- •Abstract
- •Involved in recognizing nianhua as a living entity.
- •Innovating the Auspicious: Mianzhu’s Door Deity Markets….………..………………… 25
- •List of figures
- •Glossary
- •Acknowledgements
- •In Sichuan, I am ever grateful to my mentor Liu Zhumei, an accomplished artist
- •Is far more complicated than a restaging of traditional practices.7
- •Variety of works appears on doorways as door deities and spring couplets, including
- •3,250,000 In 1736 and to an impressive 21,400,000 recorded in the 1812 state census.34
- •In Mianzhu reached a high level of development, with over one hundred large workshops
- •53 Anthropologist Stefan Landesberger has studied how printed images tied to the “Mao cult” of the
- •Nianhua as a Living Archive?
- •In recent years however, the disciplines of anthropology and art history both
- •In response to Asad’s argument, Catherine Bell contends that ritual practices
- •Visual symbolism of nianhua, the central issue of its ephemerality has largely gone
- •Involvement of state agencies in collecting, exhibiting, and commodifying nianhua has
- •Performing Engaged Research
- •Chapter Breakdown
- •Including the ritual significance of many historic nianhua.
- •Harnessing the Seasonal Nianhua Market
- •Variety of printed works (fig. 21). A curious crowd is gathered around the stand to
- •Instead of focusing on objects or practices in isolation, the notion of an agentic
- •Reunion and Regeneration: Nianhua and the Lunar New Year
- •In Mianzhu, I observed a less structured approach to celebrating the Lunar New
- •Images of Chairman Mao and communist soldiers were circulated and consumed during
- •Variety to choose from and the images are not expensive. They also get more
- •Lineage-making Strategies for Reclaiming Authority in the Nianhua Marketplace
- •Imposition of European concepts of “descent,” especially in the concept of zongwhich
- •Wang Family Lineage
- •It is significant that Wang chose to share his lineage documents before taking out
- •In contrast to the carvers, printers, and those trained in the final stages of coloring
- •In the other hand, a blessed citron fruit known as a Buddha’s hand . All three figures
- •In examining Wang’s sketches and lineage documents alongside his finished
- •The Northern School of Mianzhu Nianhua
- •Industry as apprentices and hired hands. While year-round designers such as the Wang
- •Various kinship terms of zu and zong used by Wang Xingru in reference to his position in
- •The Southern School of Mianzhu Nianhua
- •Conclusion
- •Including art historian Catherine Pagani’s study of Chinese popular prints based on the
- •The Medicine King: Performative Gestures and the Art of Storytelling
- •I will begin with a critique of a storytelling session that vividly captures how an
- •In her hair. It got stuck in the crevice between his teeth. [Bares his teeth and
- •2006 With Han Gang, we met with Chen Xingcai’s eldest grandson Chen Gang, who was
- •In the oral culture of nianhua. For instance, Wang Shucun has commented on orally
- •Transformations Between Theater and Print
- •Recovering Narrative Density in Greeting Spring
- •Conclusion
- •Mianzhu Nianhua Museum: Putting the Past in its Place
- •In summary form by the leading researcher Shi Weian. According to Shi, the team
- •In framing the historical context of nianhua, the museum displays directly reflect
- •Contesting Heritage: Nianhua Makers Stake Their Claims
- •Mianzhu’s Nianhua Village and the Rise of Intangible Heritage Tourism
- •In its murals. On the other hand, it presents nianhua’s intangible heritage as a temporal
- •Village and its murals. Reflecting the propagandistic messages of “social harmony”
- •Is also the character for “earth” (tu ), a rather derogatory word often used to describe an
- •Racing for the Intangible: the Nianhua Festival as Performative Statecraft
- •Is carefully depicted to reflect age, class status, and/or a clearly defined role in the
- •The High-end Heritage Industry: Replicas and Remakes
- •In contrast to the painting term linmo, which allows for a degree of interpretation
- •Conclusion
- •Chapter Five: Conclusion
- •An Industry Based on Innovation
- •In Chapter Two, I stressed this point by examining the innovative practices
- •In this study, I selected interview excerpts that best demonstrated the performative
- •Vested interests in keeping the tangible and intangible aspects of nianhua distinct. Instead
- •Interests.
