Экзамен зачет учебный год 2023 / Resta, Systems of Public Ownership

public interest, like forests and lakes, through the application of an exorbitant legal regime, characterized by inalienability and imprescriptibility. However, colonial law gave the domaine public a much wider scope of application than that which prevailed in the metropolitan territory, as to make it consistent with the local conditions and the aims of colonization. Art. 2 of the 1851 Act listed under the public domain all property withdrawn from private exclusive appropriation under French law (like seashore, ports, highways, railways, bridges, forts and barracks); irrigation channels built by the State for public use; salted lakes and waters of any kind (Dareste, 1864: 30-36). The main innovation consisted in the extension of the regime of public domain to all waters, included those capable of private property (like non-navigable waterways) in France, as well as to riverbeds (Sarr, 2013: 114-115). Such an extension was fiercely opposed during the parliamentary debates, with the argument that the expansion of the powers of public administration could end up menacing the institution of private ownership (Dareste, 1864: 33-35). However, to be actually threatened were not so much the settlers’ proprietary interests, as the natives’ customary rights.

Indeed, the system of ‘domanialisation’ of waters was generalized to the colonies in French West Africa through a decree issued in 1904 (Sarr, 2013: 102). 46 As illustrated by the explanatory memorandum written by the French Ministry for Colonial Affairs, such a legislative scheme relied on the need to expand the public administration’s power of control in relation to a resource, such as the water, extremely valuable for agriculture and industry (Sarr, 2013: 108). No mention was made of the problem of access to water for drinking and other uses essential for the survival of local communities. This is not surprising, given the fact that in the exploitation colonies the main concern was the extraction of the highest value from land through productive activities. By contrast, the preservation of the natives’ interests was not seriously at issue. Indeed the main effect of vesting all rivers, lakes and other sources of water in the state was the dispossession of the African inhabitants of one of their most valuable properties (Sarr, 2013: 110). It is remarkable that, whereas in Algeria art. 2 of the 1851 Land Law Act formally recognized and (virtually) protected “the existing customary land usages and rights” legally acquired before the promulgation of the new law, no similar safeguard was reproduced in the 1904 decree. Originally designed as a protective regime, the domaine public, transposed into the overseas territories, worked as an oppressive tool, functional to the project of neutralizing customary rights and substituting the western partition public/private to the traditional forms of common land holding.

This project was even strengthened by the particularly broad interpretation of the category of domaine privé (Graziadei and Mattei, 1987: 78). As already shown by the experience of Algeria, the appropriation of natives’ land throughout most of French colonies in Africa – from the West to the East – was carried out by resorting to two main legal theories (Sarr, 2013: 139). The first one was the acquisition of land as an incident of sovereignty. If a state organisation was present before conquest, the doctrine of state succession represented the justificatory ground to assert dominium over a territory. The colonial administration assumed that the previous sovereign had eminent domain over all land, with the consequence that native inhabitants were simple occupants or even tenants at will of the crown. Following conquest or treaty, France acquired the ultimate ownership of land. Customary uses of it were tolerated. However, to remove all doubts

46 Décret 23 octobre 1904, sur le Domaine public en Afrique Occidentale française.

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concerning the nature of the tenure, specific provisions were adopted, preventing natives from transferring their possessions without the authorization of colonial authorities (Sarr, 2013: 140). 47 The second legal fiction was that of the “vacant and unowned lands”. As already mentioned, it was first employed in Algeria and later extended to the colonies in the West by the decree of August 30, 1900. It should be noted that this category included not only technically unowned lands, but also lands not registered, as well as lands not exploited for more than 10 years, and lands not possessed according to the provisions of the French civil code. This led to a sort of presumption of state ownership: since the burden was on the natives to prove ownership (without ‘abandonment’) of land, and since this was generally a difficult task, most communal lands ended up being vested in the state’s private domain, to the detriment of the traditional forms of land management (Sarr, 2013: 143).

It was against this background that other colonial powers framed their colonial land law. Particularly interesting is the Italian experience in Southern Somalia, because it offers another example of the fluidity of legal patterns and of the ambivalent dialectic metropolitan law / colonial law. As evidenced by Marco Guadagni (1978: 3-4), the general land law provisions of 1911 can be traced back to the Provisional Regulations enacted in 1895 by Filonardi, the first Italian administrator of Benadir. Art. 1 of such Regulations provides as follows: “All uncultivated land not belonging to any adjudicated owner belongs to the Royal Italian Government”. Whereas this provision was not too different from the system adopted by the 1893 Decree concerning the colony of Eritrea (Pollera, 1913: 49-65), 48 it had no counterpart in metropolitan law. Indeed, the Italian Civil Code of 1865 had no provision concerning vacant and unowned lands, such as art. 713 of the French Civil Code. Moreover, occupation was expressly listed as one of the titles for acquiring property (art. 710). Consequently, several learned scholars denied that under the existent legal system vacant land belonged to the public domain, and considered the rule adopted for the colonies an exception to the general principle enshrined in the Italian Civil Code (Brugi, 1923: 438, 442-443). The different choice made by internal law (subsequently overturned by art. 827 of the Civil code of 1942) was not an obstacle to the introduction of the state’s radical title in the colonies. Indeed, the real model of Filonardi’s regulation was the law adopted by other European colonial countries. French and Belgian laws on vacant lands were obvious candidates, but it seems that also the British and the German regulations on colonial crown lands happened to be important reference points (Guadagni, 1978: 14-16). As a matter of fact, the provisional regulations, despite the fierce opposition by the native inhabitants, were transposed with only slight modifications into the Royal Decree of 1911. 49 Art. 1 of the Decree provided as follows: “Lands in the Colony of the Italian Somaliland, which are not subject to valid and recognized rights of Italian or foreign citizens, and which at present are not effectively cultivated nor permanently utilized by native individuals or collectivities, are declared to be at the free disposal of the State”.

47See Décret 24 juillet 1906 portant organisation du régime de la propriété foncière dans les colonies et territoires relevant du gouvernement général de l’Afrique Occidentale française.

48Regio Decreto, 19 gennaio 1893, n. 23, portante l’accertamento e la costituzione del Demanio dello Stato nella colonia Eritrea.

49Regio Decreto, 8 giugno 1911, che provvede per l’accertamento delle terre di libera disponibilità dello Stato nella Somalia italiana.

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(Gray and Gray, 1999: 11; McLean, 1999: 2). As we have observed throughout this chapter, there are no public things by their own nature, and the boundaries between things that can be owned and exchanged and things withdrawn from private exclusive appropriation are subject to wide variations in time and space (§ 4). This chapter has explored some of such variations and has tried to build a basic taxonomy of the main systems of public ownership relevant to western law. Although the differences are substantial and may be related to the peculiar conceptions of the state, property, and the rule of law prevailing in each tradition, they should not be overemphasized. On the one hand, the law is not timeless and static and several factors – from the budgetary crisis of the State to the international harmonization of sectors like environmental law and cultural property – are pushing towards a greater convergence of the local approaches to public property. On the other hand, legal categories and institutions are flexible enough to be put in service of diverging tasks, and as the example of colonial law has shown (§ 8), distances among the various models of public ownership tend to become much narrower whenever legal systems are confronted with common problems and similar environments.

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