
- •Series Editor’s Preface
- •Contents
- •Contributors
- •1 Introduction
- •References
- •2.1 Methodological Introduction
- •2.2 Geographical Background
- •2.3 The Compelling History of Viticulture Terracing
- •2.4 How Water Made Wine
- •2.5 An Apparent Exception: The Wines of the Alps
- •2.6 Convergent Legacies
- •2.7 Conclusions
- •References
- •3.1 The State of the Art: A Growing Interest in the Last 20 Years
- •3.2 An Initial Survey on Extent, Distribution, and Land Use: The MAPTER Project
- •3.3.2 Quality Turn: Local, Artisanal, Different
- •3.3.4 Sociability to Tame Verticality
- •3.3.5 Landscape as a Theater: Aesthetic and Educational Values
- •References
- •4 Slovenian Terraced Landscapes
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.2 Terraced Landscape Research in Slovenia
- •4.3 State of Terraced Landscapes in Slovenia
- •4.4 Integration of Terraced Landscapes into Spatial Planning and Cultural Heritage
- •4.5 Conclusion
- •Bibliography
- •Sources
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.3 The Model of the High Valleys of the Southern Massif Central, the Southern Alps, Castagniccia and the Pyrenees Orientals: Small Terraced Areas Associated with Immense Spaces of Extensive Agriculture
- •5.6 What is the Reality of Terraced Agriculture in France in 2017?
- •References
- •6.1 Introduction
- •6.2 Looking Back, Looking Forward
- •6.2.4 New Technologies
- •6.2.5 Policy Needs
- •6.3 Conclusions
- •References
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Study Area
- •7.3 Methods
- •7.4 Characterization of the Terraces of La Gomera
- •7.4.1 Environmental Factors (Altitude, Slope, Lithology and Landforms)
- •7.4.2 Human Factors (Land Occupation and Protected Nature Areas)
- •7.5 Conclusions
- •References
- •8.1 Geographical Survey About Terraced Landscapes in Peru
- •8.2 Methodology
- •8.3 Threats to Terraced Landscapes in Peru
- •8.4 The Terrace Landscape Debate
- •8.5 Conclusions
- •References
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 Australia
- •9.3 Survival Creativity and Dry Stones
- •9.4 Early 1800s Settlement
- •9.4.2 Gold Mines Walhalla West Gippsland Victoria
- •9.4.3 Goonawarra Vineyard Terraces Sunbury Victoria
- •9.6 Garden Walls Contemporary Terraces
- •9.7 Preservation and Regulations
- •9.8 Art, Craft, Survival and Creativity
- •Appendix 9.1
- •References
- •10 Agricultural Terraces in Mexico
- •10.1 Introduction
- •10.2 Traditional Agricultural Systems
- •10.3 The Agricultural Terraces
- •10.4 Terrace Distribution
- •10.4.1 Terraces in Tlaxcala
- •10.5 Terraces in the Basin of Mexico
- •10.6 Terraces in the Toluca Valley
- •10.7 Terraces in Oaxaca
- •10.8 Terraces in the Mayan Area
- •10.9 Conclusions
- •References
- •11.1 Introduction
- •11.2 Materials and Methods
- •11.2.1 Traditional Cartographic and Photo Analysis
- •11.2.2 Orthophoto
- •11.2.3 WMS and Geobrowser
- •11.2.4 LiDAR Survey
- •11.2.5 UAV Survey
- •11.3 Result and Discussion
- •11.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •12.1 Introduction
- •12.2 Case Study
- •12.2.1 Liguria: A Natural Laboratory for the Analysis of a Terraced Landscape
- •12.2.2 Land Abandonment and Landslides Occurrences
- •12.3 Terraced Landscape Management
- •12.3.1 Monitoring
- •12.3.2 Landscape Agronomic Approach
- •12.3.3 Maintenance
- •12.4 Final Remarks
- •References
- •13 Health, Seeds, Diversity and Terraces
- •13.1 Nutrition and Diseases
- •13.2 Climate Change and Health
- •13.3 Can We Have Both Cheap and Healthy Food?
- •13.4 Where the Seed Comes from?
