ABSTRACT

espoused by Graham’s great-grandmother have been heard by many young Black adolescents for generations. Though continuously reinforced throughout life via the media, most Blacks are somewhat acculturated, from a very young age to believe in the notion that he or she is, or at the very least will be, better off if they are light-skinned. Although this phenomenon is incredibly prevalent and powerful, this incessant focus on skin color among and within the Black race is very rarely discussed. Most people know about its presence, most people see how it is reinforced in advertisements, television, movies, even politics; yet, very little focus is given to the topic. Instead, the notion and pervasiveness of colorism is basically overlooked as all attention is given to the prevalence of general racism (most usually viewed as a Black vs. White issue) in America.

Given the longstanding history of the relationship between Blacks and Whites in America, it should not be terribly surprising that race relations in the U.S. of this dichotomous manner are most discussed. Ultimately in these conversations, each race is generalized and homogenized into one grouping (Celious & Oyserman, 2001). Even racial identity theories follow this same inexplicit categorization, where race is viewed as a simple binary relationship between Blacks and Whites, and any potential diversity within each race is simply ignored or overlooked. While race is a social construction, and while these theories are accurate in their assumption that similarities do exist within racial groups (Celious & Oyserman, 2001); it is important to note that there is the potential for differences to exist within races. Blacks may have very different life experiences depending on their gender, socioeconomic status, and (the focus of this commentary) skin color—all of these demographic elements potentially play a significant role in the life they may lead, in addition to the treatment they may receive from others.

Black Americans may very well live in the same society, but their life experiences may vary greatly depending on whether or not one is light or dark-skinned. Edwards (1973) claims that of the many characteristics people of America are divided into, none has greater significance than one’s skin color. Skin color remains divisive in America, and in most other western cultures, because whiteness and blackness are (and have always been) in binary opposition to one another. Whiteness is most often associated with beauty, purity, and graciousness, while blackness symbolizes ugliness, evilness, and incivility (Hunter, 2002). These contradicting views of what “black” and “white” represent are extremely powerful and have even been extended into the symbolic differences between “dark” and “light,” respectively. In other words, the dichotomy between Blacks and Whites really expands into a stratification system within the Black race itself, where light-skinned Blacks take on the aforementioned characteristics associated with Whites, while dark-skinned Blacks are ascribed the negative characteristics commonly associated with blackness. It is therefore no surprise that research studies have found that lighter-skinned Blacks receive preferential treatment (particularly in the workplace) over their darker-skinned counterparts (Thompson & Keith, 2001; Harrison & Thomas, 2009).

Thus, as our title suggests, this commentary will focus on the need to closely examine the executive boards of corporate America. As more and more companies and corporations have affirmative action policies in place, or make claim to being equal opportunity employers, more and more people of color, Blacks in particular, are being hired and given certain seats around the boardroom table that they were never granted before. Given the power and prevalence of colorism in our society, however, we question exactly “how Black” are these Blacks who are granted access to these positions. Is it that more Blacks are now in corporate

Black women to have higher salaries than Black women with darker skin who have very similar résumés (Hunter, 2002). Furthermore, in a 2001 study focusing on Black women’s career satisfaction, researchers found that light-skinned Black women, who are deemed “less ethnic,” were more likely to be satisfied with their pay and opportunities for advancement than darker-skinned (“more ethnic”) Black females (Catalyst). In a more recent study focusing on the effects of skin color on job selection, researchers found that a Black man with lighter skin, a bachelor’s degree, and typical work experience was preferred for positions over a darker skinned Black man with an MBA degree and more extensive managerial experience. Additionally, in the same study, when education and past experience were similar, lighter skinned Black women were preferred for positions over darker skinned Black women (Harrison & Thomas, 2009). Thus, research has shown that skin color not only affects our experiences in social situations, but also in the workplace where one’s skin color can have detrimental effects on career progression and overall experience.

Since attractiveness correlates with people’s perceptions of ability, and lighter skin tone is somewhat viewed as being more attractive in American culture, it is no wonder that for African Americans, skin color may play an important part in moving up the corporate ladder. To investigate this concept further, in the February 2009 issue of Black Enterprise magazine, which is a long standing minority business publication, the cover story highlighted the top 100 most powerful Black executives in corporate America. Out of the 100 executives listed, the majority of top executives had brown to lighter skin tones rather than darker skin tones. For the most part, both Black women and men had lighter variations of brown skin tones which suggest that in the “real world” where decisions matter, skin tone may subconsciously play a part in people’s perceptions of one’s ability to be a successful leader. For instance, when looking specifically at the CEO position, 7 out of the 9 Black CEOs had medium brown to light brown skin tones while only 2 had darker brown skin tones. In addition to skin tone, other characteristics such as hair styles were more Eurocentric than Afrocentric for most of the executives, with women wearing straighter hair styles and men wearing short cropped hair cuts rather than more ethnic options such as dreadlocks, afros, or braids styles. Therefore, research, along with current Black executives in corporate America, suggest that appearance specifically skin tone can potentially affect one’s move from the cubicle to the C class suite.

Although some may feel that we have moved past skin color when it comes to preferential treatment, a person’s skin tone may still subconsciously affect people’s perceptions of others. It is true that people may not solely rely on skin tone when it comes to preferred treatment regarding job selection and promotion, but one’s attractiveness level which is highly connected to skin complexion can subconsciously affect a hiring manager’s feelings towards a job incumbent. The idea that one’s color can either help or hinder one’s career progression is a viable discussion especially during times of severe economic turbulence where employers have the upper hand in the race for talent. Although it is true that education level and past experience is also taken into consideration when it comes to career advancement, color may still be a hidden factor in making decisions about selection. Certainly Black people with darker skin can still succeed in the workplace and lead extremely successful careers; however, it may prove to be more of a challenge compared to their lighter skin counterparts.