Kitay_i_okrestnosti_Mifologia_folklor_literatura

fromit 23 years earlier. On returning home after the campaigns in the capacity of the supreme commander Fan Li decided that for one who has won himself a great reputation (and position) it is difficult to hold out for a long time and that Kouchien is a person with whom it is possible to share troubles, but difficult to share a safe and quiet life. He sent in a letter of resignation and left Yüeh by sea taking with him his personal subordinates and the less precious part of his valuables. When he reached Ch'i, he changed both his surname and personal name, called himself Ch 'ïh-yi Tzu-p 7 (Master of the Skin of a Winebag),a sobriquet symbolizing adaptability, "plowed by the sea coast, strained [his] body and exerted [his]strength; he (lit. father) and [his] sons managed [business increasing] property; [after] living [there] for a short while [he] accumulated a fortune [amounting to] several hundreds of thousands [cash]. The ruler (lit. man) of Ch'i heard about his worth and made him [his] chancellor. Fan Li sadly sighing [finally] heaved a deep sigh and said, 'When [I] lived in [my] house [as a private person, I] accumulated a thousand [catties of] gold; when [I] occupied official posts, [I] reached [those of] a minister and a chancellor. This is a pinnacle for [a commoner] wearing textiles woven of vegetable fibres. To enjoy a high reputation [and position] for a long time is inauspicious.' Then [he] returned [his] chancellor's seal, distributed all his wealth giving parts of it to [his] bosom friends and fellowvillagers, took with [him the most] precious of his valuables and went away secretly travelling [from one place to another. He] stopped in T'ao and deemed it to be the center of All-under-Heaven, [where] the roads for exchange of [what people] have for [what they] have not are open and [where one] can accumulate riches by managing [business in order to increase] property. Then [he] called himself His Honor Chu of T'ao. Having restricted [their requirements and desires], once again father and sons [set to] plowing [fields] and rearing domestic animals, putting [goods] on sale [at high prices] and storeing up [their] supply [when prices were low], waiting for an opportunity and re-selling (or transporting?) commodities, pursuing one-tenth profit (cf. pp.15 above, 19 below). Having lived [there] for a short while [he] accumulated wealth amassing one hundred million [cash]. All-under-Heaven praised His Honor Chu of T'ao... Therefore Fan Li moved [from one of] the three [states to another by turns] and made himself famous in All-under-Heaven. It was not that [he] went away simply for no particular reason: in [each place] where [he] stopped [he] was sure to make himself famous. Eventually [he] died of old age in T'ao. Therefore [people of the present] age transmit [his story] calling [him] His Honor Chu of T'ao.

His Honor the Grand Astrologue says: '...Could Kou-chien not be called a worthy? Very likely [he] possessed the achievements Yii [the Great] left over to

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him. Fan Li moved [from one of the] three [states to another by turns], and everywhere [he] enjoyed an excellent reputation, [his] reputation was handed down to subsequent generations. When ruler and minister are like that, [even] if [one] would wish not [to let them] become illustrious, could [one achieve it]?' "5 7

Among other things, Shih-chi, ch. 129, adds to the account cited above at least one detail that is of interest in the context of this article. It has to do with Ssu-ma Ch'ien's appraisal of Fan Li, not as an adviser or general, but rather as a private wealthy person. Its text runs: " 'When the granaries are full, [people] know rules [pertaining to] rites; when [their] clothing and food is adequate, [people] know [the distinction between] honor and shame.' Rites are born of possessing [wealth] and abandoned in want. Therefore when a superior man is rich, [he] delights in practicing his virtue (i. e. in doing good deeds. — J.K.); when a mean man is rich, [he works] in conformity with his strength thereby... In the course of 19 years [Fan Li] three times accumulated [wealth amounting to] one thousand [catties of] gold, and twice [he] distributed it among [his] poor friends and elder and yonger brothers who were distant paternal relations [of his]. This is what is called 'the rich [superior man] who delights in practicing virtue'."58 It follows Ssu-ma Ch'ien regarded Fan Li as a superior man.