- •13.5 The Case of Yemen
- •13.7 Conclusions
- •References
- •14.1 Introduction
- •14.2 Components and Features of the Satoyama and the Hani Terrace Landscape
- •14.4 Ecosystem Services of the Satoyama and the Hani Terrace Landscape
- •14.5 Challenges in the Satoyama and the Hani Terrace Landscape
- •References
- •15 Terraced Lands: From Put in Place to Put in Memory
- •15.2 Terraces, Landscapes, Societies
- •15.3 Country Planning: Lifestyles
- •15.4 What Is Important? The System
- •References
- •16.1 Introduction
- •16.2 Case Study: The Traditional Cultural Landscape of Olive Groves in Trevi (Italy)
- •16.2.1 Historical Overview of the Study Area
- •16.2.3 Structural and Technical Data of Olive Groves in the Municipality of Trevi
- •16.3 Materials and Methods
- •16.3.2 Participatory Planning Process
- •16.4 Results and Discussion
- •16.5 Conclusions
- •References
- •17.1 Towards a Circular Paradigm for the Regeneration of Terraced Landscapes
- •17.1.1 Circular Economy and Circularization of Processes
- •17.1.2 The Landscape Systemic Approach
- •17.1.3 The Complex Social Value of Cultural Terraced Landscape as Common Good
- •17.2 Evaluation Tools
- •17.2.1 Multidimensional Impacts of Land Abandonment in Terraced Landscapes
- •17.2.3 Economic Valuation Methods of ES
- •17.3 Some Economic Instruments
- •17.3.1 Applicability and Impact of Subsidy Policies in Terraced Landscapes
- •17.3.3 Payments for Ecosystem Services Promoting Sustainable Farming Practices
- •17.3.4 Pay for Action and Pay for Result Mechanisms
- •17.4 Conclusions and Discussion
- •References
- •18.1 Introduction
- •18.2 Tourism and Landscape: A Brief Theoretical Staging
- •18.3 Tourism Development in Terraced Landscapes: Attractions and Expectations
- •18.3.1 General Trends and Main Issues
- •18.3.2 The Demand Side
- •18.3.3 The Supply Side
- •18.3.4 Our Approach
- •18.4 Tourism and Local Agricultural System
- •18.6 Concluding Remarks
- •References
- •19 Innovative Practices and Strategic Planning on Terraced Landscapes with a View to Building New Alpine Communities
- •19.1 Focusing on Practices
- •19.2 Terraces: A Resource for Building Community Awareness in the Alps
- •19.3 The Alto Canavese Case Study (Piedmont, Italy)
- •19.3.1 A Territory that Looks to a Future Based on Terraced Landscapes
- •19.3.2 The Community’s First Steps: The Practices that Enhance Terraces
- •19.3.3 The Role of Two Projects
- •19.3.3.1 The Strategic Plan
- •References
- •20 Planning, Policies and Governance for Terraced Landscape: A General View
- •20.1 Three Landscapes
- •20.2 Crisis and Opportunity
- •20.4 Planning, Policy and Governance Guidelines
- •Annex
- •Foreword
- •References
- •21.1 About Policies: Why Current Ones Do not Work?
- •21.2 What Landscape Observatories Are?
- •References
- •Index

Chapter 15
Terraced Lands: From Put in Place to Put in Memory
Ada Acovitsióti-Hameau
Abstract The terracing of sloping, rocky, and hilly land is man’s answer to the physical environment’s potentialities and constraints. It sets up singular territories where nature and culture are tightly linked. The places of action and life thus created report a high level of symbiosis between inhabitants/users and used time/ spaces. This symbiosis defines the quality of the areas where humans live, the écoumène as explained by Augustin Berque (Berque in Écoumène, Introduction à l’étude des milieux humains. Belin, Paris, 2000). Acquainted to a put in writing of the relief, these arrangements tangibly mark the way users—permanent, seasonal, or passers-by—perceive the territory. Expressed by tracing and by artifacts widely executed in dry stone, this “writing on the soil” conforms and orders space and establishes a network of relationships concerning family; neighborhood; production; cooperation; and structuring societies, land property, and technical systems. Functional efficiency and aesthetics create another register of shared perceptions, which gives meaning to forms of the landscape, to constructed works, and to modes of building, conferring an identity recorded by the collective memoirs. These perpetual comings and goings established between the territory’s reality and its representation, this fertile trajectivity—to paraphrase Gérard Chouquer—between the material and the mental, justify and legitimize attention to and care for terraced lands because, beyond the universe of forms and production of goods, these sets help us appreciate lifestyles and think about man’s way of being in the world.
15.1“Marks” on the Lands
The terracing of sloping, rocky, and hilly land is man’s answer to the natural environment’s potentialities and constraints for earning a profitable living. These arrangements matter among the objective evidences of the adaptation reactions
A. Acovitsióti-Hameau (&)
Société Scientifique Internationale Pour L’étude Pluridisciplinaire de La Pierre Sèche, Brignoles, France
e-mail: aser2@wanadoo.fr; contact@pierreseche-international.org
© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 |
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between a given territory and its permanent, seasonal, or passing-by users. If terracing hillsides is a model of the relief, this action also mirrors writing. As with all graphic acts, terracing is seen by results that “leave traces” on or “mark out” the ground that insert forms and affix signs in the physical environment. The latter, in its turn, is not simply a medium for expressing oneself. The existing space is an active, dynamic entity, which influences the choice of disposals and brings about the intervention of the scripters. So, combined tightly with the ground, land terracing participates in the constitution and maintenance of viable, fertile, and sustainable spaces, while simultaneously clearing up and spreading information on the statuses and functioning of lands. In the long term, land terracing becomes familiar, is a representative element of lifestyles, and reveals group and individual identities. For these reasons, the value of terraces are founded on explicitly perceptible motivations, but also on implicitly felt ones. It is through this double aspect, material and symbolic, that we propose to analyze the strong, current tendency in favor of the preservation and development of this territorial equipment.
