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- •9. Fundamentals of English Lexicography:
- •§ 1. Definition. Links with
- •§ 2. Two Approaches to Language Study
- •§ 3. Lexicology and Sociolinguistics
- •§ 4. Lexical Units
- •§ 6. Course of Modern English
- •§ 2. Meaning in the Referential Approach
- •§ 3. Functional Approach to Meaning
- •§ 4. Relation between the Two Approaches
- •§ 5. Grammatical Meaning
- •§ 6. Lexical Meaning
- •§ 7. Parf-of-Speech Meaning
- •§ 8. Denotational and Connotational Meaning
- •§ 9. Emotive Charge
- •§ 10. Sfylistic Reference
- •§ 11. Emotive Charge and Stylistic Reference
- •§ 12. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 13. Lexical Meaning
- •§ 14. Functional (Parf-of-Speech) Meaning
- •§ 15. Differential Meaning
- •§ 16. Distributional Meaning
- •§ 17. Morphological Motivation
- •§ 18. Phonetical Motivation
- •§ 19. Semantic Motivation
- •§ 20. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 21. Causes of Semantic Change
- •§ 22. Nature of Semantic Change
- •§ 23. Results of Semantic Change
- •§ 24. Interrelation of
- •§ 25. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 26. Semantic Structure of Polysemantic Words
- •§ 27. Diachronic Approach
- •§ 28. Synchronic. Approach
- •§ 29. Historical
- •§ 30. Polysemy
- •§ 31. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 32. Homonymy of Words and Homonymy of Word-Forms
- •§ 33. Classification of Homonyms
- •§ 34. Some Peculiarities of Lexico-Grammatical Homonymy
- •§ 35. Graphic and Sound-Form of Homonyms
- •§ 36. Sources of Homonymy
- •§ 37. Polysemy and Homonymy:
- •§ 38. Formal Criteria: Distribution and Spelling
- •§ 39. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 40. Polysemy and Context
- •§ 41. Lexical Context
- •§ 42. Grammatical Context
- •§ 43. Extra-Linguistic Context (Context of Situation)
- •§ 44. Common Contextual
- •§ 45. Conceptual (or Semantic) Fields
- •§ 46. Hyponymic (Hierarchical) Structures and Lexico-Semantic Groups
- •§ 47. Semantic Equivalence and Synonymy
- •§ 49. Patterns of Synonymic Sets in Modern English
- •§ 50. Semantic Contrasts and Antonymy
- •§ 51. Semantic Similarity
- •§ 52. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 1. Lexical Valency (Collocability)
- •§ 2. Grammatical Valency
- •§ 3. Distribution as the Criterion of Classification
- •§ 4. Lexical Meaning
- •§ 5. Structural Meaning
- •§ 6. Interrelation of Lexical
- •§ 7. Syntactic Structure
- •§ 8. Polysemantic and Monosemantic Patterns
- •§ 9. Motivation in Word-Groups
- •§ 10. Summary and Conclusions
- •§11. Free Word-Groups
- •§ 12. Criteria of Stability
- •§ 13. Classification
- •§ 14. Some Debatable Points
- •§ 15. Criterion of Function
- •§ 16. Phraseological Units and Idioms Proper
- •§ 17. Some Debatable Points
- •§ 18. Criterion of Context
- •§ 19. Some Debatable Points
- •§ 20. Phraseology as a Subsystem of Language
- •§ 21. Some Problems of the Diachronic Approach
- •§ 22. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 1. Segmentation of Words into Morphemes
- •§ 2. Principles of Morphemic
- •§ 3. Classification of Morphemes
- •§ 4. Procedure of Morphemic Analysis
- •§ 5. Morphemic Types of Words
- •§ 6. Derivative Structure
- •§ 7. Derivative Relations
- •§ 8. Derivational Bases
- •§ 9. Derivational Affixes
- •§ 10. Semi-Affixes
- •§ 11. Derivational Patterns
- •§ 12. Derivational Types of Words
- •§ 13. Historical Changeability of Word-Structure
- •§ 14. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 1. Various Types and Ways of Forming Words
- •§ 2. Word-Formation.