- •Demystifying the Auspicious
- •Impossible to tease out the continuities and changes of the nianhua industry. Indeed both
- •Future Directions and Post-Earthquake Reconstruction
- •Figures
- •Bibliography
- •Xisu ji qi xiandai kaifa” [The modern
Interests.
Clearly there are high stakes involved in privileging the state’s nianhua archive
while banishing the embodied repertoire of ritual practices to the past, a position long
supported by the folk art scholarship’s focus on archival research. In defining heritage as
the tangible assets of the past, state agencies have justified collection activities that
remove nianhua from local families and workshops under the rubric of protection and
preservation. However, in acknowledging the role of nianhua within embodied forms of
knowledge transmission, this study has critiqued the consequences of such actions and
challenged the state’s self-appointed role as the rightful custodians and narrators of
historic nianhua. In considering nianhua as a living archive, it is possible to critique the
constructed nature of both the permanent and ephemeral archives in circulation. This
unmasks the state’s continual efforts to maintain the privileged status of its archives, by
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repackaging, reproducing, and recirculating the historic nianhua in their possession.
Theses official activities must struggle to keep up with the broader array of nianhua
activities developing in the community at large as the notion of the authentic or historic
original holds little ground in a seasonal nianhua industry based on the mass reproduction
of inexpensive ephemera.
It is important to note that the state revival activities I have analyzed here are not
an isolated phenomenon unique to Mianzhu. Since the early 1980s, very similar state-led
revival activities have been implemented in major nianhua centers across China,
including Yangliuqing, Wuqiang, and Weifang. At all three sites, nianhua museums
housing state collections have opened to the public along with the state-sponsored
construction of large-scale nianhua-themed tourist attractions. The debates addressed in
this dissertation are thus directly relevant to the broader trends occurring in China’s
growing nianhua industry.
Demystifying the Auspicious
In addition to underscoring the vital importance of theorizing the archive in
relation to its attendant repertoire of embodied activities, this study also makes a key
contribution in rethinking the auspicious or portentous concepts associated with Chinese
nianhua. In the introduction, I reviewed the literature that identifies a shared system of
auspicious signs, symbols, motifs, and themes in Chinese popular art, a view first
established in early 20th century Sinology where scholars produced visual grammars to
organize and categorize auspicious designs in a way that pays little attention to their
contexts of use. The legacy of this approach has carried forth in nianhua research, where
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works have been treated as visual or historic texts encoded by a static system of signs and
symbols. In taking a performative view of nianhua however, I have argued for an
alternate approach that treats nianhua as unstable and multivalent entities that give rise to
diverse auspicious or portentous meanings when analyzed in situ.
A key problem is that existing studies have tended to focus on issues of
production and representation with less attention given to the issues of circulation and use.
When ritual consumption is discussed, it has been largely confined to the insular space of
the rural household, a protected space that reifies the notion of a prescriptive and timeless
tradition shaped by a shared sign system. In moving the discussion into the realm of the
nianhua marketplace, this study examined the interconnected spaces of the household,
marketplace, and workshop to argue that meaning is not fixed in nianhua but
continuously performed in different situations that take on the changing conceptions of
the auspicious as tied to people’s everyday needs and livelihood. In many cases, nianhua
are often circulated and displayed in ways that mark out auspicious time and space so that
meaning is not simply represented but presented in specific spatiotemporal configurations
of the home or marketplace. The resurgence of the nianhua industry in the wake of the
Cultural Revolution was not simply an attempt to fill a “spiritual void” or to return to
traditional values, but a result of many complex social factors tied to people’s survival
needs, including the exchange of ritual commodities for livelihood and people’s attempts
to reestablish social ties and networks at the local level.
