Добавил:
Опубликованный материал нарушает ваши авторские права? Сообщите нам.
Вуз: Предмет: Файл:

vol. 40 iss. 1] Steven Grosby - Borders, Territory and Nationality (1997

.pdf
Скачиваний:
5
Добавлен:
25.12.2021
Размер:
3.64 Mб
Скачать
Armenialived in peace...

20 STEVEN GROSBY

"House of David," does not, ipso facto, indicate the existence of a nation; nonetheless,it is certainlysuggestiveof a degree of trans-localculturalhomo- geneity or relation.Once again, an element in ascertainingthe existence of a nation is a designationcommonto both a "people"and an area of land. Why is this so? It is because this common designationindicatesthat the image of an area of land has become one of the referentsaroundwhich the image of a "people"has been constituted;that is, it indicatesthat there exists a bounded

territorialrelation,a territorial

 

of

nativity,

a nation.We find such a

 

 

collectivity

 

 

 

 

 

designationthroughoutearly

Armenian

 

 

 

As indicated

the

 

historiography.

above,

 

term

 

 

meantthe

territoryArmenia;62)yet,

the termis

 

HaylHayk'(singular/plural)

 

 

 

also repeatedlyused to designate"Armenians."63)

And after this, there was a bitter contest between the Persians and the Armenians (Hayk'), because the formerhad collected an army and came to seize the realm of the land of Armenia (hayastan erkin) (Faustus' Histories, III.xi).

Indicativeof this "conflation"betweentermssignifyinga land and its people,") characteristicof nationality,are passageslike the following from Faustus'His- tories (V.xlii).

For seven years after that, the Persian army did not dare to enter again into the Armenianborders(sahman), and there was peace in the land... And the entire land of

All the people of the land of Armenia savored these days...

The intentionof these observations,in

this dual

of

 

particular

implication

Hay

(Hayk')referringto both the land of Armeniaand the people of Armeniasuch that the term Armenia signifies both--reminiscentof the terminologicalcon-

flation

(kol) yilra'el, 'drds yiLra'el, bend yisra'el-is not

meant to

deny the

actual,

natureof Armenian

once

again,

the cen-

 

heterogeneous

society, namely,

 

 

trifugal,feudalnaXararsystem, and the existence of a RomanLesserArmenia, a GreaterArmenia,and southernArmenianareas independentof both. Nonetheless, this terminology,and, as we shall observe, much more, does indicate

that,

despite

this

it is

for one to

speak

of

the exist-

 

 

heterogeneity,

appropriate

 

 

ence of an Armeniannation, however nebulous that nation might have been.

62)Mec Hayk' refers to "GreaterArmenia."Faustususes the term Hayk', "Armenia,"and Mec Hayk' as synonyms, with no referenceto the Roman Lesser Armenia, see P'awstos 1989, p. 480.

63)P'awstos 1989, p. 379. Hayk' is singularnominative;Hayoc' is plural nominative and

genitive.

64) This terminologicalconflation can also often be seen with clans and tribes, for example, the clan and its territorywere both called naXararut'iwnby Khorenats'i, see Adontz 1970, p. 371. To repeat, such a terminologicalconflation indicates that this fiction of a translocal kinship of blood relation has as its basis a territorialreferent. Once again, a similar conflation can be seen in the ancient Near East, see note 23.

This content downloaded from 91.105.18.94 on Sun, 18 May 2014 05:40:07 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

BORDERS,TERRITORYANDNATIONALITY

21

These comments are equally relevant to an analysis of nationality in Europe during the middle ages.

In addition to the use of Hay (Hayk'), there are other indications of the existence of a cultural homogeneity constitutive of Armenia. There appears to have been not only a language common to the territory of Armenia,65)but also the awareness that it was constitutive of that territory.This may be seen in the term "land of Armenian speech," erkir haykakan lezui.

And all the azats (the lower nobility)and peasantsfromone border(sahman)to the otherof the entireterritory(pluralof sahman)of the land of Armeniamournedthe azats and all the peasantsand all the dwellersin the houseof T'orgomalike [all the speakers]-of-the-Armeniantongue.(Faustus'HistoriesV.xxx)

One presumes that the reference of the term "land of Armenian speech" encom-

passed Lesser as well as Greater Armenia.66)

We have observed, so far, terms that would appear to indicate the existence of two referents of the collective self-consciousness constitutive of a nation of

Armenia, a relation of a bounded areal jurisdiction, a territory, and a language (and after400 A.D. an Armenian scriptcommon to "Roman"Armeniaand "Persian"

Armenia67) which was seen as common to Armenians and their territory.

