KARAKALPAK NATIONAL CUSTOMS

In conclusion, it should be said that the rituals associated with the birth and upbringing of children have undergone enormous transformations during the years of Soviet power, especially since 1924. In comparison with the traditional cycles of these rituals, family rituals associated with the birth and upbringing of children are completely different. Despite all this, some vestiges of the old way of life are still noticeable. To eradicate them, a comprehensive approach is needed - from the public, scientists, doctors, teachers, heads of institutions, etc. One of the effective means of combating the vestiges of archaic rituals from the past during the birth and upbringing of children is undoubtedly a large increase in medical and preschool children's institutions and the improvement of their activities. Another important means of combating the remnants of the religious past is the introduction of new all-Soviet rituals and customs, such as name days, ceremonial registration of the name of newborns, etc.

Matchmaking Uzakbaeva Sh.

This tradition is popular tradition in our culture. The intermediaries between the young man and the young woman: in the past, when choosing a bride, there was a zhenge - the wife of the girl's elder brother or the wife of a relative of the girl's father. According to traditional custom, a young man among the Karakalpaks could not immediately talk to the girl, much less declare his love to her. The existence of intermediaries - zhenge between the girl and the young man is an ancient custom, it is mentioned in the epic; it also existed among other peoples of Central Asia (Kazakhs, etc.). The meeting place for young people was usually otyryspa (gettogethers). Otyryspa is a tea party, where young people spend time in a cheerful competition for resourcefulness, wit and improvisation of an instant answer - in verse (zhua p, ay ty ys). Otyryspa was usually held in the house of zhenge (the elder brother - or relative of the girl); The participants of the otyryspa were divided into two sides, on the right side of the entrance to the yurt sat the girls, headed by the zhenge, who sat by the door, and on the left side of the entrance sat the young men, headed by the senior horseman (zhigitagasy). Seats at these gatherings were previously strictly distributed, taking into account the size and authority of the clan groups to which the young men belonged, and the girls' seats were taken by age, since in most cases the girls were from the same village and members of the same clan.

The division of the participants into two parts, namely women's and men's, and the fierce humorous disputes and competitions between them suggest the appearance of this custom in the relationships of young people during the transition from matrilocality to patrilocality. Now the otyryspa have changed significantly both in content and in form. For example, even the name of otyrysp has been forgotten lately, they are often called parties and are timed to coincide with holidays, name days, etc. At these parties, young people usually do not observe the traditional order of dividing places by gender and sex. Now, along with Karakalpaks, young men and women of many

other nationalities participate in parties. As noted above, a traditional Karakalpak wedding began with the selection of a bride. The parents of a young man, after he came of age, offered their son to choose a bride. They asked one of their experienced, authoritative male acquaintances to accompany their son and help him choose a bride, to be his "zhigitagas". So the young man, together with his friends, headed by the leader - zhigit agasy, went to look for a bride. When they found a girl everyone liked, the leader reported this to the young man's father. After this, the boy's parents gathered their close relatives, both on his father's and mother's side, as well as some neighbors. At this meeting (council—kenes), they discussed the property status and character of the chosen girl, her parents, and her closest relatives. If the council approved the boy's choice, then they immediately appointed matchmakers, who had to know in advance whether the parents of the chosen girl would consent to the marriage, and if the answer was positive, they

would determine the day of the official matchmaking (kuda tu su).

The matchmakers, having arrived at the bride's house, did not immediately talk about the purpose of their visit and conducted the conversation symbolically. For example, they began with the traditional form of greeting: "densaulykterenbaylyk" (health is the main wealth). They went on to say that it is the duty of every parent to arrange the lives of their children, i.e. to marry their daughters to good people and to have time to marry their sons; this is the main duty, the goal of life for all parents. Linking this idea with their visit (the purpose of their arrival), they cited the following proverb: "u lynyu yaga, kyzynky yagakondyry yudamushynbahyt", which translated into Russian means: "To marry a son, to give a daughter in marriage is the happiness of every person." As is known, similar customs of hints and allegories during matchmaking are found among many peoples and they have been explained, since ancient times, by the desire to hide the true meaning of the

act taking place from evil spirits and ill-wishers.

