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THE GREAT WAR
ning a battle to lose a war, and this is exactly what they had accomplished. An expensive and barren success had been achieved by
a lavish use of their reserves, and on the day when those reserves
were vitally needed, they had been wastefully strewn over the plains
of the Somme and of Flanders. Never had the British Army been
more severely tried than at this time when their General issued his
famous “back to the wall” appeal, and never had the individual soldier risen to a greater height. “The British Army,” says an Italian observer who was present throughout the crisis, “impresses one with
its inherent moral soundness. The German,” he adds, “uses almost
exclusively machine-guns and bombs, but the Englishman loves his
rifl e, and knows much better how to use it. He is a better marksman,
he is more contemptuous of danger, and he is calmer, steadier, and
feels himself individually superior to his enemy. The cheerfulness
of the men is due in great measure to the noble, dignifi ed, serene
example of their offi cers, so simple in their gentlemanly bearing, so
conscious of the reasons and the end of the war, so proud of their
country and of its unshakeable prestige.” It is a noble tribute, but
none who know the men could say that it was a strained one.
No account of the battle of the Lys can close without a word as
to the splendid work done by General Plumer, never wearied, never
fl urried, during those fateful days. Hardly less arduous was the experience of General Horne in the southern sector. The three corps
commanders, too, who bore the brunt and very especially General
de Lisle, who only took over his command on the second day of the
battle, will always be associated with one of the most desperate incidents of the war. But above and behind all is the commanding and
heroic fi gure of Douglas Haig, impassive, serene, still working as he
had worked four years before, at the mending of broken lines and
the bracing of weak ones, until the hour should strike for his tremendous revenge.

XI.
THE BATTLESOF THE CHEMIN
DES DAMESAND
OF THE ARDRES
May 27 to June 2
The rest cure of the Aisne – Attack upon the Fiftieth Division –
Upon the Twenty-fi rst – Fifth Battery R.F.A. – Glorious Devons –
Adventure of General Rees – Retreat across the Aisne – Over the
Vesle – Arrival of Nineteenth Division – Desperate fi ghting – Success of 4th Shropshires – General Pelle’s tribute – General prospect
of the Allies midway through 1918
IT had been determined to rest four of the crippled British divisions which had been heavily engaged fi rst on the Somme and then
in the battle of the Lys. These divisions were the Twenty-fi fth (Bainbridge), Twenty-fi rst (Campbell), Eighth (Heneker), and Fiftieth
(Jackson), all forming the Ninth Corps (Hamilton-Gordon). Each of
them had been cut to pieces twice in the course of little more than
a month, and should by every pre-war precept have been incapable
of exertion for a long time to come. They were reconstituted with
numbers of recruits under fresh offi cers, both leaders and men with
slight experience of actual warfare. They were then sent, via the outskirts of Paris, the direct route being under fi re from the German
guns in front of Amiens, and they were thrust into the French line
just north of the Aisne in the region of the Chemin des Dames. The
272

THE GREAT WAR
intention was to give them repose, but the change was looked upon
with misgiving by the divisional generals, one of whom wrote to the
present chronicler at the time saying, “They think it will be a rest
cure, but to my mind it is more likely to be a fresh centre of storm.
As a matter of fact the Germans, who had now made two colossal
thrusts, the one on March 21 on the Somme, the other at the Lys on
April 9, were planning a third desperate attack at this very point. The
competent military historian of the future with all the records before
him will no doubt be able to pronounce how far it was wise for the
German high command to leave two unfi nished tasks in order to undertake a third one. On the face of it, it seemed an unlikely thing to
do, and that perhaps is why they did it. The line at this position had
few natural advantages and was not strongly held. In the opinion of
British generals it would have been wise if it could have been drawn
south of the Aisne, since a broad river is a good friend in one’s front,
but a treacherous enemy in one’s rear. There were reasons, however,
why it was not easy for the French to abandon the north bank, for
they had spent much time, labour, and human life in capturing Craonne, the California Plateau, and other positions within that area,
and it was a dreadful thing to give them up unless they were beaten
out of them. They held on, therefore – and the British divisions, now
acting as part of the French army, were compelled to hold on as well.
The Fiftieth Northern Territorial Division had a frontage of 7000
yards from near Craonne to Ville-aux-Bois, including the famous
California Plateau; on their immediate right was the Regular Eighth
Division, and to the right of that in the Berry-au-Bac sector, where
the lines cross the Aisne, was the Twenty-fi rst Division, this British contingent forming the Ninth Corps, and having French troops
upon either side of them. The Twenty-fi fth Division was in reserve
at Fismes to the south of the river. The total attack from Crecy-au-
273