- •§ 3. Word-Formation as the Subject of Study
- •§ 4. Productivity of Word-Formation Means
- •§ 5. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 6. Definition. Degree
- •§ 7. Prefixation. Some Debatable Problems
- •§ 8. Classification of Prefixes
- •§ 9. Suffixation. Peculiarities of Some Suffixes
- •§ 10. Main Principles of Classification
- •§ 11. Polysemy and Homonymy
- •§ 12. Synonymy
- •§ 13. Productivity
- •§ 14. Origin of Derivational Affixes
- •§ 15. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 16. Definition
- •§ 17. Synchronic Approach
- •§ 18. Typical Semantic Relations
- •I. Verbs converted from nouns (denominal verbs).
- •II. Nouns converted from verbs (deverbal substantives).
- •§ 19. Basic Criteria of Semantic Derivation
- •§ 20. Diachronic Approach of Conversion. Origin
- •§ 21. Productivity.
- •§ 22. Conversion and Sound-(stress-) Interchange
- •1) Breath — to breathe
- •§ 23. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 24. Compounding
- •§ 25. Structure
- •§ 26. Meaning
- •§ 27. Structural Meaning of the Pattern
- •§ 28. The Meaning of Compounds. Motivation
- •§ 29. Classification
- •§ 30. Relations between the iCs of Compounds
- •§31. Different Parts of Speech
- •§ 32. Means of Composition
- •§ 33. Types of Bases
- •§ 34. Correlation between Compounds and Free Phrases
- •§ 35. Correlation Types of Compounds.
- •§ 36. Sources of Compounds
- •§ 37. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 1. Some Basic Assumptions
- •§ 2. Semantic Characteristics and Collocability
- •§ 3. Derivational Potential
- •§ 4. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 5. Causes and Ways of Borrowing
- •§ 6. Criteria of Borrowings
- •§ 7. Assimilation of Borrowings
- •§ 8. Phonetic, Grammatical
- •§ 9. Degree of Assimilation and Factors Determining It
- •§ 10. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 11. The Role of Native and Borrowed Elements
- •§ 12. Influence of Borrowings
- •§ 13. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 1. Notional and Form-Words
- •§ 2. Frequency, Polysemy and Structure
- •§ 3. Frequency and Stylistic Reference
- •§ 4. Frequency, Polysemy and Etymology
- •§ 5. Frequency and Semantic Structure
- •§ 6. Development of Vocabulary
- •§ 7. Structural and Semantic
- •§ 8. Productive Word-Formation
- •§ 9. Various Ways of Word-Creation
- •§ 10. Borrowing
- •§ 11. Semantic Extension
- •§ 12. Some Debatable Problems of Lexicology
- •§ 13. Intrinsic Heterogeneity of Modern English
- •§ 14. Number of Vocabulary
- •§ 15. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 1. General Characteristics
- •§ 2. Lexical Differences of Territorial Variants
- •§ 3. Some Points of History
- •§ 4. Local Dialects in the British Isles
- •§ 5. The Relationship Between
- •§ 6. Local Dialects in the usa
- •§ 7. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 1. Encyclopaedic and Linguistic Dictionaries
- •§ 2. Classification of Linguistic Dictionaries
- •§ 3. Explanatory Dictionaries
- •§ 4. Translation Dictionaries
- •§ 5. Specialised Dictionaries
- •§ 6. The Selection
- •§ 7. Arrangement of Entries
- •§ 8. Selection and Arrangement of Meanings
- •§ 9. Definition of Meanings
- •§ 10. Illustrative Examples
- •§ 11. Choice of Adequate Equivalents
- •§ 12. Setting of the Entry
- •§ 13. Structure of the Dictionary
- •§ 14. Main Characteristic
- •§ 15. Classification of Learner’s Dictionaries
- •§ 16. Selection of Entry Words
- •§ 17. Presentation of Meanings
- •§ 18. Setting of the Entry
- •§ 19. Summary and Conclusions
- •§ 1. Contrastive Analysis
- •§ 2. Statistical Analysis
- •§ 3. Immediate Constituents Analysis
- •§ 4. Distributional Analysis and Co-occurrence
- •§ 5. Transformational Analysis
- •§ 6. Componental Analysis
- •§ 7. Method of Semantic Differential
- •§ 8. Summary and Conclusions
- •I. Introduction
§ 2. Lexical Differences of Territorial Variants
Speaking about the lexical distinctions between the territorial variants of the English language it is necessary to point out that from the point of view of their modern currency in different parts of the English-speaking world all lexical units may be divided into general English, those common to all the variants and locally-marked, those specific to present-day usage in one of the variants and not found in the others (i.e. Briticisms, Americanisms, Australianisms, Canadianisms,1 etc.).
