
- •Sociolinguistics From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
- •[Edit] Applications of sociolinguistics
- •[Edit] Sociolinguistic variables
- •[Edit] Traditional sociolinguistic interview
- •[Edit] Fundamental concepts in sociolinguistics
- •[Edit] Speech community
- •[Edit] High prestige and low prestige varieties
- •[Edit] Social network
- •[Edit] Internal vs. External language
- •[Edit] Differences according to class
- •[Edit] Class aspiration
- •[Edit] Social language codes
- •[Edit] Restricted code
- •[Edit] Elaborated code
- •[Edit] Deviation from standard language varieties
- •[Edit] Covert prestige
- •[Edit] Differences according to age groups
- •[Edit] Differences according to geography
- •[Edit] Differences according to gender
- •[Edit] Minimal responses
- •[Edit] Questions
- •[Edit] Turn-taking
- •[Edit] Changing the topic of conversation
- •[Edit] Self-disclosure
- •[Edit] Verbal aggression
- •[Edit] Listening and attentiveness
- •[Edit] Dominance versus subjection
- •[Edit] Politeness
- •[Edit] See also
- •[Edit] References
- •[Edit] Further reading
- •[Edit] External links
[Edit] Elaborated code
Basil Bernstein also studied what he named the 'elaborated code' explaining that in this type of speech pattern the middle and upper classes use this language style to gain access to education and career advancement. Bonds within this social group are not as well defined and people achieve their social identity largely on the basis of individual disposition and temperament. There is no obvious division of tasks according to sex or age and generally, within this social formation members negotiate and achieve their roles, rather than have them there ready-made in advance. Due to the lack of solidarity the elaborated social language code requires individual intentions and viewpoints to be made explicit as the 'I' has a greater emphasis with this social group than the working class.
[Edit] Deviation from standard language varieties
A diagram showing variation in the English language by region (the bottom axis) and by social class (the side axis). The higher the social class, the less variation.
The existence of differences in language between social classes can be illustrated by the following table:
Bristolian Dialect(lower class) |
... |
Standard English(higher class) |
I ain't done nothing |
... |
I haven't done anything |
I done it yesterday |
... |
I did it yesterday |
It weren't me that done it |
... |
I didn't do it |
Any native speaker of English would immediately be able to guess that speaker 1 was likely of a different social class than speaker 2, namely from a lower social class, probably from a working class pedigree. The differences in grammar between the two examples of speech is referred to as differences between social class dialects or sociolects.
It is also notable that, at least in England and Australia, the closer to standard English a dialect gets, the less the lexicon varies by region, and vice-versa.
[Edit] Covert prestige
Main article: Prestige (sociolinguistics)
It is generally assumed that non-standard language is low-prestige language. However, in certain groups, such as traditional working class neighborhoods, standard language may be considered undesirable in many contexts. This is because the working class dialect is a powerful in-group marker, and especially for non-mobile individuals, the use of non-standard varieties (even exaggeratedly so) expresses neighborhood pride and group and class solidarity. There will thus be a considerable difference in use of non-standard varieties when going to the pub or having a neighborhood barbecue (high), and going to the bank (lower) for the same individual.
[Edit] Differences according to age groups
There are several different types of age-based variation one may see within a population. They are: vernacular of a subgroup with membership typically characterized by a specific age range, age-graded variation, and indications of linguistic change in progress.
One example of subgroup vernacular is the speech of street youth. Just as street youth dress differently from the "norm", they also often have their own "language". The reasons for this are the following: (1) To enhance their own cultural identity (2) To identify with each other, (3) To exclude others, and (4) To invoke feelings of fear or admiration from the outside world. Strictly speaking, this is not truly age-based, since it does not apply to all individuals of that age bracket within the community.
Age-graded variation is a stable variation which varies within a population based on age. That is, speakers of a particular age will use a specific linguistic form in successive generations. This is relatively rare. J.K. Chambers cites an example from southern Ontario, Canada where the pronunciation of the letter 'Z' varies.[7] Most of the English-speaking world pronounces it 'zed'; however, in the United States, it is pronounced 'zee'. A linguistic survey found that in 1979 two-thirds of the 12 year olds in Toronto ended the recitation of the alphabet with the letter 'zee' where only 8% of the adults did so. Then in 1991, (when those 12 year olds were in their mid-20s) a survey showed only 39% of the 20-25 year olds used 'zee'. In fact, the survey showed that only 12% of those over 30 used the form 'zee'. This seems to be tied to an American children's song frequently used to teach the alphabet. In this song, the rhyme scheme matches the letter Z with V 'vee', prompting the use of the American pronunciation. As the individual grows older, this marked form 'zee' is dropped in favor of the standard form 'zed'.[7]
People tend to use linguistic forms that were prevalent when they reached adulthood. So, in the case of linguistic change in progress, one would expect to see variation over a broader range of ages. William Bright provides an example taken from American English where there is an on-going merger of the vowel sounds in such pairs of words as 'caught' and 'cot'.[8] Examining the speech across several generations of a single family, one would find the grandparents' generation would never or rarely merge these two vowel sounds; their children's generation may on occasion, particularly in quick or informal speech; while their grandchildren's generation would merge these two vowels uniformly. This is the basis of the apparent-time hypothesis where age-based variation is taken as an indication of linguistic change in progress.