ARTHUR CONAN DOYLE
Mont to Berry was about thirty miles, a quarter of which – the eastern quarter – was held by the British.
Confi ning our attention to the experience of the British troops,
which is the theme of these volumes, we shall take the northern unit
and follow its fortunes on the fi rst day with some detail, remarking
in advance that the diffi culties and the results were much the same
in. the case of each of the three front divisions, so that a fuller account of one may justify a more condensed one of the others. The
position along the whole line consisted of rolling grass plains where
the white gashes in the chalk showed out the systems of defence.
The Germans, on the other hand, were shrouded to some extent in
woodland, which aided them in the concentration of their troops.
The defences of the British were of course inherited, not made, but
possessed some elements of strength, especially in the profusion of
the barbed wire. On the other hand, there were more trenches than
could possibly be occupied, which is a serious danger when the enemy comes to close grips. The main position ran about 5000 yards
north of the Aisne, and was divided into an outpost line, a main line
of battle, and a weak system of supports. The artillery was not strong,
consisting of the divisional guns with some backing of French 75’s
and heavies.
The Fiftieth Division, like the others, had all three brigades in
the line. To the north the 150th Brigade (Rees) defended Craonne
and the slab-sided California Plateau. On their right, stretching
across a fl at treeless plain, lay the 151st Brigade (Martin). To the
right of them again was the 149th Brigade (Riddell), which joined
on near Ville-aux-Bois to the 24th Brigade (Grogan) of the Eighth
Division. It may give some idea of the severity with which the storm
broke upon the Fiftieth Division, when it is stated that of the three
brigadiers mentioned one was killed, one was desperately wound-
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THE GREAT WAR
ed, and a third was taken before ten o’clock on the fi rst morning of
the attack.
The German onslaught, though very cleverly carried out, was
not a complete surprise, for the experienced soldiers in the British lines, having already had two experiences of the new methods,
saw many danger signals in the week before the battle. There was
abnormal aircraft activity, abnormal efforts also to blind our own
air service, occasional registering of guns upon wire, and suspicious
movements on the roads. Finally with the capture of prisoners in
a raid the suspicions became certainties, especially when on the
evening of May 26 the Germans were seen pouring down to their
front lines. No help arrived, however, for none seems to have been
immediately available. The thin line faced its doom with a courage
which was already tinged with despair. Each British brigade brought
its reserve battalion to the north bank of the Aisne, and each front
division had the call upon one brigade of the Twenty-fi fth Division.
Otherwise no help was in sight.
The bombardment began early in the morning of May 27, and
was said by the British veterans to be the heaviest of the war. Such
an opinion meant something, coming from such men. The whole
area from Soissons to Rheims was soaked with gas and shattered
with high explosives, so that masks had to be worn ten kilometres
behind the lines. A German offi cer declared that 6000 guns were
employed. Life was absolutely impossible in large areas. The wire
was blown to shreds, and the trenches levelled. The men stuck it,
however, with great fortitude, and the counter-barrage was suffi ciently good to hold up the early attempts at an infantry advance.
The experiences of the 149th Infantry Brigade may be taken as
typical. The front battalion was the 4th Northumberland Fusiliers
under Colonel Gibson. Twice the enemy was driven back in his attempt to cross the shattered wire. At 4 A.M. he won his way into the
275