15.2Terraces, Landscapes, Societies
Several mechanisms are at work during territorial arrangement and, consequently, during the implementation of terraces. They correspond to a “taking of possession of the territory” (Ambrosi 1990), this “conquest” being made gradually and respecting the place’s physical, social, and economic particularities. This process requires consciousness of the place’s filiation: good knowledge of the succession of aspects and statuses, which link together to include the past in the realizations of the present and the perspectives for the future. The clarity and acceptance of this filiation protect the quality (for local products or for links among groups and among individuals) of new disposals brought by economic and social changes (Acovitsióti-Hameau 2002). The case of Vilafranca (València province, Spain) is a good example (Fig. 15.1).
The town is as much industrious (spinning and cloth factories) as tourist (mountain holidays), and since about 2005, it has increasingly promoted and cared for its territory’s peasant features. The urban core rises in the middle, framed by cultivated lowland and grazed highland, both of which are compartmented and terraced. This landscape is looked after by the will to maintain a modest agro-pastoral economy that stimulates hiking and agritourism while taking advantage of the market thus created. This development plan allows partial preservation of vernacular territorial arrangements. The project is forward-looking, and its realization is still in progress despite disagreements on its contents. At Vilafranca (and in all other similar cases), natural land and built works compose in fine a “whole,” a single inseparable set. This vision gives sense to the concerned

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Fig. 15.1 Town of Vilafranca (València Region, Spain) between its mountain and its countryside (Photo ASER Association)
space and makes it a self-identity landscape for people who occupy and use it and a cultural landscape (asking for attention and care) for all outer observers.
Passing from the concept of space to the concept of landscape is an evolution dependent on human intervention. This intervention requires in-depth knowledge of the territory via diligent attendance and in the long term, followed by a detailed transmission of collected information and proven sensations. In this approach, the individual and collective feeling remains decisive. Landscape is based on perceptions. In other words: “the transformation of the physical environment by man is the expression of his cultural representation of this environment” (Blanchemanche 1990). To the geographical, primary notion, are added factors issuing from history, sociology/ethnology, art, and aesthetics. To physical, temporal, and social realities are added their representations: images and concepts based on these realities. The geographer Gerard Chouquer (Chouquer 2001) believes the realities and their representations to be equal, each of them depending on the other to be conceived, achieved, and explained. This equality shows itself especially in terms of dynamics. There is a continual interpenetration between these groups of powers, giving landscapes a “fuzzy and evolutionary” character.
Perpetually transformed, landscapes thus appear always new in themselves but also already known because of the multiple inheritances that they incorporate and

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that common users accept. The obliteration of these inheritances would empty the landscapes of their anthropological substance, of their quality of “place,” of space where we can decipher “the registrations of the social link” (Augé 2010). For instance, in the mid-season mountain pastures of the Montegrosso village (Liguria, Italy), the gradual conversion of the former farms and sheepfolds to residences of a holiday resort did not erase the memory or the festivities bound to pastoralism. This change also did not limit the handling of lands and buildings by indigenous families, despite the reduction of common land and the disappearance of local herds (Acovitsióti-Hameau 2010). Since the 2000s, the landscape of small farmhouses, tidied up in a three district, terraced environment supported by an herb forehead (Fig. 15.2), is partially maintained by strong personal and collective memories and identical considerations attached to the place.
The notion of “place” is important for understanding the effects of the mechanisms transforming spaces. We can even say that these transformations aim exclusively at producing places: spaces qualified by their specific properties and by their material and immaterial functions. Soil composition, land configuration, the extent of the sight, the sound atmosphere, the penetration or lack of winds, the light, the exhalations, the cold, or the heat make their character. The issued products, the displayed activities, the attached rites, and the referring imagination make personalized entities—“markers” for country planning, for everyday travels, for relationships between individuals and among neighboring groups. As with the territory, the place is not simply the space (Brochot and
Fig. 15.2 Mid-seasons’ hamlet of Case Fascei (Montegrosso-Pian-Latte, Liguria, Italy) among its pasture terraces (Photo ASER Association)