Taking into consideration the importance of Taoist component in Ssu-ma Ch'ien's eclectic views and traces of Taoist ideas displayed by his economictheory, especially by its part dealing with commerce,59 it seems worthwhile to examine whether his attitude to Fan Li (at least to a degree) took shape under Taoist influence. Shih chi and Chan-kuo tz'e contain a Taoist interpretation of Fan Li's story attributed to Ts'ai Tse, appearing in a speech allegedly delivered by him ca. 255 B.C. The figure of Fan Li is opposed there to those of four other outstanding statesmen who are described as follows: "When [their] merit was accomplished, these four [men] did not retreat [in time] and disaster befell their persons. This is what is meant by those straightening [their backs] but being unable to bend, setting out but being unable to return. Fan Li knew this, [therefore he] freed himself

57 Shih-chi, 41.24—26, 31—32; cf. Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien.Traduits et annotés

par Edouard Chavannes. T. IV (Paris:Ernest Leroux, Éditeur, 1901), 439-442, 447—448.

58 Shih-chi, 129.7, 11; cf. Swann. Food and Money, 423, 425^26; Records of the Grand Histo-

rian of China. Translated from the Shih chi of Ssu-ma Ch'ien by Burton Watson. Vol. II (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1961), 479, 481. Citation in inner quotes is from Kuan-tzu (ct Kuan-tzu t'ung-shih, 1.1), a mod. translation by Rickett cited, cf. his Guanzi. Vol. I (1985 ), 52.

59 Robert B. Crawford, "Social and Political Philosophy of the Shih-chi," in The Journal ofAsian Studies. Vol. XXII, #4 (August 1963), 401-416; Yu. L. Krol'(=J. Kroll). Suima Ts'yan'— istorik

(Ssu-ma Ch'ien as a historian). Ed. by L.P. Delyusin. (Moscow: "Glavnaya redaktsiya vostochnoy literaturui", 1970), 26—32.

Honor Chu of T'ao for a long time."60 As will be demonstrated below, the words "straightening [one's back] but being unable to bend, setting out but being unable to return" describe a kind of behavior disapproved by Taoists, to whose mind each of these two opposite kinds of behaviour must be resorted to depending on the times. Therefore according to Huai-nan-tzu the words "straightening" and "bending" depict the behaviour of a "sage" who, when discussing the correctness of an affair, "straightens and bends, looks up and down following it, has no constant model, now straightens, now bends."61 One can add that the words "neither advancing nor retreating is the main [way of behaviour], neither straightening nor bending is the constant [way of behaviour]" come, as well as those of Huai-nan- tzu quoted above, from a Taoist (or rather eclectic Taoist) context.62It follows that Ts'ai Tse believed Fan Li to be able ( unlike the four statesmen mentioned above) to change with the times, adapt himself to circumstances, be ready to give up his official career as soon as he feels it has reached its peak and the situation has become risky. It seems appropriate to remind that Fan Li's sobriquet Ch'ih-yi Tzu- p7 (never mentioned by Ts'ai Tse, but adduced by Ssu-ma Ch'ien) means "adaptable"(cf. p. 15 above).

Fan Li's retiring from his post into private life of a farmer and a merchant is described by Ts'ai Tse as "withdrawing from the world" (pi shih), i.e. choosing for himself a kind of réclusion63. This brings to mind several "hermits" including a gate-keeper and three others engaged in ploughing or weeding (the latter termed "the retired one" by Confucius) mentioned in Lun yü\ four persons of the 3rd century B.C: an old poor "hermit (lit. a scholar, or a man, in retirement)" who served as a city gate watchman; his worthy retainer appreciated by nobody in the world who therefore "retired among the butchers" in the market; and two "unemployed scholars (ch 'u-shih)" who "concealed themselves" one among gamblers and the other among sellers of wine (or of sauces and flavourings). It also reminds one of Han scholars who "retire to dwell in mountain caves and establish a high reputa-

60Shih-chi, 79.46; Chan-kuo tz'e. Commented by Kao Yu (Shanghai: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1958; Kuo-hsüeh chi-pen ts'ung-shu ed.), 5.48.

