
Nafziger Economic Development (4th ed)
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FIGURE 5.-13
Cobb (2004:9).
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The long run in economic analysis tends to be as little as 10–25 years, but for the biologist and geologist the long run is at least several generations. Critics argue that using the economist’s time preference will only hasten the conversion of natural environments into low-yield capital investments. The economist’s investment choice, based on maximizing present value, assumes that current generations hold all rights to assets and should efficiently exploit them. But markets do not necessarily provide for equity between generations. Most depleted mineral and biological wealth, especially biodiversity, is all but impossible to recapture after it is destroyed, thus reducing natural assets in the future. Using conventional investment criteria, in which benefits and costs are discounted at a substantial positive rate of interest, automatically closes off the future. If discounted at 15 percent annually, the present value of a dollar five years from now is $0.50, 16 years from now $0.11, and 33 years from now only $0.01. Moreover, even with a 5 percent discount rate, the output (and survival) of earth’s residents 50 years hence is worth virtually zero. Surely this is absurd.
Economists such as Berkeley, California’s Richard B. Norgaard (1992:27, 37–38, 48) contend that conventional investment criteria, based on meeting this generation’s preference for consumption over time, is not justifiable when the future’s needs are at stake. We need to distinguish between investment for this generation’s time preference and investment to transfer resources and species to future generations. A possible rule of the thumb that considers the preferences of future generations would be one where assets – natural, produced, and human capital – in each time period or generation must be at least as productive as that in the preceding period or generation. Each generation would be obligated to pass on to the next generation a mix of assets that provides the potential for equal or greater flows of income. For Norgaard, this means legislation to protect individual species, set aside land for parks and reserves, and establish social conservation agencies to institutionalize protection of the rights of future generation. Humankind, once meeting the constraint of sustainability, should then select investment projects with the highest social rates of return based on more conventional economic criteria.
John V. Krutilla (1993:188–198) thinks that today’s investment behavior will be motivated by the desire to leave an estate to descendants that will yield collective consumption goods of appreciating future values. Nobel economist Robert Solow (1993:179–187) argues that we need not leave the world as we found it in detail nor should each generation leave undiminished the natural resources and plant and animal species existing on earth, as humans can substitute one input for another in production. In fact, Harvard’s Larry Summers (1992:65) believes that you can use conventional investment criteria if you compute environmental spillovers (external costs and benefits) accurately. If people feel the market does not value the rain forest in the Amazon River basin highly enough, the Brazilian government can set land or user prices, purchase the land for a reserve, tax nearby factories’ pollutants, or request aid from a global environment facility to prevent irreversible damage to the forest’s biodiversity and carbon sequestration.
Although the costs of preserving endangered species and curbing carbon emissions are incurred in the immediate future, many major benefits do not occur until the
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second quarter of the 21st century or later, so that benefit–cost ratios are highly dependent on the interest (or discount) rate. The Cambridge economist Partha Dasgupta (1995a:111–43) indicates that for the discount rate to be valid, people need to know something concrete about feasible development paths and about productivity of capital. In practice, these paths are so uncertain and so prone to irreversible damage that the present generation should stress preserving the future generations’ options. Growth must come from increased efficiency and innovation rather than by shifting costs of environmental degradation to innocent bystanders or future generations.
Living on a Lifeboat
What impact do limited resources have on the ethics of whether or not rich countries should aid poor countries? Hardin (1974:561–568), who uses the metaphor of living on a lifeboat, argues that food, technical, financial, and other assistance should be denied to desperately poor countries as a way of ensuring the survival of the rest of the human species. Hardin sees the developed nations as a lifeboat with a load of rich people. In comparison,
The poor of the world are in other, much more crowded lifeboats. Continuously . . .
the poor fall out of their lifeboats and swim for a while in the water outside, hoping to be admitted to a rich lifeboat, or in some other way to benefit from the “goodies” on board.
Hardin sees only three options for the passengers on the rich lifeboat, filled to perhaps 80 percent of its capacity:
1.Take all the needy aboard so that the boat is swamped and everyone drowns – complete justice, complete catastrophe.