A third referent in the formation of an Armenian collective self-consciousness

was a belief in an ancestry common to all Armenians. In the above quotation from Faustus' Histories, reference is made to "all the dwellers in the house of T'orgom." We learn from Khorenats'i's History (I.xii) that Hayk, the term used to designate both Armenia and Armenians, was "son of T'orgom, son of T'iras, son of Gomer, son of Yapheth, [and] the ancestor of the Armenians." Clearly, Khorenats'i's description not only follows biblical models, but it actually places Armenia (Hayk) within biblical genealogy (see Genesis 10:3).68) The tendentiousness of such a description is obvious; less obvious is its significance.69)

The bounded, trans-local territorial relation characteristic of nationality ap- pears to engender, in varying degrees of saliency, the fiction of a kinship of ties of blood. Why this should be so is difficult to say. Perhaps because both land is life-sustaining and without its own territory or references to a territory be- lieved to be its own (and usually sovereignty over that territory) a nation ceases to "live," the idiom of the familial relation of the tie of blood-itself being the

65) Strabo 1854, Book XI, Chapter XIV, "they [the Armenians] all speak the same language."

66)P'awstos 1989, p. 524.

67)Thomson 1994, p. 38.

68)See also Agathangelos 1976, p. xvi.

69)For the probableetymology of Hayk and its relation to the term Armenia, see the various discussions in Toumanoff 1963.

This content downloaded from 91.105.18.94 on Sun, 18 May 2014 05:40:07 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

22 STEVEN GROSBY

most obvious idiom of factors expressiveof the generationand sustenanceof life-is attributedto territorialrelations.In any event, in antiquity,the obvious parallelexample to Hay/Haykis "Israel,"the term applyingto both the fictitious ancestryand the nation.Havingobservedthreeelementsevidentlyconstitutive of Armeniansociety, let us turnbrieflyto the existenceof conceptionsof the territorialboundariesof that society.

We have alreadyseen examplesof use of the terms"border"(sahman)and "territory"(wherethe pluralof sahmanis used) in ancientArmenianhistoriog- raphy.Characteristicof the many uses of these termsis the following excerpt from Faustus'Histories(V.xx).

 

and

he

[Mu'el,

commanderof the Armenian

was at

work,

striv-

Morning

night

 

forces]

 

ing

and

to

to

 

andhe didnotallow

any--not

one

 

soil tobe

straining go

 

war,

 

 

handful--of

 

taken

fromthe confines

of the landof

Armenia.70)

 

awayanywhere

 

 

(limits,boundaries)

 

The tumultuous history of

the area, in particular Armenia being situated be-

tween the Romanand Persianempires,was not conduciveto the establishment

of stableborders

theentire"landof Armenian

 

theredid exist

encompassing

speech."Nevertheless,

 

of the bounded

of Greater

 

relativelypreciseconceptions

territory

Armenia.In Faustus'Histories (III.vii),we read thatenemies of Armenia(pos- sibly Iberians)

scatteredand

over

all the

way

to the small

city

 

spreadaltogether

[Armenia's]territory

 

of Satalandto Ganjak,[whichis] the borderof Atrpatakan.

 

 

 

Satal was at the far northwestern end of Greater Armenia and Ganjak was its far southeastern end, thus marking the borders of Greater Armenia at the time. A more detailed description of the territoryis provided in Agathangelos' History (dcccxlii) in the discussion of the geographical extent of the missionary work

of Gregory.71)

Thus

 

 

thewholelandof

 

 

 

fromend to

end,

he extendedthelaborof

 

 

 

throughout

 

Fromthe

 

Armenia,

 

 

to

 

 

to the

 

 

 

 

the

 

 

city

of Satalato thelandof

 

 

 

 

preaching

gospel.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Khaltik', Kalarjik,

 

very

bordersof the

 

 

to the

gate

of the Alans,to thebordersof the

Kaspk',

 

 

 

the

 

Massagetae,

 

 

 

fromthe

 

 

 

 

to

 

 

 

 

city

of theArmenian

 

city

of Amidato the

city

of

 

P'aytakaran

thebordersof

kingdom;

 

 

 

 

to

Nisibishe

 

 

 

 

 

the landof Nor-Shirakanand

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

passedalong

 

 

 

Syria,

of

 

 

to

Korduk',

the securelandof theMedes,to thehouseof the

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

prince

 

Mahk'r-tun Azerbaijan-

he spread his gospel-preaching.