61Huai-nan-tzu (Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chü, 1936; Ssu-pu pei-yao ed.), 13.116.

62Нои-Han shu by Fan Yeh (Peking: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1958; Po-na-pen Erh-shih-ssu shih ed.), 28B.3b; cf. Shih-chi, 130.13

63The idea that Fan Li is presented by Ts'ai Tse "as a recluse, needless to say, a paragon of a

Taoist" was expressed and argued by Professor Timoteus Pokora, in the Appendix to his article "The Etymology of ku-chi (or hua-chi), in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. Bd.

122 (1972), 167—172 (6.2.4—6.2.6). This idea was conceived both by my friend Pokora and myself

during our correspondence of 1971, cf. ibid., 172 (7). —J.K.

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tion" for themselves, their objective being "riches and ample [resources]," and of Han wealthy owners who "without closely watching the market-places, without travelling to other towns, [just] sitting and waiting to collect [their income], personally bear the appelation of 'unemployed scholars', [but] receive [ample] provision from it(their property. — J.K.)."64

The sphere of private life of the Chan-kuo and early imperial times seems to have been capacious enough to accommodate not only hereditary farmers, craftsmen, and merchants, but those of the shih stratum who did not want to serve the state as well. Though they differed from "recluses" in the usual sense of the word since they have severed their ties only with the court and the ruling stratum, but not with the rest of the society, they, too, were "recluses" or regarded as such.65

Yang Yün's image as seen in his Han shu biography is reminiscent of those of "recluses" and "unemployed scholars" of the period. It becomes obvious, if one compares his biography with that of Fan Li; the points both of similarity and difference become clear. Both men were high officials at the courts of their monarchs and afterwards found themselves among commoners. However causes that led to the change of their status are different: Fan Li abandoned his post on his own initiative which is typical of Taoists;66 Yang Yün was deprived of his post and title by the emperor as a punishment.

As Professor Watson remarks, his letter "is couched in terms of elaborate humility required by Han epistolary etiquette."67 It is true but it does not mean Yün's self-appraisals given in the letter have nothing to do with reality and with

64See Legge. Confucian Analects. Bk. XIV. Ch.XLI,290; Bk. XVIII.Ch.VI, 333—334; Ch. VII, 335—336 . Shih-chi, 77.3—5, 9, 12—14 (cf. Grand Scribe's Records. Vol. VII, 215216, 218—220),

129.28, 32 (cf. WatsonJtecorc&.Vol. 11,491, 493; Swann. Food and Money, 448, 450-451).

65See J. L .Kroll."Disputation in Ancient Chinese Culture," in Early China 11—12 (1985-— 1987), 129—130.

66Cf. Chang Liang's retiring from the post of a chancellor, when he decided to abandon the af-

fairs of the world and turn to Taoist practices. He said that wagging his tongue 3 inches long he became the teacher of an emperor, was enfeoffed with 10000 households, and his rank became that of a full marquise;" 'this is a pinnacle for [a commoner] wearing textiles woven of vegetable fibres' (cf. p. 15 above); it is enough for [me], Liang"(Shihchi, 55.29; cf. Watson.Records. Vol. I, 150). Cf. Crawford. "The Social and Political Philosophy", 415. Ssu-ma Ch'ien, who has included this story into Shih-chi, has also adduced there the story of the opposite character about Ch'in chancellor Li Ssu, who was aware that his position is becoming unstable but still failed to retire (see Shih-chi,Sl. 14; cf.