2.Take on enough people to fill the remaining carrying capacity. However, this option sacrifices the safety factor represented by the extra capacity. Furthermore, how do we choose whom to save and whom to exclude?
3.Admit no more to the boat, preserve the small safety factor, and assure the survival of the passengers. This action may be unjust, but those who feel guilty are free to change places with those in the water. Those people willing to climb aboard would have no such qualms, so the lifeboat would purge itself of guilt as the conscience-stricken surrender their places.
This ethical analysis aside, Hardin supports the lifeboat ethic of the rich on practical grounds: The poor (that is, the LDCs) are doubling in numbers every 44 years, the rich (DCs), every 700 years. During the next 44 years, the 3.8 to 1 ratio of those outside to those inside the rich lifeboat will increase to 7.3 to 1.15
Hardin’s premises about population growth are faulty. He expresses concern that some of the “goodies” transferred from the rich lifeboat to the poor boats may merely “convert extra food into extra babies” (Hardin 1974:564). To be sure, some agriculturists express concern that food output per capita may no longer be growing.
15 The doubling time and ratios are based on 2003 population growth figures.
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Moreover, LDC population growth has been caused by falling mortality rates, not greater fertility (which instead has been dropping). Furthermore, if economic aid to LDCs facilitates development, fertility rate will fall rather than rise (see Chapter 8).
In addition, Hardin’s lifeboat metaphor is flawed. In contrast to Hardin’s lifeboats, which barely interact, nations in the real world interact enormously through trade, investment, military and political power, and so on. His metaphor is not realistic enough to be satisfactory. Hardin must admit that the rich lifeboats are dependent on the poor lifeboats for many of the materials and products of their affluence. Furthermore, the rich lifeboats command a disproportional share of the world’s resources. Indeed, one seat on the lifeboat (that is, access to a given amount of nonrenewable resources) can support 10 times the population from a LDC as from the DC. Daly and Georgescu-Roegen would argue that it is North Americans, not Africans and South Asians, who most endanger the stability of the lifeboat. The average person in the United States, for instance, consumes about 107 times as much energy and emits 45 times as much carbon dioxide per capita as the average citizen of Bangladesh (see the front inside cover table’s last column). Also Hardin fails to acknowledge that the carrying capacity of the planet, unlike that of the lifeboat, is not fixed but can increase with technical change. Indeed, technical assistance can enhance output in the poor countries without hurting the rich countries. Finally, Hardin’s rich lifeboat can raise the ladder and sail away. In the real world, we may not be able to abandon the poor. Rich countries can provide economic aid, including assistance for education, public administration, family planning, and environmental resources, particularly global public goods (see earlier this chapter and Chapter 15).
Conclusion
1.Land and natural resources are distinguishable. Land is immobile and potentially renewable. Natural resources are mobile, but most are nonrenewable.
2.Environmental resources are resources provided by nature that are indivisible.
3.Oil crises in the 1970s worsened the balance of trade deficit, debt burden, and inflation rate and slowed the growth rate of oil-importing LDCs, but the oil glut in the 1980s and early 1990s reduced these problems for some oil importers.
4.Dutch disease is the adverse competitive effect that local currency appreciation due to a booming export sector has on other exports and import substitutes.
5.Sustainable development refers to maintaining the productivity of natural, produced, and human assets from generation to generation. Norgaard argues that conventional investment criteria are not adequate for considering the consumption needs of future generations.
6.Panayotou contends that environmental degradation originates from market distortions, defective economic policies, and inadequate property rights definitions, meaning that environmental problems are basically economic problems.
7.External diseconomies, overuse of an open access resource, underproduction of public goods, the irreversibility of rare phenomena of nature, murky owner and user rights to an asset, and high transactions costs are market imperfections that contribute to environmental degradation. Pollution problems result from
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divergences between social and commercial costs. These divergences even occur under socialism; indeed, the Soviet Union’s ruthless treatment of land, air, and water illustrate how everybody’s property may become nobody’s property.
8.The efficient level of pollution emission is where marginal damages are equal to marginal abatement costs.
