
vol. 40 iss. 1] Steven Grosby - Borders, Territory and Nationality (1997
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20 STEVEN GROSBY
"House of David," does not, ipso facto, indicate the existence of a nation; nonetheless,it is certainlysuggestiveof a degree of trans-localculturalhomo- geneity or relation.Once again, an element in ascertainingthe existence of a nation is a designationcommonto both a "people"and an area of land. Why is this so? It is because this common designationindicatesthat the image of an area of land has become one of the referentsaroundwhich the image of a "people"has been constituted;that is, it indicatesthat there exists a bounded
territorialrelation,a territorial |
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a nation.We find such a |
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collectivity |
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designationthroughoutearly |
Armenian |
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As indicated |
the |
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historiography. |
above, |
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term |
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meantthe |
territoryArmenia;62)yet, |
the termis |
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HaylHayk'(singular/plural) |
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also repeatedlyused to designate"Armenians."63)
And after this, there was a bitter contest between the Persians and the Armenians (Hayk'), because the formerhad collected an army and came to seize the realm of the land of Armenia (hayastan erkin) (Faustus' Histories, III.xi).
Indicativeof this "conflation"betweentermssignifyinga land and its people,") characteristicof nationality,are passageslike the following from Faustus'His- tories (V.xlii).
For seven years after that, the Persian army did not dare to enter again into the Armenianborders(sahman), and there was peace in the land... And the entire land of
All the people of the land of Armenia savored these days...
The intentionof these observations,in |
this dual |
of |
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particular |
implication |
Hay |
(Hayk')referringto both the land of Armeniaand the people of Armeniasuch that the term Armenia signifies both--reminiscentof the terminologicalcon-
flation |
(kol) yilra'el, 'drds yiLra'el, bend yisra'el-is not |
meant to |
deny the |
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actual, |
natureof Armenian |
once |
again, |
the cen- |
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heterogeneous |
society, namely, |
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trifugal,feudalnaXararsystem, and the existence of a RomanLesserArmenia, a GreaterArmenia,and southernArmenianareas independentof both. Nonetheless, this terminology,and, as we shall observe, much more, does indicate
that, |
despite |
this |
it is |
for one to |
speak |
of |
the exist- |
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heterogeneity, |
appropriate |
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ence of an Armeniannation, however nebulous that nation might have been.
62)Mec Hayk' refers to "GreaterArmenia."Faustususes the term Hayk', "Armenia,"and Mec Hayk' as synonyms, with no referenceto the Roman Lesser Armenia, see P'awstos 1989, p. 480.
63)P'awstos 1989, p. 379. Hayk' is singularnominative;Hayoc' is plural nominative and
genitive.
64) This terminologicalconflation can also often be seen with clans and tribes, for example, the clan and its territorywere both called naXararut'iwnby Khorenats'i, see Adontz 1970, p. 371. To repeat, such a terminologicalconflation indicates that this fiction of a translocal kinship of blood relation has as its basis a territorialreferent. Once again, a similar conflation can be seen in the ancient Near East, see note 23.
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BORDERS,TERRITORYANDNATIONALITY |
21 |
These comments are equally relevant to an analysis of nationality in Europe during the middle ages.
In addition to the use of Hay (Hayk'), there are other indications of the existence of a cultural homogeneity constitutive of Armenia. There appears to have been not only a language common to the territory of Armenia,65)but also the awareness that it was constitutive of that territory.This may be seen in the term "land of Armenian speech," erkir haykakan lezui.
And all the azats (the lower nobility)and peasantsfromone border(sahman)to the otherof the entireterritory(pluralof sahman)of the land of Armeniamournedthe azats and all the peasantsand all the dwellersin the houseof T'orgomalike [all the speakers]-of-the-Armeniantongue.(Faustus'HistoriesV.xxx)
One presumes that the reference of the term "land of Armenian speech" encom-
passed Lesser as well as Greater Armenia.66)
We have observed, so far, terms that would appear to indicate the existence of two referents of the collective self-consciousness constitutive of a nation of
Armenia, a relation of a bounded areal jurisdiction, a territory, and a language (and after400 A.D. an Armenian scriptcommon to "Roman"Armeniaand "Persian"
Armenia67) which was seen as common to Armenians and their territory.