Bodde. China's First Unifier, 24—25; Grand Scribe's Records. Vol. VII, 341). Obviously the histor rian attached importance to a minister's ability to retire on having achieved "the acme of wealth and status."

67 Watson. Early ChineseLiterature, 116.

his attitude to various periods of his life. He briefly discusses his career as an official who "eventually proved to be inadequate to his tasks and finally met with misfortune". The word "eventually" seems to be meaningful here. Yün's selfcriticism is directed against himself when his "position was in the rank of [Nine] Ministers and [his] noble rank was that of a full marquis", i. e. when he was Superintendent of the Imperial Household in 61—56 B.C. According to his letter, though his post and title provided him with possibilities to be of use, he "was never capable at this time of submitting any [of his proposals concerning state affairs and their] statements in order to spread abroad the transforming influence of [the royal] spiritual power." He "also proved incapable of being unanimous and joining efforts with the crowd of [other] officials in helping the [imperial] court [when it] has overlooked [something]. Already for a long time responsibility for having 'stolen [his] position' and 'eaten [the bread of] idleness' rested with [him. He] 'coveted salary,'68 was greedy for power and incapable of retiring of his own accord."69 Yün's biography remains silent about his activities and achievements during the ministerial period of his career in contrast with successes of its preceding stages (see above). This indirectly corroborates the self-humiliating appraisal of his last 5 years in service; evidently then he committed no outstanding deeds to be proud of (cf. also his appraisal by Yü Ting-kuo above). Neither had he the guts "to retire of his own accord. "These words show he criticized himself from the point of view reminiscent of the Taoist one shared by Ssu-ma Ch'ien (see n. 65 above). He reproached himself for having been reduced to the status of a commoner not of his own free will, like Fan Li, but under compulsion, by imperial order. From here both biographies reveal certain similarities again.

First, each of the two men began his life of a commoner with being engaged in the toil of a farmer, in which he participated personally together with other members of his family; but soon (or immediately?) he also combined it with the activities of a merchant, "managing [business for the sake of increasing] property." Second, as merchants both "pursued one tenth profit"; Yün mentions in his

68 The first citation in inner quotes is from Lunyii, cf. Legge. Confucian Analects.Bk.XV.Ch.XIII, 298, the second one — from Shih ching, cf. James Legge. The She King or the Book of Poetry. Pt. I, IX;VI, in The Chinese Classics: with a Translation, Critical and Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, and Copious Indexes. By James Legge. Vol. IV — Pt. I (London: Henry Frowde, Oxford University Press. Rpt. in China, 1939), 170(according to Yen Shih-ku the phrase means: "un[able] to cope with one's official functions,[one] idly(=having no achievements) lives on salary"(#<a« shu, 66.4432)); the third one I was unable to identify, but Li Shan (?—689) ascribes the words "A superior man is not satisfied in [merely holding] a high post and does not covet (=think [merely] about) an abundant salary" to Tseng-tzu (Wen hsüan, 41.911).

69 Han shu, 66.4432; cf. Watson. Early ChineseLiterature, 117.

322 Классическаялитература

letter the gain he is striving after citing "without quotes" from Fan Li's biography at that (see above). Third, according to their biographies both Fan Li and Yang

Yün each twice distributed their money among other people, though the former did it at the time he was a merchant, while the latter at the time he was an official. Ssu-ma Ch'ien describes it as Fan Li "practicing his virtue," whereas Pan Ku as Yang Yün showing "scorn for wealth and love for righteousness" (see above). Pan Ku's appraisal of Yün's generosity based on the opposition of ethics and greed sounds more in a Confucian way than Ssu-ma Ch'ien's one. Moreover citations adduced in Yang Yün's letter are primarily Confucian. But the fact remains that the image of the Taoist recluse, farmer and merchant Fan Li essentially became an object of imitation for Yang Yün, who conformed some of his deeds to Fan Li's style of behaviour.