9.Contingent valuation is the use of questionnaires from sample surveys to elicit the willingness of respondents to pay for an environmental good. Many economists regard contingent evaluation as deeply flawed.
10.About 14 percent of the world population lives on arid or semiarid land. Increases in arid lands in the last several decades are traceable to overcultivation, deforestation, and so forth.
11.Economic underdevelopment in the tropics is partly a matter of geography. There is no winter to exterminate weeds and insect pests. Parasitic diseases are endemic and weaken the health and productivity of people. The heat and torrential rains damage the soils, removing needed organic matter, microorganisms, and minerals.
12.Tropical countries generally will not provide global public goods, such as the atmosphere or biosphere, in sufficient quantity, because many benefits spill over to other countries. Rich countries have an interest in providing funds to preserve tropical global common-property resources. However, because they may earn higher returns from free riding, users of global common property resources rarely agree to commit resources to manage global resources in the interest of all.
13.Developed and transitional countries produce a disproportional share of the world’s carbon dioxide emissions that contribute to global warming. In the absence of drastic cuts in the annual global emissions of carbon dioxide, scientists expect increases in globally averaged surface temperatures in the 21st century that are several times these increases in previous centuries. The developing countries of the south are expected to be the major nations suffering from global warming, even though they produce only a small fraction of the globe’s carbon emissions.
14.Market-based “green taxes” are more efficient than physical targets in reducing carbon emissions. Many economists think that international tradable emission permits are the economically optimal approach to levying “green taxes” on carbon emitters.
15.The Club of Rome’s study, The Limits to Growth, concluded that the global economic system will collapse during the 21st century. However, a major shortcoming of the study is the assumption of exponential growth in industrial and agricultural needs and the arbitrary placement of nonexponential limits on the technical progress that might accommodate these needs.
16.Daly’s impossibility theorem argues that there are not enough resources in the world to support the whole world at U.S.-style consumption levels.
17.Our continuous use of natural resources increases entropy, a measure of the unavailable energy in a thermodynamic system. Georgescu-Roegen argues that luxury production decreases the expected life span of the human species.
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18.The World Bank subtracts resource depletion and environmental degradation from gross savings to get changes in wealth.
19.The Genuine Progress Index (GPI) is a comprehensive indicator of well-being that subtracts depletion of nonrenewable resources, long-term environmental economic damage, ozone depletion, loss of wetlands, and loss of farmlands from GDP. GPI advocates estimate that GPI per capita has fallen in the United States since 1976.
20.Lifeboat ethics, used as an argument for denying economic assistance to LDCs, is based on a number of flawed premises. Rich nations command a disproportional share of the world’s resources, depend economically on poor nations, and have access to technical knowledge that can increase LDC productivity without decreasing their own.
TERMS TO REVIEW
adjusted net savings
arid land
balance of trade
biodiversity
cartel
Coase’s theorem
common property resources
contingent valuation
Dutch disease
entropy
environmental resources
external diseconomies
externalities (external economies and diseconomies)
free riding
Genuine Progress Indicator (GPI)
global public goods
global warming
greenhouse gases
QUESTIONS TO DISCUSS
green markets
green taxes
impossibility theorem (Daly)
international tradable emission permits
lifeboat ethic
marginal abatement cost (MAC)
marginal damage (MD)
Montreal Protocol
net primary productivity (NPP)
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)
proven reserves
public goods
resource curse
sustainable development
tragedy of the commons
transactions costs
1.Indicate in broad outline the movements of real world crude petroleum prices in the last quarter of a century. What impact have these prices had on oil-importing LDCs?
2.Assume you are asked as an economic practitioner to analyze a patient with Dutch disease. Analyze the causes of the disease, describe the patient’s symptoms, and prescribe an antidote to improve the patient’s health. Also do the same for reverse Dutch disease.
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3.What is meant by “sustainable development”? What implications should sustainable development have for investment criteria?
4.What are the market imperfections that contribute to environmental degradation?
5.What is meant by Hardin’s “tragedy of the commons”? Identify environmental problems associated with this tragedy.