A third referent in the formation of an Armenian collective self-consciousness
was a belief in an ancestry common to all Armenians. In the above quotation from Faustus' Histories, reference is made to "all the dwellers in the house of T'orgom." We learn from Khorenats'i's History (I.xii) that Hayk, the term used to designate both Armenia and Armenians, was "son of T'orgom, son of T'iras, son of Gomer, son of Yapheth, [and] the ancestor of the Armenians." Clearly, Khorenats'i's description not only follows biblical models, but it actually places Armenia (Hayk) within biblical genealogy (see Genesis 10:3).68) The tendentiousness of such a description is obvious; less obvious is its significance.69)
The bounded, trans-local territorial relation characteristic of nationality ap- pears to engender, in varying degrees of saliency, the fiction of a kinship of ties of blood. Why this should be so is difficult to say. Perhaps because both land is life-sustaining and without its own territory or references to a territory be- lieved to be its own (and usually sovereignty over that territory) a nation ceases to "live," the idiom of the familial relation of the tie of blood-itself being the
65) Strabo 1854, Book XI, Chapter XIV, "they [the Armenians] all speak the same language."
66)P'awstos 1989, p. 524.
67)Thomson 1994, p. 38.
68)See also Agathangelos 1976, p. xvi.
69)For the probableetymology of Hayk and its relation to the term Armenia, see the various discussions in Toumanoff 1963.
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22 STEVEN GROSBY
most obvious idiom of factors expressiveof the generationand sustenanceof life-is attributedto territorialrelations.In any event, in antiquity,the obvious parallelexample to Hay/Haykis "Israel,"the term applyingto both the fictitious ancestryand the nation.Havingobservedthreeelementsevidentlyconstitutive of Armeniansociety, let us turnbrieflyto the existenceof conceptionsof the territorialboundariesof that society.
We have alreadyseen examplesof use of the terms"border"(sahman)and "territory"(wherethe pluralof sahmanis used) in ancientArmenianhistoriog- raphy.Characteristicof the many uses of these termsis the following excerpt from Faustus'Histories(V.xx).
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and |
he |
[Mu'el, |
commanderof the Armenian |
was at |
work, |
striv- |
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night |
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ing |
and |
to |
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andhe didnotallow |
any--not |
one |
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soil tobe |
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straining go |
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war, |
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handful--of |
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taken |
fromthe confines |
of the landof |
Armenia.70) |
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awayanywhere |
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The tumultuous history of |
the area, in particular Armenia being situated be- |
tween the Romanand Persianempires,was not conduciveto the establishment
of stableborders |
theentire"landof Armenian |
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theredid exist |
encompassing |
speech."Nevertheless, |
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of the bounded |
of Greater |
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relativelypreciseconceptions |
territory |
Armenia.In Faustus'Histories (III.vii),we read thatenemies of Armenia(pos- sibly Iberians)
scatteredand |
over |
all the |
way |
to the small |
city |
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spreadaltogether |
[Armenia's]territory |
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of Satalandto Ganjak,[whichis] the borderof Atrpatakan. |
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Satal was at the far northwestern end of Greater Armenia and Ganjak was its far southeastern end, thus marking the borders of Greater Armenia at the time. A more detailed description of the territoryis provided in Agathangelos' History (dcccxlii) in the discussion of the geographical extent of the missionary work
of Gregory.71)
Thus |
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thewholelandof |
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fromend to |
end, |
he extendedthelaborof |
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throughout |
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the |
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of Satalato thelandof |
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preaching |
gospel. |
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Khaltik', Kalarjik, |
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very |
bordersof the |
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to the |
gate |
of the Alans,to thebordersof the |
Kaspk', |
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fromthe |
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of Amidato the |
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of |
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thebordersof |
kingdom; |
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the landof Nor-Shirakanand |
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passedalong |
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Syria, |
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the securelandof theMedes,to thehouseof the |
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Mahk'r-tun Azerbaijan- |
he spread his gospel-preaching.
70)Note also the reference to "native land" in Elishe 1982, p. 131, "Theirgeneral him- self took responsibilityfor the rear ranks;posting guards to the front and rear and the sides, he brought the army back safe and sound in thirty days near to the borders of their native land."
71)See also the detailed description of the borderlandsof GreaterArmenia in P'awstos 1989, IV.1.