70)Note also the reference to "native land" in Elishe 1982, p. 131, "Theirgeneral him- self took responsibilityfor the rear ranks;posting guards to the front and rear and the sides, he brought the army back safe and sound in thirty days near to the borders of their native land."

71)See also the detailed description of the borderlandsof GreaterArmenia in P'awstos 1989, IV.1.

This content downloaded from 91.105.18.94 on Sun, 18 May 2014 05:40:07 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

BORDERS,TERRITORYAND NATIONALITY

23

 

-?

.

 

 

 

 

 

;.?5?

 

 

 

IL:

 

 

:.-:'......'•

-,.:..>,

 

 

,.•-1~'

 

 

 

 

.x

 

 

t

`0

inu

 

 

 

":

..•-.

/A

...(-....q -. ...en..-.

LLI)

 

 

 

.....),,

 

 

 

 

..j

ror

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

~.

 

 

 

 

 

~ ~

?-

~

~

r

c

 

 

 

Q

 

 

"

 

 

 

-'-'''.,l_.-

 

-.---Z

 

 

 

 

 

 

o t

 

o

 

 

 

 

-

 

 

..4J

 

 

 

 

 

 

CI C)]'t

 

 

 

 

 

CL

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

LA

 

o

 

 

oJ V \

 

 

 

 

 

 

L

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

'r

 

 

LOc

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

.

 

?.

~

.

 

 

 

&W,1wx

t`

 

•'0

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Co

 

___1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

"::"~~' ?v 0

. , .,

 

t

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

V I

"x. ..

4

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

'..

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

"I

"

U

 

JW

 

V)

 

 

 

 

 

-..: :..."W

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

;;•?"L-

 

 

 

 

 

 

o-•

 

f-X

 

0.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

•'

0.0i

 

 

 

 

 

 

.,)11.i

 

 

 

 

 

cr

w

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

cr CL

LU

I

0

r

o

-~

/

?

4

m

~~jC

.

:) ••"":

C:N

ON

S ',

O00o,To-4 -

14*1

C.)

C-AC

?

4?l -4

?•0t'l ~

?,,,•

cclF

This content downloaded from 91.105.18.94 on Sun, 18 May 2014 05:40:07 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

24 STEVEN GROSBY

Anotherdescriptionof the territorialboundariesof GreaterArmeniais to be found in Ananiasof Sirak's Geography.Ananiasdescribedin greatdetail how GreaterArmeniawas composedof fifteen areas.Each of the fifteen areaswas furtheranalyzedby Ananias in considerabledetail, specificallythe bordersof each areawere given and, then,each area'sconstitutivedistrictswere listed and

described.

 

even

though

Ananias'

 

 

was modelledafter

Unfortunately,

 

 

 

Geography

 

of

various ancient

 

 

and, as such, is most

 

not an

example

 

geographies

 

 

 

 

certainly

 

Christian

 

its

 

 

 

of GreaterArmeniais still unreliable.

historiography,

description

Ananias'

 

 

 

Written

in the

early

seventh

 

Geographyappears

probably

 

 

century,72)

to conflatedescriptionsof GreaterArmeniafrom two differenteras, one being GreaterArmeniabeforeits divisionin 387, and the secondbeing Armeniaafter

591. Indicativeof the

of Ananias'

image

of GreaterArmeniais the

 

artificiality

 

fact thatat no periodof time did the fifteenareasof GreaterArmenia,as listed and describedby Ananias,exist at the same time.73)Nonetheless,it is of some

significancethatthereexisted such a relativelyprecisegeographicalconception

of the

of GreaterArmenia.