The bride's parents already understood the purpose of the matchmakers' arrival "zhaushi" during the conversation and gave an answer, while in an abstract form, but allowing one to understand whether they wanted to give their daughter in marriage or not. Having understood that the answer was basically positive, the

zhaushi openly asked the girl's parents about their consent to the marriage and asked to appoint a day for the official matchmaking "kudatu si y"; in case of refusal, the girl's parents did not directly state their disagreement, but referred to the girl's youth; in the old days, this "tactical form of refusal" was explained by the fact that the parents were afraid that the zhaushi((who……….) would curse the girl and evil spirits would harm her. In recent years, refusal is often motivated by the fact that the girl needs to finish her studies at a special educational institution or they say that she is already betrothed. For the official matchmaking, the Karakalpaks had to choose a certain day of the week, usually Wednesday. The matchmakers included relatives from the father's and mother's side, and this delegation was headed by one of the respected people of the village, an expert in folk customs, who had a sharp word. The number of matchmakers was always odd: 3-5-7, etc. The matchmakers brought with them dried apricots, jida, nabat (candy), tea, etc. All these products were intended for the residents of the bride's village "Kalynlyk". When the matchmakers arrived, the bride's fellow villagers demanded these gifts, the composition of which was not random.

As is known, various beliefs and rituals were associated with the fruits of fruit trees, designed to magically promote fertility. Apparently, the Karakalpaks, like many other peoples, have long noticed the exceptional abundance of fruits that trees such as jida, apricot, etc. bear, and endowed them with a special supernatural power of fertility, seeking to take advantage of it magically. According to U. Kusekeyev, the bride's side, having prepared for the reception of matchmakers after visiting the zhaushi, sent a person to the village who invited the matchmakers.

The celebration in the bride's house on the occasion of the reception of matchmakers among the Karakalpaks was called "oshaktoy". Having arrived at the girl's village, the matchmakers (kuda), without dismounting from their horses, demanded a kid for the arrangement of the horse game (ylak); in case of refusal, they sometimes went back. And if they were given a kid, they would pretend to start ylak (ylak is goat-tearing), but soon they would stop playing and bring the kid

to the bride's house, for which they were entitled to a ransom (a scarf, a sheepskin or calfskin, etc.). Then the guests (matchmakers) were placed in yurts. Sometimes the number of such yurts reached ten, and in each of them guests of approximately the same age were placed. From this we can conclude how large in number of participants and how ruinous the traditional form of matchmaking was, although we describe it in a form characteristic mainly of wealthy people. After the matchmakers' dinner, the ritual of "su ku y yar" (literally, pouring water on the matchmakers) began. This custom dates back to ancient times and was apparently associated with the cult of water and fertility. Another interesting aspect of this custom was the pronounced role of the territorial community (in this case, the inhabitants of the aul), the collective participation of each of its members in family events. The ritual of "su ku yar" (pouring water on the matchmakers) began with the gathering of girls, boys, and young women. Having gathered, they asked permission from the senior matchmakers "k u da" to begin the ceremony. Having received permission, the youth began to perform the ritual with the senior matchmakers - as noted, in each yurt the matchmakers were placed according to age. The ritual had some differences depending on the age of the matchmakers. A girl with water in a vessel (suu kabak (pumpkin)) would come to the senior matchmakers sitting in the first yurt and would start pouring water from the second person sitting to the right of the entrance; the girl would demand that he stand up, come closer to the threshold and squat down (zhuresi); he would be supported from both sides, and the girl would begin the ceremony of pouring water on the matchmaker; after this, the matchmaker would sit down in his place. When the girl poured water down the collar of the matchmaker’s shirt, her zhenge would hold the matchmaker’s collar so that the water would get on his body. After the ceremony, the matchmaker would say: “B a re k e l l a h a z e t i n !”, i.e. “Good, you enjoyed it!” Then another girl would come in and pour water on the next matchmaker in the same order. Then the third girl would come in and demand that the third matchmaker come out for the ceremony, who would raise his belt and ask to pour water on the belt, not on him. In this case, the girl did not pour water on him and the matchmaker sat down in his place. Then the fourth and fifth girls entered in

turn, who performed the ceremony of pouring water on the fourth and fifth matchmakers. And the sixth matchmaker again offered the sixth girl who entered to pour water on his belt, so it remained unwatered. Then the seventh and eighth girls entered in turn and continued the ceremony with the seventh and eighth

matchmakers. The ninth matchmaker again remained unwatered.