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BORDERS,TERRITORYAND NATIONALITY |
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24 STEVEN GROSBY
Anotherdescriptionof the territorialboundariesof GreaterArmeniais to be found in Ananiasof Sirak's Geography.Ananiasdescribedin greatdetail how GreaterArmeniawas composedof fifteen areas.Each of the fifteen areaswas furtheranalyzedby Ananias in considerabledetail, specificallythe bordersof each areawere given and, then,each area'sconstitutivedistrictswere listed and
described. |
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even |
though |
Ananias' |
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was modelledafter |
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Unfortunately, |
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Geography |
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of |
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various ancient |
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and, as such, is most |
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not an |
example |
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geographies |
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certainly |
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Christian |
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its |
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of GreaterArmeniais still unreliable. |
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historiography, |
description |
Ananias' |
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Written |
in the |
early |
seventh |
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Geographyappears |
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probably |
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century,72) |
to conflatedescriptionsof GreaterArmeniafrom two differenteras, one being GreaterArmeniabeforeits divisionin 387, and the secondbeing Armeniaafter
591. Indicativeof the |
of Ananias' |
image |
of GreaterArmeniais the |
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artificiality |
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fact thatat no periodof time did the fifteenareasof GreaterArmenia,as listed and describedby Ananias,exist at the same time.73)Nonetheless,it is of some
significancethatthereexisted such a relativelyprecisegeographicalconception
of the |
of GreaterArmenia. |
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territory |
Needless to say, boundariesin antiquitywere often provided, as it were, naturally,for example, the Euphrateswas the boundarybetween Lesser and GreaterArmeniabefore387 andthe Nymphiosrivermarkedthe borderbetween Romanand PersianArmeniaafterthe division of 387.74) However,any conclusion thatboundariesin antiquitywere only establishedby such physicalmarkers as riversor mountainrangesis unwarranted.75)Note, for example,Khorenats'i's (II.lvi) descriptionof the bordersestablishedby Artashes.76)
Andhe establishedmarkersfor thebordersin the followingway:he orderedfour-sided stonesto be hewn,theircentersto be hallowedout like plates,andthattheybe buried in theearth.Overthemhe hadfittedfour-sidedobelisks,a littlehigherthantheground.
Furthermore,it would appearthat the Armeniansmay have also distinguished conceptuallya more precise boundaryfrom a more imprecisefrontier.As we have observed,the wordsahmandesignateda boundary,andits pluralindicated the relativelyprecisejurisdictionof the area within a set of boundaries,i.e. a territory.However, there is anotherterm marz which, in contrastto sahman, may have meant"borderdistrict"or perhaps"frontier."
72)See Hewsen's introductionto Ananias 1992, pp. 15, 33.
73)Ananias 1992, pp. 59, 146-50.
74)For the "natural"boundariesof Armenia,see Strabo 1854; Pliny 1942, Book VI, chap-
ter 10; Ptolemy 1932, pp. 123-25.
75)Recall the boundary established between Hamath and Arpad as described by the Antakya Stele (Donbaz 1990, p. 7), and the boundarystone, tahumu, of Adad-nerariIII as described in the Pazarcik Stele (Donbaz 1990, p. 9).
76)See also, for example, Agathangelos 176, p. xxxvi, where ditches were dug to fix the
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|
BORDERS,TERRITORYAND NATIONALITY |
25 |
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The |
of a |
boundedshared |
language |
and the belief in |
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recognition |
territorially |
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a commonancestryof those who speakthatlanguageand dwell in thatterritory are not the only examples of a relationof relativesociologicaluniformitychar-
acteristicof |
nationality |
to be found in the ancient |
of |
(Greater) |
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historiography |
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Another |
of sucha relationoccursinFaustus'Histories |
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Armenia.77) |
strikingexample |
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(III.xxi)when an Armenian"council"meets in the aftermathof the Persiankid- nappingof the Armenianking, Tiran.
Thenthemenof therealmof thelandof Armenia-thenaXarars(noble"dukes"),mag-
nates,nobleskusakals asXarhakals(administrators),and azats (retainers), (governors),
the armyleaders,judges,chieftans,andprinces,not to mentionthe armycommanders
andeven |
of the ramik |
andsinakan |
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ered |
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[some/many?] |
(ordinarypeople) |
(peasantry)--gath- |
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in a councilof still |
accord. |
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together |
greater |
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Faustusappearshere and in otherplaces to be describingan institutionwhich
resembles a national |
This |
of the |
assembly |
of the Ar- |
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assembly.7") |
description |
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menianpeople is also reminiscentof descriptionsindicativeof the existence of othernations,for example,once again,Josiahbefore all the people of Israelas
in 2 Kings 23. portrayed
Conclusion
In the cases of Edom, and especially "all Aram"and ancientArmenia,there are termswhich, as Nicholas Adontz put it, are themselves"thebest witnesses
and |
of |
historicallife." The |
difficultyis, |
of |
course, |
the |
conceptions |
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interpreters |
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which we employ in our attemptto understandthese philologicalkernelsof historical significance.The unavoidablefact is that in these threeexamples,spanning a period of more than a thousand years, there exist terms signifying bounded,trans-localterritorialrelations.How are we to understandthem?