6.Theodore Panayotou contends that “Ultimately, excessive environmental damage can be traced to ‘bad’ economics stemming from misguided government policies and distorted markets.” Discuss what Panayotou means by this statement, how accurate his view is, and what the policy implication of this view is. Give examples of misguided government policies and distorted markets, and the reasons for these policies and markets.
7.How do pollution levels vary with economic growth?
8.What decision-making rule minimizes social cost when pollution is involved? Assess the position that optimal level of pollution emission is zero.
9.Discuss and assess the methods for estimating the monetary values of pollution discharge and ecological degradation.
10.How does geography affect economic development in the tropics? What measures are needed to overcome these adverse effects?
11.Discuss the concept of global public goods, give examples of those that have environmental implications, and indicate the implications of global public goods for international funding programs. In your analysis, focus especially on global public goods in tropical countries.
12.What program would you design for global optimal greenhouse-gas abatement?
13.Assess the arguments for and against the use of international tradable emission permits in abating global greenhouse gases.
14.Discuss the role of green markets, green taxes, and green aid in reducing market imperfections concerning the environment and resource use. Discuss the possibility of using green markets, green taxes, and green aid in multilateral agreements.
15.How severely will a shortage of natural resources limit economic growth in the next half-century, especially in LDCs?
16.Indicate the adjustments the World Bank makes to arrive at adjusted net savings.
17.Indicate the adjustments made to compute the Genuine Price Indicator (GPI). How do these adjustments affect measures of net economic welfare? Evaluate GPI as a measure of economic welfare as an alternative to gross product per capita.
GUIDE TO READINGS
The World Bank (2004f) and subsequent Global Economic Prospects provide data on changes in petroleum prices.
Roemer (1985:234–252), Findlay (1985:218–233), and Corden and Neary (1982:825–848) examine Dutch disease in LDCs. The IDS Bulletin 17 (October 1986) has three articles dealing with Dutch disease:
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The annual Vital Signs and State of the World by the Worldwatch Institute, and World Resources Institute, U.N. Environmental Program, and the U.N. Development Program (1994 and subsequent years) provide information on the relationship among the world’s resources, environment, and population, and assess the sustainability of the planet. All sources, especially the last, discuss the global public goods of climate and biodiversity. Wilson (1989:108–110) and Miller, Reid, and Barber (1993) are sources on biodiversity. Schelling (1993:464–483), Poterba (1993:47– 63), Weyant (1993:27–46), Nordhaus (1993:11–25), Morgenstern (1993:140–145), Mendelsohn, Nordhaus, and Shaw (1994:753–771), and Nordhaus and Boyer (2000) have economic analysis and policy recommendations concerning the problem of global climate change. Gore (1993) has analyses, tables, and figures on global warming of interest to lay readers. Barrett (1993:445–463) discusses the pitfalls associated with international environmental agreements. Kaul, Conceicao, Le Goulven, and Mendoza (2003) include essays on the concept and policy implications of global public goods.
The World Bank (1992i) analyzes the effect of environmental degradation on health and productivity in LDCs. Dasgupta (2001) examines how the natural environment affects human well-being.
Daly (1991:182–189), Solow (1993:179–187), and Goldin and Winters (1995) apply rigorous economic analysis to the question of sustainable development.
Dorfman and Dorfman’s edited readings (1993) on the environment are excellent in discussing economic principles, policies, benefit–cost analysis and measurement, and a global analysis related to the environment. Other excellent survey sources on environmental economics include Kahn (1995), Field (1994), and Turner, Pearce, and Bateman (1993). Field (1994:84–105) analyzes the marginal conditions for optimal pollution abatement.
Panayotou (1993) has a clear and concise explanation of market distortions and policy failures that are the root causes of severe environmental degradation. Ghai and Vivian (1983) examine the management of environmental resources on the local level in LDCs.
Hardin (1968) has written the classic essay on the “tragedy of the commons.” Randall (1993:144–161), has a comprehensive analysis of market imperfections that contribute to environmental degradation. Dales (1993:225–240) discusses the role of ownership and user rights in reducing environmental damage.