How can it be explained? Ssu-ma Ch'ien said that by writing his history he "brought to completion the text (lit. words) of one school of thought (yi chia chih yen)."10 According to Pan Ku "In the time of Emperor Hsüan, [Ssu-ma] Ch'ien's grandson by his daughter,the Marquis of P'ing-t'ung,Yang Yün, followed (or transmitted) his book as [that of] a founder (tsu shu); thereafter (or: finally?)[it] circulated because of this." The same term tsu shu describes the attitude of Confucian scholars towards Yao and Shun and of the Well Versed in Writings (wen hsüeh) in Yen Vieh lun towards Chung-ni (Confucius).71 Ergo it is quite possible

70 Shih-chi, 130.64; Han shu, 62.4257, 4270; cf. Watson. Ssu-ma Ch'ien, 57,66, 92—93, 224, n. 33; Yu. L.Krol'[=J. Kroll]. "Rodstvennuiye predstavleniya о 'dome' i 'shkole'(ts'zya) v drevnemKitaye [Related concepts of'house[=clan]' and 'school'(chia) in ancient China]," in Obshchestvo i gosudarstvo v Kitaye [Society and state in China] (Moscow: "Nauka" Publishers. The Chief Editorial Office for Oriental Literature, 1981), 48, 54—55, n. 10.

71 Han shu, 62All\ (cf. Watson. Ssu-ma Ch'ien,61). Tsu shu means "regarding (somethingor someone) as the beginning, to follow (lit. to follow and improve?) it (or him)"(see Han shu, 30. 3139, a gloss by Yen Shih-ku),but in the light of the opposition tso — shu ("to create — to follow") itcan be rendered as "to follow (one) as a founder", i. e. to follow a creator (founder) as his continuer. The word combination tsu shu can have as objects human or mythical beings, such as cultural heroesFu-

Shun (James Legge, tr. by. The Doctrine of the Mean, in The Chinese Classics. Vol. I (Oxford: the Clarendon Press, 1893). Ch. XXX. 1, 427; Han shu, 30.3139) and Chung-ni=Confucius (Yen t'iehlun chiao chu by Huan K'uan, ed. and commented by Wang Li-ch'i (Shanghai: Ku-tien wen-hsüeh ch'u- pan-she, 1958), 11.82). It can also have as an object the books of outstanding men (as in the present case) that were thought of as prolongations of personalities and declarations of wills of their authors (see Jurij L. Kroll. "Ssu-ma Ch'ien's Literary Theory and Literary Practice,"in Altorientalische Forschungen IV(Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1976), 314—316); here tsu shu means "to follow (or to transmit) a book as [that of ] a founder." The term seems to point to the sphere of creating and continuing innovations, including ideas and their succession, the concept of following one's school foun-

about one of the money-makersrespected by him, "Trading in fats is a shameful occupation (Juch 'u\ but Yung Po [made] a thousand catties of gold [at it]".Thus

Yün not only expressed no desire to restore his former status of a dignitary, but also put himself on a level with rich merchants whom Ssu-ma Ch'ien called "untitled nobility"74. One can but draw the conclusion that Yün earnestly adopted the idea of changing his lot of an official for that of a farmer and a merchant till the end of his days. Therefore he rejected advices to the effect that he should demonstrate repentance in order to persuade Hsüan-ti to pardon him and finally return to a high post.