Whateverambiguitiessurroundthese termsand however limited is the evidence, this much is clear: there existed in the ancientNear East and Armenia termsthat indicatethe existence of boundedterritorialrelationsspanninglocal- ity and"tribe."If we restrictouruse of the term"tribe"to indicatea collectivity
the |
of which is based |
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on familialdescent,then |
clearly |
it |
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membership |
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primarily |
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is insufficientas |
a |
descriptivecategory |
for the |
trans-localsocieties |
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territorially |
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borders, and P'awstos 1989, IV.i for the setting of the boundaryline markingthe division of Armenia of 387 A.D.
77)Consider also the apparentrecognition that certain beliefs and actions were appropri- ate only for Armenian soil, P'awstos 1989, IV.liv.
78)See also especially P'awstos 1989 IV.li, where the council is described as meeting without the king and in opposition to him. For other references to the council, zolov, in the
ancient Armenian histories, see Garsoian 1985b, note 46.
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26 STEVEN GROSBY
of Edom,"all Aram,"and Armenia.To recognizethat the fictionof relationby blood is attributedto relativelyextensive,yet boundedterritorialco-residence- as was the case for ancientIsrael and Armenia,and apparentlyfor Edom and perhaps"all Aram"--shouldmean to leave behindthe categoryof "tribe"and
enter into the |
category |
of |
constitutedtribesof limited |
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nationality.Territorially |
locality in the ancientNear East, as describedby M.B. Rowton a numberof
years ago |
in the |
pages |
of this |
an |
transitionalcat- |
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journal,79)represent |
analytical, |
egory between tribe and the bounded, territorially more extensive nation. Rowton described such polities, when sovereign, as dimorphicstates, where thereis a tribalconfederationwhich is centeredon a town and a dynastywithin a tribalterritory.One of the implicationsof the argumentof this article is to clarify whatever ambiguityexists in Rowton's use of the term "centered."It would seem that the use of "centered"in Rowton's descriptionof dimorphic statesindicatesthe presenceof a territorialreferentin the traditionsconstitutive
of a |
-a |
referent |
in |
is at the basis of a |
trans- |
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collectivity |
which, |
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turn, |
(fictitious) |
local |
of bloodrelation.Sucha |
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is whataccountsfortheconflation |
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kinship |
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"centering" |
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betweenthose termsthatdesignateboth a boundedareaof landand a "people."
Our |
of |
the fact of the |
very |
existence of these terms of ex- |
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understanding |
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tended,yet boundedterritorialrelationwill be advancedif certainanachronistic assumptionsare laid to rest. One such assumptionis that nationalityis exclu-
sively |
a modern |
One of the |
of this |
brief and |
phenomenon. |
purposes |
admittedly |
schematicanalysisis to show the usefulnessof analyzingthe existenceof these termsof territorialrelationfrom the perspectiveof the categoryof that territo-
rial collectivityof nativity,nationality.To be sure,thereare good reasons,especially in the case of "all Aram,"to qualify the applicationof the classificatory concept of nationality.Yet, even with "all Aram,"it is helpful to considerin
what |
ways |
"all Aram"was and was not a |
nation, |
in |
in what |
ways |
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particular, |
"all Aram"had apparentlynot yet achieved a constitutiveterritorialstability.
These and other |
do not invalidatethe meritof |
applying |
this cat- |
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qualifications |
|
egory of analysisto certainancientcollectivities.Moreover,such an application is an example of the contributionthat the study of the ancientNear East and Orientcan maketo the studyof medievaland modernEuropeby deepeningour
of nationality.A nation is a relation,a form of collective selfunderstanding
consciousness,of a large numberof individualswith an image of a bounded, trans-localterritoryas a constitutivereferentof that relation.As a relation,a nationis a living entity,requiringcontinualreanimationof the forms of the relation, that is, requiringadherenceto its existence throughreaffirmationof the conceptualreferentsaroundwhich the relationof collective self-consciousness
79) Rowton 1974.
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BORDERS,TERRITORYAND NATIONALITY |
27 |
is constituted.As a living relation,any nationis completewith heterogeneous, centrifugalas well as centralizingtendencies.Thatthis is so was obviousin the case of ancientArmenia.It is also certainlythe case with the modernnational state.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adontz, Nicholas
1970
Agathangelos
1976
Ananias
Armenia in the Period of Justinian (Lisbon: Calouste GulbenkianFoundation), originally published in 1908.
Agathangelos, History of the Armenians, trans. R.W. Thomson (Albany: State University of New York Press).
1992 |
The |
Geography of |
Ananias |
trans.Robert Hewsen |
|
|
|
of Sirak (ASXARHAC'OYC'), |
|
|
(Wiesbaden: Reichert). |
|
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Astour, Michael |
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|
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1963 |
"Place-names from the Kingdom of Alalah in the North Syrian List of Thut- |
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