 

territory

Needless to say, boundariesin antiquitywere often provided, as it were, naturally,for example, the Euphrateswas the boundarybetween Lesser and GreaterArmeniabefore387 andthe Nymphiosrivermarkedthe borderbetween Romanand PersianArmeniaafterthe division of 387.74) However,any conclusion thatboundariesin antiquitywere only establishedby such physicalmarkers as riversor mountainrangesis unwarranted.75)Note, for example,Khorenats'i's (II.lvi) descriptionof the bordersestablishedby Artashes.76)

Andhe establishedmarkersfor thebordersin the followingway:he orderedfour-sided stonesto be hewn,theircentersto be hallowedout like plates,andthattheybe buried in theearth.Overthemhe hadfittedfour-sidedobelisks,a littlehigherthantheground.

Furthermore,it would appearthat the Armeniansmay have also distinguished conceptuallya more precise boundaryfrom a more imprecisefrontier.As we have observed,the wordsahmandesignateda boundary,andits pluralindicated the relativelyprecisejurisdictionof the area within a set of boundaries,i.e. a territory.However, there is anotherterm marz which, in contrastto sahman, may have meant"borderdistrict"or perhaps"frontier."

72)See Hewsen's introductionto Ananias 1992, pp. 15, 33.

73)Ananias 1992, pp. 59, 146-50.

74)For the "natural"boundariesof Armenia,see Strabo 1854; Pliny 1942, Book VI, chap-

ter 10; Ptolemy 1932, pp. 123-25.

75)Recall the boundary established between Hamath and Arpad as described by the Antakya Stele (Donbaz 1990, p. 7), and the boundarystone, tahumu, of Adad-nerariIII as described in the Pazarcik Stele (Donbaz 1990, p. 9).

76)See also, for example, Agathangelos 176, p. xxxvi, where ditches were dug to fix the

This content downloaded from 91.105.18.94 on Sun, 18 May 2014 05:40:07 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

 

BORDERS,TERRITORYAND NATIONALITY

25

The

of a

boundedshared

language

and the belief in

 

recognition

territorially

 

a commonancestryof those who speakthatlanguageand dwell in thatterritory are not the only examples of a relationof relativesociologicaluniformitychar-

acteristicof

nationality

to be found in the ancient

of

(Greater)

 

 

historiography

Another

of sucha relationoccursinFaustus'Histories

Armenia.77)

strikingexample

 

 

(III.xxi)when an Armenian"council"meets in the aftermathof the Persiankid- nappingof the Armenianking, Tiran.

Thenthemenof therealmof thelandof Armenia-thenaXarars(noble"dukes"),mag-

nates,nobleskusakals asXarhakals(administrators),and azats (retainers), (governors),

the armyleaders,judges,chieftans,andprinces,not to mentionthe armycommanders

andeven

of the ramik

andsinakan

ered

 

[some/many?]

(ordinarypeople)

(peasantry)--gath-

 

in a councilof still

accord.

 

 

 

together

greater

 

 

Faustusappearshere and in otherplaces to be describingan institutionwhich

resembles a national

This

of the

assembly

of the Ar-

 

assembly.7")

description

 

menianpeople is also reminiscentof descriptionsindicativeof the existence of othernations,for example,once again,Josiahbefore all the people of Israelas

in 2 Kings 23. portrayed

Conclusion

In the cases of Edom, and especially "all Aram"and ancientArmenia,there are termswhich, as Nicholas Adontz put it, are themselves"thebest witnesses

and

of

historicallife." The

difficultyis,

of

course,

the

conceptions

 

interpreters

 

 

 

which we employ in our attemptto understandthese philologicalkernelsof historical significance.The unavoidablefact is that in these threeexamples,spanning a period of more than a thousand years, there exist terms signifying bounded,trans-localterritorialrelations.How are we to understandthem?

Whateverambiguitiessurroundthese termsand however limited is the evidence, this much is clear: there existed in the ancientNear East and Armenia termsthat indicatethe existence of boundedterritorialrelationsspanninglocal- ity and"tribe."If we restrictouruse of the term"tribe"to indicatea collectivity

the

of which is based

 

on familialdescent,then

clearly

it

 

membership

 

 

primarily

 

 

is insufficientas

a

descriptivecategory

for the

trans-localsocieties

 

 

 

 

territorially

 

 

borders, and P'awstos 1989, IV.i for the setting of the boundaryline markingthe division of Armenia of 387 A.D.