Pan Ku writes, "More than a year [after Yang Yiin's demotion] his friend Grand Administrator {t'ai-shou) of An-ting [commandery] Sun Hui-tsung75, [a native of] Hsi-ho [commandery] who was a man of [outstanding] cleverness and [far reaching] schemes, wrote Yün a letter, in which [he] admonished [and advised] him; [he] told him that [after] a great minister is deprived [of his government standing] and dismissed [from his post, he] should shut the door and [shivering with] fright [think about his fault, thus] expressing the idea (?)76 that [he] deserves sympathy; [he] should not manage [business increasing] property, establish friendly relations with guests and accept praise. Yün was a chancellor's son who in [his] youth has won renown at court; [but] one morning [he] was deprived of [his government standing] because of dishonest utterances (?)77 and cherished disavowal [of his guilt] (?)78 in his bosom. He responded Hui-tsung with a letter."79

In his answer Yün expressed his disagreement with Sun Hui-tsun's ideas; he did it politely, but clearly enough. His objections can be summed as follows:

74See Ch'ii. Han Social Structure, 122, cf. ibid., 121—122; Shih —chi, 129.44; a slightly mod. translation by Watson cited, cf. his Records. Vol. 2, 499.

75See Loewe. A Biographical Dictionary, 498.

wei; in spite of the punctuation of the Kuo-hsüeh chi-pen ts'ung-shu edition of the Han shu pu chu text (see Han shu, 66. 4431) I believe an-wei to be an attribute to the word combination yü-yen ("utterances", "speeches") that follows it. The Chinese translators of Yang Yiin's biography into modern language render an-wei yü-yen as "speeches, about which it is unclear whether they are authentic or false" {Han shu hsüan-yi, \12). However an-wei has also other meanings, that of "dishonest" and those of "unsightly deeds" and "secrets not to be divulged to others", see Han yü ta tz 'u-tien (Shanghai: Han yü ta tz'u-tien ch'u-pan-she, 1990). Vol. 5, 799, an-wei, 2nd meaning. Deeds of this kind were regarded as faults (offences), however as minor ones, insufficient to injure the reputation of a great minister, see Han shu, 82.4911. But as an attribute to "utterances (speeches)" an-wei more likely means "dishonest, insincere."

78Or: discontent ? ipufu).

79Han shu, 66.4431.

(1)As to his decision to remain a diligent farmer to the end of his days

paying due taxes to the state, he writes he "had no idea [he] should be moreover censured because of this."80 To put it differently, he declines Sun Hui-tsung's ad-

vice to strive for returning to the position of a high official.

(2)Yang Yün also rejects Sun Hui-tsung's advice to lock himself in the seclusion of his house thus demonstrating his repentance and rousing compassion by his behaviour. He writes, "Now, what human emotions fail to repress (or keep down) is that which sages do not prohibit. Therefore [though] a sovereign is the most honourable [of all] and a father is the nearest (or: most beloved) [of all, for those] who perform obsequities to (lit.: accompany) the dead there is a time when [the period of mourning] comes to an end; [it lasts three years. One cannot bemoan

the loss of one's position longer than that. Your] servant has been accused of an offence already three years ago, [and the period of moping on the occasion is over].81

The work of a tiller is hard. When [in the course of] annual [change of] seasons [the days of the summer] fu [sacrifice] and of [the New Year] la [sacrifice 82 come, I] boil a sheep, roast a lamb, and reward myself for [my] toils with a dipper

most skilful at playing the psaltery.83 [I have also] several male and female slaves who sing. After [I have drunk] fermented liquor, [my] ears [are beginning to] burn, [I] look up at heaven, tapping on84 an earthenware drum [in order to beat time], while [singing and] crying 'Woo! Woo!'85

80Яш2 5/ш,66.4432

81 We adopt Professor Watson's interpretation of the passage, see his Early Chinese Literature, 118, n.9. It seems to be based on the commentary by Chang Yen (3rd century): "The [period of] mourning does not exceed three years; when a minister(=a subject) experiences banishment and exile, [he] begins again [after] three months of living degraded (? chien chu)" To this Liu Ch'ang (1019— 1068) remarks that Yün spoke only about "three years" for those who "perform obsequities to the dead," not about "three months" for "the banished and exiled" {Han shu, 66.4432; Wen hsiian,

41.911).