ARTHUR CONAN DOYLE
line of outposts, and by 4:30 was heavily pressing the battle line. His
tactics were good, his courage high, and his numbers great. The 6th
Northumberland Fusiliers, under Colonel Temperley, held the
main line, and with the remains of the 4th made a heroic resistance.
At this hour the Germans had reached the main lines both of the
151st Brigade on the left and of the 24th on the right. About fi ve
o’clock the German tanks were reported to have got through on the
front of the Eighth Division and to be working round the rear of
the 149th Brigade. Once again we were destined to suffer from the
terror which we had ourselves evolved. The main line was now in
great confusion and breaking fast. The 5th Northumberland Fusiliers were pushed up as the last reserve. There was deep shadow everywhere save on the California Plateau, where General Rees, with
his three Yorkshire battalions, had repulsed repeated assaults. The
French line had gone upon his left, however, and the tanks, with
German infantry behind them, had swarmed round to his rear, so
that in the end he and his men were all either casualties or captives.
Colonel Gibson meanwhile had held on most tenaciously with
a nucleus of his Fusiliers at a post called Centre Marceau. The telephone was still intact, and he notifi ed at 5:45 that he was surrounded. He beat off a succession of attacks with heavy loss to the stormers,
while Temperley was also putting up a hopeless but desperate fi ght.
Every man available was pushed up to their help, and they were
ordered to hold on. A senior offi cer reporting from Brigade Headquarters says: “I could hear Gibson’s brave, fi rm voice say in reply
to my injunctions to fi ght it out, ‘Very good, sir. Good-bye!’” Shortly
afterwards this gallant man was shot through the head while cheering his men to a fi nal effort.
The experience of the Durhams of the 151st had been exactly
the same as that of the Northumberlands of the 149th. Now the
enemy were almost up to the last line. The two brigadiers, Gener-
276

THE GREAT WAR
als Martin and Riddell, together with Major Tweedy of the reserve
battalion, rushed out to organise a local defence, drawing in a few
scattered platoons for the purpose. As they did so they could see
the grey fi gures of the Germans all round them. It was now past
six o’clock, and a clear, sunny morning. As these offi cers ran forward, a shell burst over them, and General Martin fell dead, while
Riddell received a terrible wound in the face. In spite of this, he
most heroically continued to rally the men and form a centre of
resistance so as to cover Pontavert as long as possible. The 5th Northumberland Fusiliers with a splendid counter-attack had regained
the position of Centre d’Evreux, and for the moment the pressure
was relieved. It was clear, however, both to General Jackson and to
General Heneker that both fl anks were exposed, and that their general position was an acute salient far ahead of the Allied line. The
Twenty-fi rst Division was less affected, since it already lay astride of
the river, but the French line on the left was back before mid-day as
far as Fismes, so that it was absolutely necessary if a man were to be
saved to get the remains of the two British divisions across the Aisne
at once. Pontavert, with its bridges over river and canal, was in the
hands of the Germans about 7 A.M., but the bridge-heads at Concevreux and other places were fi rmly held, and as the men got across,
sometimes as small organised units, sometimes as a drove of stragglers, they were rallied and lined up on the south bank. The fi eldguns had all been lost but the heavies and machine-guns were still
available to hold the new line. Some of the 5th Northumberland Fusiliers were entirely cut off, but fought their way through the Germans, and eventually under Major Leatheart reported themselves at
the bridges. So rapid had been the hostile advance that the dressingstations were captured, and many of our doctors and wounded fell
into the hands of the Germans to endure the hard fate which these
savages so often reserved for the brave but helpless men who fell
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ARTHUR CONAN DOYLE
into their power. It is a terrible fact which should not be forgotten,
that among these torturers the nurses and the doctors held in many
cases a prominent position. The 150th Brigade, under General Rees,
which was defending the Craonne position, had endured an even
heavier ordeal than the others. It was. on the extreme left of the
British line, on the right of the French 118th Regiment. This latter
seems to have been entirely destroyed or taken early in the attack.
The British brigade lay in front of Craonne upon the edge of
the California Plateau, with the 5th Yorks on the right and the 4th
East Yorks on the left. The 4th Yorks were in brigade reserve in
Craonelle, immediately behind the fi ghting line. The Germans got
through the French on the left, also through a gap down the Corbeny railroad on the right of the 150th and left of the 151st Brigade.
Colonel Thomson of the 5th Yorks, a very brave and experienced
soldier who was said by those who knew him best to be worth half
a battalion in his own person upon the day of battle, was in charge on
the right, and hung on with tooth and claw to every inch of ground,
but his little force, already greatly weakened by the cannonade, was
unable to resist the terrible onslaught of the German infantry. Two
counter-attacks were attempted by reserve companies, but each was
swept away. The Germans were on the fl ank in Craonne and enfi laded the line with a machine-gun. Colonel Thomson’s last words over
the telephone to Headquarters were, “Good-bye, General, I’m afraid
I shall not see you again.” He was killed shortly afterwards. Major
Haslett of the East Yorks made an equally desperate resistance on the
other fl ank, and fi nally he and a wounded sergeant-major were captured with their empty pistols in their hands. Meanwhile the Brigade
Headquarters at La Hutte were practically surrounded and under
a terrible fi re. General Kees endeavoured to get into touch with his
only remaining battalion, the 4th Yorks, but they had already been
overrun by the enemy. Colonel Kent, with sixteen men, had thrown
278