The tenth girl poured water on the tenth matchmaker. The eleventh girl, having entered the yurt, demanded that the eleventh matchmaker come to the middle to perform the ceremony, who could either obey or not obey her call. Then the twelfth matchmaker was watered. When it was the turn of the thirteenth matchmaker, the eldest of the matchmakers asked the girls if it was possible to finish the ceremony. The girls could accept or not accept this request. However, this was usually the end of the "suu kuyar" ceremony in the first yurt with the eldest and oldest matchmakers. It should be noted that in all cases of the pouring ceremony, except for the first yurt, where the most respected matchmakers were located, the young men - the girls' assistants stood outside the house, but were ready to come to the aid of the girls at any call in case of disobedience of the matchmakers. Having finished the pouring ceremony in the first yurt, he began it in the second, where the groom's father was located "bauyzlaukuda" (apparently, this term comes from the word "bauyzlyk", i.e. the place on the throat along which the knife passes during slaughter of cattle; probably, the term emphasized that the groom's father is the main one in the group of matchmakers). One of the matchmakers usually sat next to the groom's father, the wittiest, most eloquent and a great connoisseur of family and everyday traditions, who led the matchmaking ceremony and was the intermediary of communication between the matchmakers and the bride's fellow villagers. The groom's father sat in the third place from the entrance. The girls began pouring water from the fifth matchmaker, skipping the fourth; the fifth matchmaker demanded that another girl pour water for him, sometimes even calling her name. If "she did not agree to come, then after some argument the girls went to ask permission to continue the ceremony from the senior matchmakers, but the matchmakers of the second house still did not allow it

until one of the senior matchmakers from the first house and one of the senior

matchmakers from the bride's side came.

Then the same girl who was supposed to pour water for the fifth matchmaker, approaching the sixth matchmaker, pulled him to perform the ceremony! He dissuaded

"Even my father did not pull me by my collar, what right do you have to do this? The girl was embarrassed and did not insist on her own, and left the house. Another girl came in: and sat this same (sixth) matchmaker in a place at the entrance. Sitting here, the matchmaker asked permission not to perform the ceremony, referring to the following folk proverb: "K e l g e n s h e k o n a k u y a l a d y, k e l g e n s onkona kzheruya lady", i.e. "before arrival the guest is shy, after arrival the host". And once again he asked not to pour water on him, while raising his belt above himself. The women standing behind the door persuaded the girl not to listen to him. The girl could do as she wanted, but the matchmaker could sit in

The eighth matchmaker again did not allow the girl to perform the ceremony and demanded that another do it. In connection with this, there were big disputes between the two parties, after which the leaders of the ceremony asked the matchmaker.

To whom he would allow, he named a certain person to perform the ceremony. The girl who was supposed to do the pouring would then say: "At k a m i n g e n k i s i n i n t a i g a t a k a m i t o l m a i d y." i.e. "He who is accustomed to riding a horse is not satisfied with riding a foal." To which the matchmaker would reply: "Bazarda my n k i s i b a r, k i m m e n k i m n i n i s i b a r, der- k i m su y g e n i n e s a l e m b e r e d i k u d a s a s a m e n t e s a l e m b e r e d i k u d a s a," i.e. "There are a thousand people at the bazaar, who cares, each one greets his beloved." The girl named as matchmaker was usually embarrassed to come and the eighth matchmaker was released from performing the ceremony. When the next girl came and led the ninth matchmaker to the place of the ceremony, the eighth matchmaker said from his place that it was his turn and therefore the ninth

matchmaker should be released. If the girls did not agree with him, then the eighth matchmaker stood up and went to the exit, in this case the girls did not pour water on the ninth matchmaker. According to the above procedure, the tenth matchmaker was poured with three cups (t a b a K) of water. Then, another girl came in and led the eleventh matchmaker to the place of the ceremony: But the eleventh matchmaker again asked that another girl do the pouring and called her name. The zhenge of this girl instructed her to go and perform the ceremony, however, usually, she did not go. In this case, the zhenge allowed the matchmaker to sit in his place. However, the matchmaker did not agree to this, saying that he was not satisfied with the woman's permission and asked that the girl he had named come. Otherwise, the matchmaker said, taking a cup of water from the woman's hands, he would pour water on himself. The woman, a wife, took the cup and the water vessel "kabak" from the matchmaker's hands. But the matchmaker insisted on his own and said that if they could not bring the girl, then he himself would bring her and headed for the exit. At this time, the named girl outside said that she allowed him to sit down and the matchmaker, hearing her voice, sat down in his place. Then, to perform the ceremony, another girl came in and seated the twelfth matchmaker in the place of pouring. He raised his belt above himself, to which the girl, entering into a verbal competition with him, said: "What, matchmaker, are you holding the belt on the right side, hold it on the left," - the matchmaker answered: "Why, girl? When you go somewhere, do you go backwards instead of forwards? The girl who lost the verbal fight allowed the matchmaker to sit down in his place without pouring water. After that, another girl would come in and perform the above-mentioned ritual on the thirteenth matchmaker. This was the end of the ritual of pouring water in this house. Having performed the "su kuyar" ritual in the second house, the girls would move on to the third, where the middle-aged matchmakers were sitting. Having entered the yurt, they would ask permission to begin the ritual. The matchmakers allowed only the newlyweds to be poured with water, after which one girl would come in and pour water on the second matchmaker from the entrance. Then the second girl would come in and try to perform the ceremony, but the matchmaker (the third)