82For both see Derk Bodde. Festivals in Classical China. New year and Other Annual Observances during the Han Dynasty 206 B.C. — A.D. 220 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), 49—74, 317—325 (nn. 63, 64), 333—334.

83Se, usually translated as a "lute" into English. In Han shu, 66. 4433, the musical instrument is termed se, a 13 strings psaltery; in Wen hsiian, 41. 911, it is termed ch 'in, a 7 strings zither. Chao girls

were said to "pluck a singing se" {Shih-chi, 129.20—21; cf. Swann. Food and Money, 441).

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[The words of] the song are (or: Thepoem is) [as follows]: [I] cultivated a field in those Southern Mountains,86

[But] the rank weeds remained unkempt.

[I] planted beans on [a patch of land measuring] one ch 'ing*1 [But they] fell [to the ground] and [only bare] stalks .. were left. [So long as] a man is alive, [he should] just enjoy himself,

Till when [has one]to wait for wealth and high standing?

On these days [I ] shake [my] robes in delight, [I] wave [my] sleeves upand down, stamp [my] feet and break into a dance. [I] indulge in unrestrained amusements indeed, [but I ]do not know [why] it is inadmissible."88Thus, to Yang

Yün's mind, according to human nature he is entitled to enjoy himself on festive occasions and stop moping in solitude because he was deprived of his post and title a long time ago.

(3) Another Yün's objection to Sun Hui-tsung's ideas consists in emphasizing he does not belong to the type of men capable of taking such an advice. Having described his commercial activities (see p. 15 above), Yün writes, "This is the business of a sordid merchant, a disgraceful and 'shameful occupation' (cf. above), [but nevertheless] Yün personally engages in it. A man of 'low standing' is one upon whom 'all defamations' 'flow in,'89 [therefore he] shivers without being cold. If even those who knew Yün very well 'adapt [their judgements to defamations of the crowd], following [the way, in which] the wind [is blowing],'90

Ch'in. The [styles] called 'Cheng,' 'Wey,' 'Sang-chien,' 'Shao,' 'Yü,' 'Wu' and 'Hsiang' are music of other states. But today [the people of Ch'in] have abandoned beating on jugs and tapping on jars and have taken the 'Cheng' and 'Wey.' They refuse to pluck the zither and accept the 'Shao' and 'Yü.'Why is this so? Simply to enjoy what is before them, to suit their taste. That is all" {Shih-chi,

87.9—10; the translation from Grand Scribe's Records. Vol. VII, 339, cited; it is mainly based on that by Derk Bodde, see his China's First Unifier,A Study of the Ch 'in Dynasty as Seen in the life of LiSsu

(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1938), 19—20.

86Nan-shan here is in all probability the name of mountains also known as Chung-nan-shan that belong to Ch'i-lin range of mountains. They are situated in the territory of the former kingdom of Ch'in south of its capital Hsien-yang, the Han capital Ch'ang-an and the modem city of Sian.

87According to Hulsewé, the Ch'in — Han ch'ing equivalent to 100 mu was about 4,6 hectare, see A.F.P.Hulsewé. Remnants ofCh 'in Law (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985), 19.

88Han shu, 66. 4433. Cf. Wilbur. Slavery, 395; Robert van Gulik. Sexual Life in Ancient China

(Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1961), 67; Watson. Early Chinese Literature, 117—118.

89 Inner quotes mark citations from Lun yü, cf. Legge. Confucian Analects. Bk. XIX. Ch .XX, 346, one of them inexact: in place of chung hui ("all defamations") Lun yü reads / 'ien hsia chihwu

("defamations of All-under-Heaven").

90 Inner quotes mark a set phrase appearing earlier in Chang Shih-chih's biography {Han shu,

50.3781; cf. Shih-chi, 102. 5; Watson.Records. Vol. I, 534).According to Li Shan, it appears in Ch'u- tz'u, see Wen hsüan, 41. 912. In the first part of his letter Yün also states he "ventures to bear a griev-