77)Consider also the apparentrecognition that certain beliefs and actions were appropri- ate only for Armenian soil, P'awstos 1989, IV.liv.

78)See also especially P'awstos 1989 IV.li, where the council is described as meeting without the king and in opposition to him. For other references to the council, zolov, in the

ancient Armenian histories, see Garsoian 1985b, note 46.

This content downloaded from 91.105.18.94 on Sun, 18 May 2014 05:40:07 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

26 STEVEN GROSBY

of Edom,"all Aram,"and Armenia.To recognizethat the fictionof relationby blood is attributedto relativelyextensive,yet boundedterritorialco-residence- as was the case for ancientIsrael and Armenia,and apparentlyfor Edom and perhaps"all Aram"--shouldmean to leave behindthe categoryof "tribe"and

enter into the

category

of

constitutedtribesof limited

 

 

nationality.Territorially

locality in the ancientNear East, as describedby M.B. Rowton a numberof

years ago

in the

pages

of this

an

transitionalcat-

 

 

journal,79)represent

analytical,

egory between tribe and the bounded, territorially more extensive nation. Rowton described such polities, when sovereign, as dimorphicstates, where thereis a tribalconfederationwhich is centeredon a town and a dynastywithin a tribalterritory.One of the implicationsof the argumentof this article is to clarify whatever ambiguityexists in Rowton's use of the term "centered."It would seem that the use of "centered"in Rowton's descriptionof dimorphic statesindicatesthe presenceof a territorialreferentin the traditionsconstitutive

of a

-a

referent

in

is at the basis of a

trans-

 

collectivity

which,

 

 

turn,

(fictitious)

local

of bloodrelation.Sucha

 

is whataccountsfortheconflation

 

kinship

 

 

"centering"

 

betweenthose termsthatdesignateboth a boundedareaof landand a "people."

Our

of

the fact of the

very

existence of these terms of ex-

 

understanding

 

 

tended,yet boundedterritorialrelationwill be advancedif certainanachronistic assumptionsare laid to rest. One such assumptionis that nationalityis exclu-

sively

a modern

One of the

of this

brief and

phenomenon.

purposes

admittedly

schematicanalysisis to show the usefulnessof analyzingthe existenceof these termsof territorialrelationfrom the perspectiveof the categoryof that territo-

rial collectivityof nativity,nationality.To be sure,thereare good reasons,especially in the case of "all Aram,"to qualify the applicationof the classificatory concept of nationality.Yet, even with "all Aram,"it is helpful to considerin

what

ways

"all Aram"was and was not a

nation,

in

in what

ways

 

 

 

particular,

"all Aram"had apparentlynot yet achieved a constitutiveterritorialstability.

These and other

do not invalidatethe meritof

applying

this cat-

 

qualifications

 

egory of analysisto certainancientcollectivities.Moreover,such an application is an example of the contributionthat the study of the ancientNear East and Orientcan maketo the studyof medievaland modernEuropeby deepeningour

of nationality.A nation is a relation,a form of collective selfunderstanding

consciousness,of a large numberof individualswith an image of a bounded, trans-localterritoryas a constitutivereferentof that relation.As a relation,a nationis a living entity,requiringcontinualreanimationof the forms of the relation, that is, requiringadherenceto its existence throughreaffirmationof the conceptualreferentsaroundwhich the relationof collective self-consciousness

79) Rowton 1974.

This content downloaded from 91.105.18.94 on Sun, 18 May 2014 05:40:07 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Elishe 1982

BORDERS,TERRITORYAND NATIONALITY

27

is constituted.As a living relation,any nationis completewith heterogeneous, centrifugalas well as centralizingtendencies.Thatthis is so was obviousin the case of ancientArmenia.It is also certainlythe case with the modernnational state.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adontz, Nicholas

1970

Agathangelos

1976

Ananias

Armenia in the Period of Justinian (Lisbon: Calouste GulbenkianFoundation), originally published in 1908.

Agathangelos, History of the Armenians, trans. R.W. Thomson (Albany: State University of New York Press).

1992

The

Geography of

Ananias

trans.Robert Hewsen

 

 

 

of Sirak (ASXARHAC'OYC'),

 

(Wiesbaden: Reichert).