The Journal of Economic Perspectives (Fall 1994) has a concise summary of the literature on contingent valuation, including articles by Hanemann, Portney, and Diamond and Hausman.
Kaul, Conceicao, Le Goulven, and Mendoza (2003) and Ferroni and Mody (2002) define international public goods and discuss incentives for and management of their provision.
Feshbach and Friendly (1991) have an exhaustive survey of environmental degradation in the former Soviet Union.
Kamarck (1976) has written the definitive study on economic development in the tropics. Diamond (1999), discussed in Chapter 3, uses ecology and evolutionary
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biology to explain the fates of sub-Saharan Africa and other human societies and their development.
Norgaard (1992) discusses the effect of environmental public goods and bads on investment criteria.
Does scarcity of natural resources place substantial limitations on future economic growth? Although the best-known analyses of the yes answer to this question are studies by Meadows et al. (1972, 1992), the arguments by Daly (1977) and GeorgescuRoegen (1971) are more compelling. On the negative side of this question is Simon (1979:26–30, 1981, 1986). Clear, concise expositions for the two sides, written for the lay reader, are Georgescu-Roegen (1971b) and Simon (1981a:33–41).
On ways to measure economic welfare that include environmental degradation and resource depletion, see World Bank (2003i:15–17), Daly, Cobb, and Cobb (1994), and Cobb, Glickman, and Cheslog (2001).
William Nordhaus and the Nobel laureate James Tobin (1972) were pioneers in proposing an indicator, Measure of Economic Welfare (MEW), that was a forerunner of GPI. MEW is GNP minus pollution and intermediate goods such as national security plus consumption of leisure and household production and other nonmarket activity.

PART FOUR. THE MACROECONOMICS AND INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS OF DEVELOPMENT
14Monetary, Fiscal, and Incomes Policy and Inflation
Monetary policy affects the supply of money (basically currency plus commercial bank demand deposits) and the rate of interest. Fiscal policy includes the rate of taxation and level of government spending. Incomes policy consists of anti-inflation measures that depend on income and price limitations, such as moderated wage increases.
The DC governments use monetary and fiscal policies to achieve goals for output and employment growth and price stability. Thus, during a recession, with slow or negative growth, high unemployment, and surplus capital capacity, these governments reduce interest rates, expand bank credit, decrease tax rates, and increase government spending to expand aggregate spending and accelerate growth. By contrast, DC governments are likely to respond to a high rate of inflation (general price increase) with increased interest rates, a contraction of bank credit, higher tax rates, decreased government expenditures, and perhaps even wage–price controls in order to reduce total spending.
The DCs often do not attain their macroeconomic goals because of ineffective monetary and fiscal tools, political pressures, or contradictory goals. Thus, we have the quandary during stagflation or inflationary recession (a frequent economic malady in the West during the 1970s and 1980s) of whether to increase aggregate spending to eliminate the recession or decrease spending to reduce inflation.
Countries may use incomes policy – wage and price guidelines, controls, or indexation, and exchange-rate fixing in the short run and stabilization in the medium-run – with moderate inflation (positive inflation, say, no more than 100 percent annually) and high inflation (for example, more than 5.9 percent monthly or 100-percent yearly price increase), as in Nicaragua, Peru, and Bolivia (1980–92), Argentina (1980–91), Brazil (1980–93), Poland (1982, 1990), Mexico (1983, 1986, 1994), Russia (1992– 94, 1998), Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Romania, and Bulgaria (the early 1990s), and Angola and Democratic Republic of Congo (the 1990s, a period of war and political instability). According to Rudiger Dornbusch (1993:1, 13–29), hyperinflation, which occurred in postwar Germany, Austria, Hungary, Russia, and Poland in the early 1920s; postwar China, Greece, and Hungary in the midto late 1940s; and Yugoslavia (the late 1980s and early 1990s), Russia (1992–93), and Brazil (1992–93), corresponds roughly to an inflation of 20 percent monthly or 792 percent annually (Sachs and Larrain B 1993:729–39).
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