, and remembrances of the dead, are enacted there (Brown 1991; Wellmeier 1998; Huynh 2000; Rustomji 2000). These domestic religious practices function to reproduce traditional culture for family members.

Religion and the Incorporation of Immigrants into U.S. Society

Immigrants’ congregations also help their adaptation to American society by providing much of the information and services required in the course of settlement in a new country. While some churches, in particular Catholic and mainline Protestant ones, offer an array of formal social services, such as food pantries, clothes closets, emergency financial assistance, job hotlines, immigration status assistance, and ESL, GED, and citizenship classes, the use of informal networks among congregational members is far more common (Ebaugh and Pipes 2001). Religious institutions provide places where immigrants meet one another, discuss their needs, and share information about resources that are available in the community.

There are two major reasons that most immigrant congregations offer few formal social services. First, most members of many immigrant groups arrive in the United States with high levels of education and jobs already lined up and therefore have little need for such services or are capable of purchasing any that might be required. Second, both religious leaders and most members of several religions (e.g., Hindu, Buddhist) define formal social service delivery as outside the scope of religious institutions. Many Asian groups, in particular, look to family, kin, and close friends for material assistance and are embarrassed to have to resort to outside agencies, including religious institutions. Many immigrant populations largely take care of their own members, turning infrequently to religiously based service providers outside of the informal networks that exist within their immigrant congregations (Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000b; Ebaugh and Pipes 2001).

While few immigrant congregations have formal structures to assist their members, immigrants are being assisted by larger formal bodies such as interfaith coalitions. These groups consist of local congregations, comprised mostly of native-born members, that join together to provide social services for the needy and are part of the faith-based organizations that are now eligible for “charitable choice” monies provided by the Ashcroft provision of the Welfare Reform Act of 1996 (Cnaan 1997; Cnaan 1999; Ebaugh and Pipes 2001). These coalitions are financed primarily by member congregations, usually mainline Protestant ones, and by resale shops that are run by volunteers from participating congregations.

By providing the social space for immigrants to gather and engage in shared religious services, immigrant congregations facilitate the informal networks that constitute the major pathway to learning about and accessing services that are essential in their settlement. Frequently, when new immigrants arrive in the United States they turn first to an ethnic congregation where they are assured they will encounter fellow-countrymen and women who will understand not only their native language but the challenges they face as newcomers in a strange and foreign country (Kwon 1997; George 1998; Wellmeier 1998).

Congregationalism as a Form of Organization

Immigrant congregations often differ substantially from the ways in which they were structured and functioned in their homelands. These differences occur as a response to the adaptations required in the context of a new land and social environment. In particular, immigrant religious institutions tend to become more congregational in the

United States, following the model of the majority Protestant/Catholic faiths (Warner 1994, 1998). The congregational model has the following characteristics: (a) a formal list or roster of members; (b) who elect a local governing body, composed of lay members, that makes policy for and administers the affairs of the institution; (c) committees/ ministries composed of lay members who conduct the work of the institution; (d) clergy who are selected by the local organization; and (e) a financial structure whereby most of its operating funds are raised from its own local members (Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000c). Congregationalism was the primary organizational form established by earlier eighteenthand nineteenth-century immigrants. Even though some of the earlier immigrant groups came from countries that were dominated by state religions (e.g., Italy, England, Russia) and/or powerful clergy (e.g., Ireland), many of these groups became more lay dominated and congregational as they adjusted to the American religious landscape. In fact, some historians (Dolan 1985; Jones 1992; Wyman 1993) describe the displeasure felt by religious leaders in home countries regarding the “Americanization” (i.e., lack of respect for the authority of the official clergy) of immigrant churches in the United States.