When speaking about the territorial differences of the English language philologists and lexicographers usually note the fact that different variants of English use different words for the same objects. Thus in describing the lexical differences between the British and American variants they provide long lists of word pairs like
BE AE
flat - apartment
underground subway
lorry truck
pavement sidewalk
post mail
tin-opener can-opener
government administration
leader editorial
teaching staff faculty
From such lists one may infer that the words in the left column are the equivalents of those given in the right column and used on the other side of the Atlantic. But the matter is not as simple as that.
These pairs present quite different cases.
It is only in some rare cases like tin-opener — can-opener or fishmonger — fish-dealer that the members of such pairs are semantically equivalent.
In pairs like government — administration, leader — editorial only one lexical semantic variant of one of the members is locally-marked. Thus
1 The terms Americanisms, Australianisms, and the like met with in literature and dictionaries are also often used to denote lexical units that originated in the USA, Australia, etc. These are homonymous terms, therefore in dealing with linguistic literature the reader must be constantly alert to keep them separate. As synchronically the origin of the lexical units is irrelevant to the understanding of the relations between different varieties of the present-day English, we shall adhere to the use of the terms as stated above.
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in the first pair the lexical semantic variant of administration — ‘the executive officials of a government’ is an Americanism, in the second pair the word leader in the meaning of ‘leading article in a newspaper’ is a Briticism.
In some cases a notion may have two synonymous designations used on both sides of the Atlantic ocean, but one of them is more frequent in Britain, the other — in the USA. Thus in the pairs post — mail, timetable — shedule, notice — bulletin the first word is more frequent in Britain, the second — in America. So the difference “here lies only in word-frequency.
Most locally-marked lexical units belong to partial Briticisms, Americanisms, etc., that is they are typical of this or that variant only in one or some of their meanings. Within the semantic structure of such words one may often find meanings belonging to general English, Americanisms and Briticisms, e.g., in the word pavement, the meaning ’street or road covered with stone, asphalt, concrete, etc’ is an Americanism, the meaning ‘paved path for pedestrians at the side of the road’ is a Briticism (the corresponding American expression is sidewalk), the other two meanings ‘the covering of the floor made of flat blocks of wood, stone, etc’ and ’soil’ (geol.) are general English. Very often the meanings that belong to general English are common and neutral, central, direct, while the Americanisms are colloquial, marginal and figurative, e.g. shoulder — general English — ‘the joint connecting the arm or forelimb with the body’, Americanism — ‘either edge of a road or highway’.
There are also some full Briticisms, Americanisms, etc., i.e. lexical units specific to the British, American, etc. variant in all their meanings. For example, the words fortnight, pillar-box are full Briticisms, campus, mailboy are full Americanisms, outback, backblocks are full Australianisms.
These may be subdivided into lexical units denoting some realia that have no counterparts elsewhere (such as the Americanism junior high school) and those denoting phenomena observable in other English-speaking countries but expressed there in a different way (e.g. campus is defined in British dictionaries as ‘grounds of a school or college’).