 

Astour, Michael

 

 

 

1963

"Place-names from the Kingdom of Alalah in the North Syrian List of Thut-

 

mose III: A Study in HistoricalTopography."Journal of Near Eastern Studies

 

XXII: 220-41.

 

 

Bartlett, John R.

 

 

 

1989

Edom and Edomites (Sheffield:JSOT Press).

Caminos, Ricardo A.

 

 

1954

Late-EgyptianMiscellanies (London: Oxford University Press).

Cody, Aelrud

 

 

 

1964

"When is the Chosen People Called a Goy." Vetus Testamentum14: 1-6.

Donbaz, Veysel

 

 

 

1990 "TwoNeo-AssyrianStelaein theAntakyaandKahramanmarasMuseums."Annual

 

Review of the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project 8: 5-24.

Dupont-Sommer,A. and Starcky, J.

 

1958

"Les inscriptions aram6ennes de Sefird." Memoires pre'sente'espar divers

 

savants d l'Acadimie des inscriptions et belles-lettres XV: 197-351.

Dussaud, Rene

 

 

 

1927

Topographie Historique De La Syrie Antique Et Medievale (Paris: Librairie

 

OrientalistePaul Geuthner).

Elishe, History of Vardanand the ArmenianWar, trans.R.W. Thomson (Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press).

Fitzmyer, Joseph

1967 The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute).

1979 "The Syntax of kl, klh, "All" in Aramaic Texts from Egypt and in Biblical Aramaic." In J. Fitzmyer, A Wandering Aramean (Missoula: Scholars Press 1979), pp. 205-17.

Forrer,E.

1932 "Aramu."Reallexikon der Assyriologie 1: 131-39. Garsoian,Nina G.

1985 Armenia between Byzantine and the Sasanians (London:Variorum).

1985a "Armenia in the Fourth Century. An Attempt to Re-define the Concepts 'Armenia' and 'loyalty."' In Garsoian 1985, pp. 341-52.

1985b "Prolegomenato a Study of the IranianAspects in Arsacid Armenia."In Garsoian 1985, pp. 1-46.

This content downloaded from 91.105.18.94 on Sun, 18 May 2014 05:40:07 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

28 STEVEN GROSBY

Gibson, John C.L.

1975 Textbookof SyrianSemiticInscriptions,Vol. 2 (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress). Greenfield, Jonas C.

1987 "Aspects of ArameanReligion." In PatrickD. Miller, Jr., Paul D. Hanson, and S. Dean McBride, eds. Ancient Israelite Religion (Philadelphia:FortressPress),

 

pp. 67-78.

Grosby, Steven

1991

"Religion and Nationality in Antiquity."Archives Europeennes de Sociologie

 

XXXII: 229-65.

1993a

"Kinship, Territoryand the Nation in the Historiographyof Ancient Israel."

 

Zeitschriftfir die alttestamentlicheWissenschaft105: 3-18.

1993b

"Sociological Implications of the Distinction Between 'Locality' and Extended

 

'Territory'with ParticularReference to the Old Testament."Social Compass40:

 

179-98.

Hawkins, J.D.

1973 "Hazazu."Reallexikon der Assyriologie 4: 240. Khorenats'i,Moses

1978 Moses Khorenats'i, History of the Armenians, trans. R.W. Thomson (Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press).

Lattimore,Owen

1979 "Geographyand the Ancient Empires."In M.T. Larsen, ed. Power and Propa- ganda-A Symposiumon Ancient Empires (Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag),

 

pp. 35-40.

Luckenbill, Daniel David

1926

AncientRecordsofAssyria andBabylonia(Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress).

Machinist, Peter

1986

"On Self Consciousness in Mesopotamia."In S.N. Eisenstadt, ed. The Origins

 

and Diversity of Axial Age Civilizations (Albany: State University of New York

 

Press), pp. 183-202.

Malamat, Abraham

1973

"The Aramaeans."In D.J. Wiseman, ed. Peoples of Old TestamentTimes (Ox-

 

ford: Oxford University Press), pp. 134-155.

1989

Mari and the Early Israelite Experience (Oxford:Oxford University Press).

Mazar, B.

 

1962

"The Aramean Empire and its Relations with Israel." The Biblical Archaeolo-

 

gist 25: 98-120.

Meinecke, Friedrich

1970

Cosmopolitanismand the National State (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress),

 

originally published 1928.