Although the congregationalism of American churches was often more pronounced than those in Europe, the model was not totally foreign to most immigrant groups who were at least somewhat familiar with characteristics such as membership rosters, lay committees, and lay involvement with the selection of clergy. For many of today’s immigrants, especially non-Christians, congregationalism represents a new and unfamiliar way of organizing a religious institution. Most Asian Buddhists, for example, were not used to maintaining lists of members, having strong lay control of temple matters or operating on the basis of lay committees. The fact that most immigrant groups tend to establish congregational structures in this country is a testimony to their adoption of the established congregational model (Numrich 1996; Kurien 1998; Zhou and Bankston III 1998; Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000c).

Along with structures for worship and administering the religious institution, immigrant congregations tend to expand their facilities to include community centers where they can socialize and provide education, recreation, and other activities for themselves and their children. Such centers are usually unnecessary in home countries, where the religion may be the majority one, in some cases state supported. In the United States, however, where they are often minority religions (Yang and Ebaugh 2001), community centers provide space for socializing among fellow ethnics, reinforcing religioethnic identity, and a place where needed secular services such as medical and legal help, information, GED and citizenship classes, and emergency services are provided.

Conflict and Segregation within Multiethnic Congregations

Whereas many immigrants join ethnic congregations in the United States, others become members of existing congregations that have members from more than one immigrant/ethnic group. Multiethnic congregations face a number of challenges in their efforts to create unity, and to discourage discord, among the ethnic/nationality groups. Among the major challenges that they face are issues related to: Language usage, incorporation of ethnic customs, and participation in the administration of congregational affairs.

Language usage in immigrant congregations is often a highly contested issue and one that poses dilemmas for the clerical and lay leaders responsible for congregational policy (Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000a). On the one hand, the use of an old-country language enhances a sense of commitment and comfort for immigrants while, on the other hand, differences in native language, and in dialects of the same language, often constitute the bases for segregation among congregational members and, not infrequently, for intergenerational strains and tensions. A major issue revolves around the language used in worship services. While some religious traditions, such as the Greek Orthodox, Zoroastrians, Hindus, and Muslims, require that worship services be conducted in a holy language, others, such as Christian churches and many Buddhist temples, allow for vernacular languages. Which native language is to be used, however, when multiple ethnic groups are involved? The use of native language at different worship services often creates “parallel congregations” (Numrich 1996) rather than one congregation. Even in instances where English is the language used for formal worship services, there is a strong tendency for native language speakers to self-segregate at social and other informal occasions held at the religious site.

The incorporation of ethnic customs in the formal and informal activities of a congregation is another strategy to be broadly inclusive and to make immigrants feel comfortable in the religious setting. For example, the display of icons, statues, or pictures of patron saints or religious figures from home countries creates a sense of ethnic identity and comfort for immigrants, as does the use of native music, food, and dress. However, emphasis on ethnic differences in multiethnic congregations also has the potential for ethnic segregation and the alienation of members who are uncomfortable with such customs.

Ethnic representation among clerical leaders, on administrative boards, and in the lay leadership who direct the major ministries of the congregation is also a major challenge, especially in congregations that have existed and been run by Anglos for a long time. The acceptance of “new immigrants” into these positions indicates that these newcomers are not just guests who benefit from being in the congregation but are part of the decision makers who are creating the future of the congregation, a fact that is often difficult to accept on the part of old-timers who may have built and sustained the congregation for generations.

The Second Generation

Because religious and ethnic identities are often closely intertwined, immigrants look to religious institutions as the place to reinforce and pass on the native language and ethnic values, traditions, and customs to the next generation. The symbols, stories, rituals, and native language that are part of immigrant religions often provide the context within which parents hope that their native culture will become that of their children. While many parents are grateful for the opportunities provided in this country for their offspring to achieve educationally and occupationally, they also worry about the influence of what they define as “amoral” American society on them (Kurien 1998; Sullivan 1998). They hope that their children will be protected against these influences by associating with fellow ethnics in religious settings.

Beyond childhood and the ethnoreligious classes in which youngsters are involved in their religious institutions, teenagers and young adults are infrequently present in