The number of lexical units denoting some “realia having no counterparts in the other English-speaking countries is considerable in each variant. To these we may refer, for example, lexical units pertaining to such spheres of life as flora and fauna (e.g. AuE kangaroo, kaola, dingo, gum-tree), names of schools of learning (e.g. junior high school and senior high school in AE or composite high school in CnE), names of things of everyday life, often connected with peculiar national conditions, traditions and customs (e.g. AuE boomerang, AE drug-store, CnE float-house). But it is not the lexical units of this kind that can be considered distinguishing features of this or that variant. As the lexical units are the only means of expressing the notions in question in the English language some of them have become common property of the entire English-speaking community (as, e.g., drug-store, lightning rod, super-market, baby-sitter that extended from AE, or the hockey terms that originated
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in Canada (body-check, red-line, puck-carrier, etc.); others have even become international (as the former Americanisms motel, lynch, abolitionist, radio, cybernetics, telephone, anesthesia, or the former Australianisms dingo, kangaroo and cockatoo).
The numerous locally-marked slangisms, professionalisms and dialectisms cannot be considered distinguishing features either, since they do not belong to the literary language.
Less obvious, yet not less important, are the regional differences of another kind, the so-called derivational variants of words, having the same root and identical in lexical meaning though differing in derivational affixes (e.g. BE acclimate — AE acclimatize, BE aluminium — AE aluminum).
Sometimes the derivational variation embraces several words of the same word-cluster. Compare, for example, the derivatives of race (division of mankind) in British and American English:
BE racial/racialist a, racialist n, racialism n
AE racist a, racist n, racialism/racism n
When speaking about the territorial lexical divergences it is not sufficient to bring into comparison separate words, it is necessary to compare lexico-semantic groups of words or synonymic sets, to study the relations within these groups and sets, because on the one hand a different number of members in a lexico-semantic group is connected with a different semantic structure of its members, on the other hand even insignificant modifications in the semantic structure of a word bring about tangible reshuffle in the structure of the lexico-semantic group to which the word belongs.
For example, the British and Australian variants have different sets of words denoting inland areas: only inland is common to both, besides BE has interior, remote, etc., AuE has bush, outback, backblocks, back of beyond, back of Bourke and many others.
Accordingly, the semantic structure of the word bush and its position in the two variants are altogether different: in BE it has one central meaning (’shrub’) and several derived ones, some of which are now obsolete, in AuE it has two semantic centres (‘wood’ and ‘inland areas’) that embrace five main and four derived meanings.
Lexical peculiarities in different parts of the English-speaking world are not only those in vocabulary, to be disposed of in an alphabetical list, they also concern the very fashion of using words. For instance, the grammatical valency of the verb to push is much narrower in AuE, than in BE and AE (e.g. in this variant it is not used in the patterns VVen, NVen, NVing, NprpVing. Some patterns of the verb are typical only of one variant (e.g. NVen and NprpVinf — of BE, NV and NVing — of AE). There are also some features of dissimilarity in the word’s lexical valency, e.g. a specifically British peculiarity observed in newspaper style is the ability of the verb to be used in combination with nouns denoting price or quality (to push up prices, rents, etc.).
As to word-formation in different variants, the word-building means employed are the same and most of them are equally productive. The difference lies only in the varying degree of productivity of some of them
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in this or that variant. As compared with the British variant, for example, in the American variant the affixes -ette, -ее, super-, as in kitchenette, draftee, super-market, are used more extensively; the same is true of conversion and blending (as in walk-out — ‘workers’ strike’ from (to) walk out; (to) major — ’specialise in a subject or field of study’ from the adjective major; motel from motor + hotel, etc.). In the Australian variant the suffixes -ie/-y and -ее, as well as abbreviations are more productive than in BE.
Thus, the lexical distinctions between different variants of English are intricate and varied, but they do not make a system. For the most part they are partial divergences in the semantic structure and usage of some words.