THE GREAT WAR
himself into a house in Craonelle, and had fought until the whole
party were killed or wounded. The enemy was now several miles to
the rear of the few survivors of the 150th Brigade, who endeavoured
to make their way back as best they might. It gives some idea of how
completely they were cut off that General Rees, after many adventures and escapes, was fi nally stopped and taken by encountering the
main line of the German traffi c coming down the road which he had
to cross. This was late in the day of May 27, when the enemy was
well across the Aisne. It may be of interest to add that General Rees
was taken before the Kaiser next morning, whom he found upon the
California Plateau. The emperor behaved with courtesy to his prisoner, though he could not refrain from delivering a monologue of
the usual type upon the causes of the war and the iniquity of Great
Britain in fulfi lling her treaty obligations. Some account must now
be given of the experiences of Heneker’s Eighth Division which occupied the centre of the British line. This division, like the others,
had been sent to the Aisne for a rest cure after its terrifi c exertions
upon the Somme. Full of raw soldiers and inexperienced offi cers it
would have seemed to be entirely unfi t for battle, but it had the two
solid assets of experienced leading in the senior offi cers and great
regimental traditions, that ever present stand-by of the British Army.
Young as were the troops they took General Heneker’s orders literally when he issued the command that the posts were to be held at
all costs, and, as a consequence. hardly a single battalion existed as
a fi ghting unit after the engagement.
The British fi eld-batteries were mostly to the north the river,
and were greatly damaged by the preliminary German fi re. They
were accurately located by the enemy, and were smothered in poison and steel. So were the Gernicourt defences, which formed an
important tactical position with a permanent garrison on the right
of the division. All three brigades were in the line, the 25th on the
279

ARTHUR CONAN DOYLE
right, the 24th in the centre, and the 23rd on the left. The outpost
line was utterly overwhelmed in the fi rst rush, the experience being much the same as on March 21, for each small body of men
found itself isolated, and could only do its best to hold its own patch
of ground. Thus at 5:15 A.M. a pigeon message was sent, “H.Q. 2nd
Berks, consisting of Colonel Griffi n, Captain Clare, and staff, are
surrounded. Germans threw bombs down dug-out and passed on.
Appeared to approach from right rear in considerable strength. No
idea what has happened elsewhere. Holding on in hopes of relief.”
Their position was typical of many similar groups along the front,
marooned in the fog, and soon buried in the heart of the advancing
German army. The right of the 25th Brigade had been thrust back,
but on the left the 2nd Berkshires made a desperate resistance. The
whole front was intersected by a maze of abandoned trenches, and
it was along these that the enemy, shrouded in the mist, fi rst gained
their fatal footing upon the fl ank. The 2nd East Lancashires were
brought up in support, and a determined resistance was made by the
whole brigade within the main zone of battle. The German tanks
were up, however, and they proved as formidable in their hands as
they have often done in our own. Their construction was cumbrous
and their pace slow, but they were heavily armed and very dangerous when once in action. Eight of them, however, were destroyed by
the French anti-tank artillery. At 6:30 the 25th Brigade, in shattered
remnants, was back on the river at Gernicourt.
The attack on this front was developing from the right, so that
it came upon the 24th Brigade an hour later than upon its eastern
neighbour. The 2nd Northamptons were in front, and they were
driven in, but rallied on the battle zone and made a very fi ne fi ght,
until the German turning movement from the south-east, which
crossed the Miette south of the battle zone, took the line in fl ank and
rear. In the end hardly a man of the two battalions engaged got away,
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