The notion of “pursuing the auspicious, repelling the portentous” is thus broad
and open-ended; it encompasses the many acts of ritual renewal during the Lunar New
Year as well as everyday efforts to strengthen social relations and to attract “all that is
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good” to the home or business. It is an inclusive concept that is not only tied to
cosmological concerns, but also the mundane concerns of daily life. For those directly
engaged in the nianhua industry as producers or distributors, knowledge of auspicious
sites and times carries symbolic capital that can boost one’s position in the marketplace.
A vivid example is the state funded construction of the Nianhua Village and the
appropriation of historic sites to recreate auspicious environments through painted murals
and traditional architectural forms. The staging of the Nianhua Festival at the end of the
year also capitalizes on the auspicious Lunar New Year season. This is not unlike the way
Mianzhu’s early print guilds competed for auspicious sites and dates to hold their
seasonal print markets and guild banquets.
Another key point of intervention here revolves around nianhua’s problematic
status as a form of folk art, where auspicious or portentous meanings are interpreted in
terms of visual representation. In stressing the dialectical interactions of the archive and
the repertoire however, this study unpacks the visual dimension of nianhua as a
synaesthetic practice, where all the senses are engaged. In particular, I have underscored
the aural dimensions of nianhua, where narrative cues and rebuses activate auspicious
speech and storytelling. In some cases, mundane objects are appropriated and displayed
as nianhua simply due to an aural association with the auspicious. This includes the use
of ephemeral blocks of ice or chunks of coal to stand in for protective door deities.
In light of the multifaceted and multisensorial nature of nianhua, I have avoided
the use of a single disciplinary lens to provide a fixed definition of nianhua as folk art,
print culture, or visual culture. These categories illuminate different aspects of nianhua,
often revealing more about their disciplinary boundaries than the everyday activities of
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Mianzhu’s nianhua makers and users. In the introduction, I argued for an
interdisciplinary perspective that acknowledges the different discourses that inform
nianhua studies, including the anthropological research in Chinese popular religion as
well as the research in art history and visual culture. Building on the work of Craig
Clunas who also writes at the intersection of visual and material culture studies, I have set
forth the notion of the living nianhua archive, a concept that underscores the unstable,
contingent, and constructed nature of nianhua.
The notion of the living archive has been a productive framework for challenging
the privileged status of historic nianhua and for moving the discussion towards the
contestations of meaning in Mianzhu’s contemporary nianhua industry. However, the
question remains of how to define the boundaries of this living archive? Where does it
begin and where does it end? What, finally, constitutes a work of nianhua? In a sense,
every chapter of this study has been probing this question, exploring the different realms
of ritual practice, narrativity, and folk art heritage to map out the actual terrain of nianhua
as they appear in their lived contexts. Although the term has come to include new media
and changing modes of display and use, the notion of “pursuing the auspicious, repelling
the portentous” is still a central defining feature that determines what is and isn’t suited
for display as nianhua. However, this notion is in itself open-ended and does not
necessarily signal a shared set of beliefs and values. Just the contrary, it is this openended
aspect of it that allows for competing discourses to come into play on a continual
basis.
While earlier studies by Wang Shucun and Bo Songnian have also cited “pursuing
the auspicious, repelling the portentous” as the defining feature of nianhua across time
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and space, there has been no concerted effort to nuance and situate the concept as a site of
negotiation, contestation, and innovation at the local level. This is what sets this study
apart from the existing literature on nianhua, as the focus is on deconstructing nianhua
discourses to get at the local and regional specificities of how the concept is taken up and
deployed. As seen in Mianzhu, the local dialect names for the different items of ritual
ephemera are still in use alongside the state-led nianhua revival and its dissemination of
folk art discourses. Ritual practices for pursuing the auspicious and repelling the
portentous are still vibrant in everyday life just as museums and heritage sites are being
built to reconstruct the imagined world of nianhua’s rural past.
The big picture that emerges here is a veritable palimpsest of past and present
practices superimposed on each other and evolving in tandem so that it becomes quite