would not allow her, demanding that another do it. The girls asked the zhenge which of them the matchmaker would choose for this, but the zhenge insisted that the matchmaker submit to the girl performing this ritual, saying: "B a r i n a b a z a r e t", i.e. "Be content with what you have"; however, the matchmaker also insisted on his own. After some time, the zhenge said: "s h a r i a t k a s h a r a m z h o k" (the custom is in your favor), name the girl you like! The matchmaker named a certain girl, who usually said that there were brothers among those present and therefore she was embarrassed to go. And the zhenge scolded and reproached her, saying: "If you do not obey the custom, then why did you come to the celebration (mereke)?" The matchmaker said the same thing. One of the girls outside shouted: "Sit down, matchmaker, in your place by the threshold, we will begin now!" The matchmaker replied that it was not her voice. Then the voice of his true chosen one

was heard from outside, who allowed him to sit down.

To go through the ceremony, the next girl entered the yurt. Sometimes the matchmakers deliberately confused the girl: they pointed first at one, then at another. The girl stood there in bewilderment for some time. As a result, instead of the fourth, she dragged the fifth matchmaker. The missed, fourth matchmaker said

to the girl:

"Look back, your zhenge (sister-in-law)is calling you!" At this time, he quickly changed places with the third. Then the matchmakers pointed first at one, then at another, saying that now it was his turn. As a result, some girls, embarrassed, left without performing the watering. But in such cases, the girl's zhenge came to water the same matchmaker, but the matchmaker did not give in, objecting to subordination to an elderly woman. Then two girls and a woman would come to the place of the zhenge and try to pour water on this obstinate matchmaker, but he would get out of the situation by starting to undress, declaring that if they really wanted to perform the ceremony, then let them pour water on someone who was naked. The girls would leave, embarrassed. Sometimes a girl younger than all the others would come; then the next matchmaker would refuse, demanding that a girl of the same age come. A girl of the same age would come, but he would start to

undress, saying: "Pour water if you are not ashamed." The women standing at the door would shout for the girl to pour more water. Some matchmakers would try to save themselves by lifting their belts above themselves or by tipping the water out of the girl's hands, and saying that the ceremony had already been performed, they would disobey and go to their place. The girls would call for help from the horsemen, their fellow villagers. They would lead the deceiving matchmaker to the main one, who would ask them to leave him, to free him from performing the ceremony. If the matchmakers disobeyed, the horsemen of the village sat at the entrance.

Seeing this, the matchmakers submitted to the ceremony without resistance. Finally, the matchmakers asked to stop the "su kuyar", since in this yurt, basically

everyone had already undergone the ceremony.

The ritual continued in approximately the same way in other yurts where the

matchmakers were located.

Now the ceremony of pouring water on the matchmakers has been replaced by a ransom. This ransom can be expressed in the performance of a dance, songs, and sometimes it is paid in money. As for some elements of the traditional version, such as the saral meaning of the belt (recall that the matchmaker who raised the belt was not doused with water), as well as the sacredness of the 3rd, 5th, 11th place (the matchmakers sitting in these places had the right not to undergo the ceremony). As was evident from the above description of the ritual of pouring water on matchmakers - "s s ku yar", during its performance many proverbs and sayings were used, which show the richness of the Karakalpak language, the ability of the people to create apt life phrases. And, of course, it would be good if this custom of competition in wit and eloquence, in knowledge of clever apt proverbs and sayings continued to exist in matchmaking; they would make family holidays more interesting, fun, and would cultivate resourcefulness, humor, and wit in

young people.