Na'aman, Nadav

1978

"Looking for KTK."Die Welt des Orients IX: 220-39.

Noth, Martin

 

1928

Die israelitischen Personennamen in Rahmen der gemeinsemitischenNamen-

 

gebung, BWANT10 (Stuttgart:W. Kohlhammer).

1962

Die Welt Des Alten Testaments(Berlin: Alfred Topelmann).

Oded, B.

 

1974

"The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of Tilgath-pileser

 

III."Zeitschriftdes Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins90: 38-49.

Parpola, Simo and Watanabe,Kazuko

1988

State Archives of Assyria, Vol. II (Helsinki: Helsinki University Press).

P'awstos

The Epic Histories Attributedto P'awstos Buzand, trans. N. Garsoian (Cam-

1989

 

bridge: HarvardUniversity Press).

This content downloaded from 91.105.18.94 on Sun, 18 May 2014 05:40:07 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

BORDERS, TERRITORY AND NATIONALITY

29

Pitard, W.T.

1987 Ancient Damascus: A Historical Study of the Syrian City-Statefrom Earliest Times until its Fall to the Assyrians in 732 B.C. (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns).

Pliny

Natural History (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press).

 

1942

 

Polignac, Franqoisde

 

 

 

 

1994

"Mediation, Competition, and Sovereignty: The Evolution of Rural Sanctuaries

 

in Geometric Greece." In Susan E. Alcock and Robin Osborne,eds. Placing the

 

Gods--Sanctuaries

and Sacred Space in Ancient Greece (Oxford: Clarendon

 

Press), pp. 3-18.

 

 

 

 

1995

Cults, Territoryand the Origins of the Greek City-State(Chicago: University of

 

Chicago Press), first published in 1984.

 

 

 

Ptolemy, Claudius

 

 

 

 

1932

Geography of Claudius Ptolemy (New York: New York Public Library).

Reynolds, Susan

 

900-1300

Oxford

1984

andCommunitiesin Western

 

Kingdoms

Europe

(Oxford:

University

 

Press).

 

 

 

 

Rowton, M.B.

 

 

 

 

1974

"EnclosedNomadism."Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient

 

17:1-30.

 

 

 

 

Speiser, E.A.

 

 

 

 

1960

"People and Nation of Israel."Journal of Biblical Literature79: 157-63.

Strabo

The Geography (London: H.C. Bohn).

 

 

 

1854

 

 

 

Tadmor, Hayim

 

 

 

 

1975

"Assyria and the West: The Ninth Centuryand its Aftermath."In Hans Goedicke

 

and J.J.M. Roberts, eds. Unity and Diversity--Essays in the History, Literature

 

and Religion of the Ancient Near East (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University

 

Press), pp. 36-48.

 

 

 

 

1986

"Monarchy and the Elite in Assyria and Babylonia: The Question of Royal

 

Accountability."In S.N. Eisenstadt,ed. The Origins and Diversity of Axial Age

 

Civilizations (Albany: State University of New York Press), pp. 203-224.

1994

The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III King of Assyria (Jerusalem:The Israel

 

Academy of Sciences and Humanities).

 

 

 

Thomson, R.W.

 

 

 

 

1994

"Mission, Conversion, and Christianization:The Armenian Example." In R.W.

 

Thomson Studies in ArmenianLiteratureand Christianity(Aldershot:Variorum),

 

pp. 28-45.

 

 

 

 

Toumanoff, C.

 

 

 

 

1963 Studiesin ChristianCaucasianHistory(Washington:GeorgetownUniversityPress).

Vriezen, Th.C.

 

 

 

 

1965

"The Edomite Deity Qaus." OudtestamentischeStudien 14: 330-53.

 

Weippert,Manfred

1973 "Menahemvon IsraelundseineZeitsgenossenin einerSteleninschriftdes assyrischen

IIIaus demIran."

des Deutschen

Paldistina-Vereins

Konigs Tiglathpileser

Zeitschrift

89: 26-53.

 

 

 

Zobel, H.-J.

1977 "yitra'el." In G.J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren, eds. Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament(GrandRapids: Eerdmans),pp. 397-420.

This content downloaded from 91.105.18.94 on Sun, 18 May 2014 05:40:07 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions