- •Abstract
- •Involved in recognizing nianhua as a living entity.
- •Innovating the Auspicious: Mianzhu’s Door Deity Markets….………..………………… 25
- •List of figures
- •Glossary
- •Acknowledgements
- •In Sichuan, I am ever grateful to my mentor Liu Zhumei, an accomplished artist
- •Is far more complicated than a restaging of traditional practices.7
- •Variety of works appears on doorways as door deities and spring couplets, including
- •3,250,000 In 1736 and to an impressive 21,400,000 recorded in the 1812 state census.34
- •In Mianzhu reached a high level of development, with over one hundred large workshops
- •53 Anthropologist Stefan Landesberger has studied how printed images tied to the “Mao cult” of the
- •Nianhua as a Living Archive?
- •In recent years however, the disciplines of anthropology and art history both
- •In response to Asad’s argument, Catherine Bell contends that ritual practices
- •Visual symbolism of nianhua, the central issue of its ephemerality has largely gone
- •Involvement of state agencies in collecting, exhibiting, and commodifying nianhua has
- •Performing Engaged Research
- •Chapter Breakdown
- •Including the ritual significance of many historic nianhua.
- •Harnessing the Seasonal Nianhua Market
- •Variety of printed works (fig. 21). A curious crowd is gathered around the stand to
- •Instead of focusing on objects or practices in isolation, the notion of an agentic
- •Reunion and Regeneration: Nianhua and the Lunar New Year
- •In Mianzhu, I observed a less structured approach to celebrating the Lunar New
- •Images of Chairman Mao and communist soldiers were circulated and consumed during
- •Variety to choose from and the images are not expensive. They also get more
- •Lineage-making Strategies for Reclaiming Authority in the Nianhua Marketplace
- •Imposition of European concepts of “descent,” especially in the concept of zongwhich
- •Wang Family Lineage
- •It is significant that Wang chose to share his lineage documents before taking out
- •In contrast to the carvers, printers, and those trained in the final stages of coloring
- •In the other hand, a blessed citron fruit known as a Buddha’s hand . All three figures
- •In examining Wang’s sketches and lineage documents alongside his finished
- •The Northern School of Mianzhu Nianhua
- •Industry as apprentices and hired hands. While year-round designers such as the Wang
- •Various kinship terms of zu and zong used by Wang Xingru in reference to his position in
- •The Southern School of Mianzhu Nianhua
- •Conclusion
- •Including art historian Catherine Pagani’s study of Chinese popular prints based on the
- •The Medicine King: Performative Gestures and the Art of Storytelling
- •I will begin with a critique of a storytelling session that vividly captures how an
- •In her hair. It got stuck in the crevice between his teeth. [Bares his teeth and
- •2006 With Han Gang, we met with Chen Xingcai’s eldest grandson Chen Gang, who was
- •In the oral culture of nianhua. For instance, Wang Shucun has commented on orally
- •Transformations Between Theater and Print
- •Recovering Narrative Density in Greeting Spring
- •Conclusion
- •Mianzhu Nianhua Museum: Putting the Past in its Place
- •In summary form by the leading researcher Shi Weian. According to Shi, the team
- •In framing the historical context of nianhua, the museum displays directly reflect
- •Contesting Heritage: Nianhua Makers Stake Their Claims
- •Mianzhu’s Nianhua Village and the Rise of Intangible Heritage Tourism
- •In its murals. On the other hand, it presents nianhua’s intangible heritage as a temporal
- •Village and its murals. Reflecting the propagandistic messages of “social harmony”
- •Is also the character for “earth” (tu ), a rather derogatory word often used to describe an
- •Racing for the Intangible: the Nianhua Festival as Performative Statecraft
- •Is carefully depicted to reflect age, class status, and/or a clearly defined role in the
- •The High-end Heritage Industry: Replicas and Remakes
- •In contrast to the painting term linmo, which allows for a degree of interpretation
- •Conclusion
- •Chapter Five: Conclusion
- •An Industry Based on Innovation
- •In Chapter Two, I stressed this point by examining the innovative practices
- •In this study, I selected interview excerpts that best demonstrated the performative
- •Vested interests in keeping the tangible and intangible aspects of nianhua distinct. Instead
- •Interests.
- •Demystifying the Auspicious
- •Impossible to tease out the continuities and changes of the nianhua industry. Indeed both
- •Future Directions and Post-Earthquake Reconstruction
- •Figures
- •Bibliography
- •Xisu ji qi xiandai kaifa” [The modern
Mianzhu Nianhua Museum: Putting the Past in its Place
In 1978, just as state policies relaxed around traditional forms of cultural
production, the notion of heritage protection was redeployed to legitimize the state’s
control over cultural resources at the local level. The vigorous energy dedicated towards
heritage preservation and management reflects a certain anxiety over the state’s changing
stance towards traditional arts and culture. In Mianzhu, officials dealt with this
uncertainty by reinstating the more familiar and tested methods of the 1950s and 1960s,
including the collection of nianhua from local households, conducting interviews, and
setting up production teams to produce state sanctioned nianhua.287 As in the reform era,
the bureau once again exerted state jurisdiction over all historic nianhua as state artifacts
and renewed the 1960 provincial mandate to “rescue of folk art heritage”
. While the earlier print reforms sought to rescue heritage in order to weed out
“feudal superstition” and to produce politically sanctioned nianhua, the 1980s
revival movement sought to recuperate previously banned works in order to launch a folk
art export industry. In this section, I will examine how this process of recuperation
culminates in the extensive displays of historic nianhua at the Mianzhu Nianhua
Museum, a state-run institution that opened in 1996 to “preserve, protect, and promote”
287 Shi Weian , "Sichuan sheng wenhua guanzhang peixunban jianggao"
[Lecture for the Sichuan Cultural Affairs Bureau directors' training]," in Mianzhu nianhua zhiyin - Shi
Weian yu minjian yishu Mianzhu Nianhua: Shi Wei An's Collected
Writings on Folk Art , ed. Hou Rong (Chengdu: Sichuan meishu chubanshe, 1984).
181
Mianzhu’s nianhua heritage. I will draw attention to the problematic provenance of the
museum collection as well as the tensions and incongruities that emerge between the
actual works and the museum’s strategies of heritage display.
The provenance of the museum’s prized collection historic nianhua is shrouded in
mystery. Works were first collected in 1960 when state nianhua researchers Shi Weian
and Fu Wenshu were charged with the duty of rescuing Mianzhu’s nianhua heritage.
With the assistance of elder printmakers and local informants, they collected some 200
historic nianhua roughly dated to the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These
were taken from local households, abandoned storage rooms of former printshops, and
even a salvage yard that was preparing to burn a large pile of prints as garbage. The
specific details of these collection activities are lacking, as the mission was only recorded
In summary form by the leading researcher Shi Weian. According to Shi, the team
collected “about 100 door deity works that included over twenty pairs of hand painted
door deity designs dating to the Ming and Qing period, 118 carved wooden blocks and
rubbing blocks, and other miscellaneous painted works.”288
According to firsthand accounts, the bulk of the works were transferred from
Mianzhu’s Cultural Affairs Bureau, where they had only survived the Cultural
Revolution due to the clandestine efforts of the bureau chiefs. In April of 1966, two of the
bureau directors, Huang Zonghou and Hou Shiwu made a secret pact to
build a fake wall in the main office to hide the most treasured works. Two years later, the
works were discovered by a group of maintenance workers, who began burning the old
288 According to Shi, they found the works just in time as they were being carted to a salvage yard to be
sold as paper waste for recycling. The works were stored as overstocked items from an old paper shop that
was being cleaned out by the descendants of the owner. Shi Weian , “Mianzhu menshen yishi”
[Mianzhu door deity anecdotes], Deyang Daily , March 2, 1996.
182
printing blocks as firewood to keep warm. By the time Hou arrived to stop the workers,
thirty blocks had been destroyed. The remaining eighty-eight carved blocks, prints, and
paintings survived to form the most complete and high quality set of historic nianhua
from Mianzhu. 289
Despite the rather haphazard survival of these works, they were immediately
displayed in nianhua exhibitions that framed them as a representative collection of
traditional Mianzhu nianhua. During the 1980s, a series of touring exhibitions were
organized, showcasing these works as “traditional nianhua” . They were
displayed alongside “modern nianhua” , new works by trained art academy
artists commissioned by the state that depicted themes related to the “Four
Modernizations” campaign, such as images of scientific progress, education, and
consumer goods.290 In line with the new national agenda to open up Chinese markets to
global trade, the touring exhibitions served multiple purposes tied to cultural exchange,
diplomacy, and trade, where the works themselves narrated China’s smooth transition to
modernity on the global stage. By 1985, Mianzhu nianhua had traveled to Hong Kong,
France, United States, Japan, Mali, and Burkina Faso in West Africa. A slew of national
exhibitions soon followed, attracting media attention and Mianzhu’s inclusion in a Hong
Kong documentary on Sichuan’s cultural attractions.291 Fueled by a larger “folk art fever”
289 Hou and Huang’s clandestine activities are recorded in a published interview with Hou in Shen Hong
, Mianzhu nianhua zhi lu Touring Mianzhu Nianhua(Beijing: Zhongguo huabao
chubanshe, 2006), 63-70.
290 John Gittings has commented on how posters reflected the “rapid shift in political culture” at the end of
the Cultural Revolution (1976-1979) when images of science, education, and consumerism “could now be
presented as primary targets of achievement.” See John Gittings, "Excess and Enthusiasm," in Picturing
Power in the People's Republic of China: Posters of the Cultural Revolution, ed. Harriet Evans and
Stephanie Donald (Boulder, CO: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.), 42.
291 For a discussion of the 1980s touring exhibitions of Mianzhu nianhua and the filming of the feature
documentary, Curiosities of Sichuan see Pan Peide , "Sichuan Mianzhu nianhua huigu yu
183
that was sweeping through China, these early revival activities were primarily geared
towards a global audience and did little to support the local nianhua industry.
By 1993, these exhibitions had garnered enough success to earn Mianzhu official
recognition as a Folk Art Hometown and state funds were allocated to build the Mianzhu
Nianhua Museum , a powerful institution that would secure the mandate
to preserve and to protect Mianzhu’s nianhua heritage for all future generations. Opened
to the public in 1996, the modern three-story building houses Mianzhu’s official nianhua
collection, which has now expanded to include about 800 works (fig. 63).292 In sharp
contrast to the cyclic economy of ephemeral door deities seen throughout Mianzhu’s
residential neighborhoods, the museum establishes alternate modes of viewing where
nianhua are presented as rare and permanent artifacts of historical and visual interest.
